In the latter part of February, 1861, I left my seat in the Congress of the United States, because I felt that I could no longer retain it with self-respect. I had up to that time opposed the idea of a dissolution of the Union, but the Republican majority had rejected many propositions for a compromise, by which it was hoped the Union might be preserved, and received all such suggestions for compromise with expression of derision, and gave the Southern members to understand that they were in the majority and would settle all matters in their own way.
When I reached New Orleans on my way home, I there learned that I had been elected a member of the constitutional convention of Texas, though I had not been a candidate. Instead of going directly to my home in Eastern Texas, I went directly to Austin, Texas, where the convention had met, arriving there on the morning of the third day of its session.
At the breakfast table at the hotel, on the morning of my arrival, I met quite a number of the delegates to the convention, and inquired of them whether any effort had been made to secure the cooperation of the State government with the convention. General Houston was then Governor, and was an avowed Union man. The delegates to whom I mentioned the matter advised me that no effort in that direction had been made; that they feared an offensive reception if they attempted to approach him on this subject.
I felt the great importance and necessity of securing the co-operation of the State government with the convention, in a matter of so great moment to the people of Texas and of the Southern States as the consideration of the question of dissolving our relations with the Federal government, and determined to see the Governor on this subject. Soon after breakfast I went to his office and found him there. I stated to him that I had called on him for a conference about a matter of great moment. He soon disposed of some routine business, and invited me into an adjoining room. I inquired of him if anything had been said to him about the co-operation of the State government with the constitutional convention. He answered that no one had spoken to him on that subject. I told him that was what I had come to talk with him about, to which he said, “You know I am opposed to secession.” I answered that I was aware of that, and stated that this matter had reached a point which involved the future of the States, and had passed beyond the consideration of individual interests; that he had long been recognized in Texas and in the South as one of the leaders of public opinion; that the people recognized his conservatism and the importance of his co-operation with them, and I expressed the hope that they might secure it. He said he had been born and reared in the South, had received all his honors from the South, and that he would not draw his sword against his own people. He continued: “Our people are going to war to perpetuate slavery, and the first gun fired in the war will be the knell of slavery.” I said to him that many people thought that if the South should show a united front, and readiness to maintain their position, this might induce the manufacturing and commercial interests of the North, and of Europe, and especially of Great Britain, to interpose their good offices for peace, and so avert an armed conflict. He said that this was a great mistake; that Great Britain had for forty years pursued a policy favoring the dissolution of the American Union; that she had two controlling reasons for pursuing this policy: one, her hostility to our free republican system of government, and the other to see our cotton industry interrupted by war until she could build up her cotton interests in India and thus be relieved of her dependency on the United States for cotton. He also said that France was still more hostile to our system of government than Great Britain, and desired a war here to give her time to build up her cotton interests in Algeria; and that neither of these governments would do anything to prevent a war among us. And he said that when hostilities were commenced that the people of the North would subordinate the manufacturing and commercial interests to their passion, and would not attempt to prevent a war.
On my renewing the question about the co-operation of the State government with the convention he said nothing had been done by the convention to that end. I then asked him if a committee from the convention should call on him if he would meet it in a friendly spirit, to which he answered that he would.
I went from his office to the hall of the convention and at once submitted a motion that a committee be appointed to wait on the Governor with a view of securing the joint action of the State government with the convention, which was adopted, and the president of the convention appointed a committee of five for that purpose, consisting of myself, Hon. Peter W. Gray, Col. Wm. P. Rogers, Colonel Still, and one other whose name I do not recall.
This committee called on the Governor that day at his office, and had a free, friendly conference with him, and were invited by him to the Governor's Mansion that evening and had another conference of some duration, but not ending in a formal agreement of co-operation.
Before leaving him he told us that if the Committee on Public Safety would call on him he could give them some information which might be serviceable to them. I communicated this information to Judge John C. Robertson, the chairman of that committee, and that committee also conferred with the Governor. I was not advised as to what occurred in that conference, but immediately afterwards the late General Ben McCulloch and others went to San Antonio and demanded and received the surrender of the Federal soldiers there, and took possession of their arms and supplies.
During the war I had occasion at different times to call the attention of President Davis and his cabinet to what Governor Houston had said about the English and French governments. I did this because of the noticeable fact that when the Confederate armies obtained a victory the British organs of public opinion encouraged the Federals, and when the Federal armies obtained a victory the same newspapers encouraged the Confederates.
I have often regretted that I neglected to write down the substance of the conversation between Governor Houston and myself when it was fresh in my memory, for it impressed me then, as it has ever since, as indicating his prophetic insight as to coming events.
The foregoing statement, while not as full as it might have been made at the time and without pretending to use the language then employed, does give an imperfect outline of what occurred.
How to cite:
Reagan, John H., "A CONVERSATION WITH GOVERNOR HOUSTON ", Volume 003, Number 4, Southwestern Historical Quarterly Online, Page 279 - 281. http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/publications/journals/shq/online/v003/n4/article_3.html
[Accessed Mon Dec 1 15:01:26 CST 2008]
