“The Mexican National Congress met on the first of January, 1835, in pursuance of the plan of Cuernavaca. The centralists had triumphed everywhere, except in the two states of Zacatecas and Coahuila and Texas.” 14 And steps were already in progress to establish the central authority in the Texas part of the latter state.
Near the last of January, 1835, 15 there arrived at Anahuac a detachment of thirty-four Mexican soldiers and two officers from the regiments of Abasola and Jimenes 16, sent by General Cos under the command of Captain Antonio Tenorio, to assist in re-establishing there the custom house. Anahuac was the chief port of the department of Nacogdoches, whose imports in 1834 were valued at $265,000 17, and the duties on these would perhaps have paid the government a small profit above the cost of collection; but it is easy to imagine in the renewed attempt to enforce the revenue laws at this time the beginning of a scheme for the gradual extension, under the color of constitutionality, of the central power over the province of Texas. No effort, however, had been made to collect customs in this department for “several years” 18—presumably not since the expulsion of Bradburn and Ugartechea in 1832,—and this violent precedent, together with the free trade habits fostered during the interim, augured ill for the comfort of the new officers.
Nor was colonial opposition the only difficulty with which Captain Tenorio had to contend. He seems to have come to Texas with instructions to garrison the Island of Galveston, but explained to Ugartechea, in a letter dated January 31, that after disembarking at Galveston, he had thought it best to proceed to Anahuac, “where there were means of living;” while at the same time he complained that he could do very little to prevent smuggling because of his lack of boats, that his force was too small “to compel respect for the national honor,” and that, being without cavalry or trustworthy messengers among the colonists, and the bi-weekly post established between Bexar and Nacogdoches not extending to Anahuac, his position was deplorably isolated. The soldier, who was to carry this letter to Brazoria, whence it would be forwarded to San Antonio, returned with it after an absence of some seven weeks, saying that the American, with whom he sailed for Velasco, landed him on the sand bar, where he was poisoned by the captain of the “Ojallo”—Ohio—which was stranded there, lest he should give information of the smuggling in which the vessel was engaged. 19
Tenorio promptly reported this to Colonel Ugartechea, and urged that postal service be provided between Anahuac and Nacogdoches; but more pressing troubles had now forced themselves upon his attention. His supplies were almost exhausted; the merchants refused to furnish him anything, “fearing very justly,” as he said, that the government, as in past years, would not pay them for advances made to the troops; and the revenue collector declared that he was forbidden to use the funds in his hands except for the payment of custom house employees, and that no assistance, therefore, should be expected from him in the support of the soldiers. Tenorio closed his letter with an earnest request that this officer be instructed to help him, else he should “be obliged to help himself in order to satisfy the first law of nature.” 20 Added to all these causes of uneasiness, he felt that an attack from the colonists was a possibility at any time, and he was insufficiently armed. The commander of the Mexican war schooner Moctezuma lent him three muskets, but he still needed five guns to complete his armament, and begged Ugartechea to forward them to him immediately. 21
Moreover, the hardships of the garrison were beginning to tell on the morale of the soldiers. Two of them went into the pay of the enemy, informing them of everything that went on in the quarters, and trying to induce their comrades to desert. Under their persuasions several of the soldiers did desert—five at one time, and others in smaller numbers—and Tenorio complained bitterly that not only would the civil authorities not help him to recover them, but that they actually had furnished them passports through the colonies. 22
The first rift in the sombre horizon of the sorely hárassed captain appeared when Lieutenant Ignacio Duran, of the battalion of Abasola, arrived on the first of May with reinforcements. He brought with him nine men, fifty guns, a hundred and fifty flints, and $2,310 for the payment of the troops. 23 Tenorio, having despaired of arousing his superiors to a sense of his critical condition by any number of letters, had dispatched Lieutenant Carles Ocampo to make a personal appeal to Ugartechea. 24 For the moment, then, this unexpected assistance induced in him a more hopeful view of the situation, but the customary gloom began again to settle around him when he found, on May 4, that the lumber which had been sent him “for the purpose of rebuilding Fort Dabis,” had been burned during the night. The outrage, he said, was the work “of a certain Mores,” whom he reported to the commissary of police, but that official, instead of arresting Mores, “took absolutely no steps whatever.” 25 And another difficulty now confronting him was the lack of non-commissioned officers. He therefore requested that he be empowered to regularly appoint corporals. 26
Tenorio was temporarily elated again about this time by an assertion of authority on the part of the Mexican schooner Moctezuma. The merchant vessel Martha being found without clearance papers, was captured and carried as a prize to Vera Cruz. 27 Nine passengers, on board without passports, were arrested and left in the custody of the custom house officer at Galveston. 28 And a rumor was abroad that while on her way to Vera Cruz, the Moctezuma had stopped at Velasco, and finding there the merchant vessel Columbia, also without clearance papers, had captured her too. The effect upon the colonists of thus tightening the reins of authority Tenorio deemed already salutary. “They are not so proud,” he wrote, “and they draw the conclusion that more troops are coming; because, as they say, this act indicates security, and that we have lost the fear that they imagine we have of them, since we now dare to harm them, which he did not do before.” 29
This exuberant confidence, however, was short lived. So far the discomforts of the garrison had been due mainly to original lack of equipment and subsequent neglect from the government; while the semi-passive hostility of the colonists had been only a vague cause of uneasiness in the background. Some of the latter for a time paid the duties levied on their goods; others promised to pay and often never redeemed their pledge; 30 while still others were considerate enough to bring in their cargoes under cover of night without disturbing the officers, and thus there was no occasion for friction. But in this arrangement lay the seed of discord. Those who paid began to murmur that the illicit trade of their less conscientious neighbors should be suppressed, and the latter probably grew envious of those fortunate individuals whose credit was good at the custom house and who were thereby enabled to introduce their merchandise free, without undergoing the inconvenience of smuggling. The result was that many soon refused openly to pay duties at all. 31
The discontent of the colonists was increased, too, from the fact that the revenue laws were not enforced consistently in different parts of the same section. The collector for the “ports of Galveston”—Galveston and Anahuac—was Don José Gonzalez, but apparently without authority, he stationed himself at Brazoria, a much more pleasant post, and began the discharge of his office by collecting only the tonnage duties, saying that he had no instruction to levy the specific duties of the tariff; 32 while at the same time his deputies, Gil Hernandez and Martin de Alegria took charge respectively of the custom houses at Galveston and Anahuac and attempted to enforce the tariff in its fullest extent. The opposition of the merchants of Anahuac had reached such a point by the middle of April as to induce the loyal Ayuntamiento of Liberty to issue a proclamation (April 17) informing “all the good citizens of this Jurisdiction that a proper obedience to the Laws is the first duty of a good citizen,” and that “the revenue laws like all other political laws are to be respected by those who come within the legitimate scope of their action.” They were of the opinion that the tariff was “disproportionate in some particulars and oppressive in others,” and stood in “great need of modification;” but thought this modification could only be effected by the national Congress, and in the meantime urged all “good citizens” to observe, and all military officers to enforce the revenue laws. 33
The irate citizens of Anahuac were little impressed by this appeal for the observance of the laws, but the suggestion that they might be modified seemed worth investigating; and so, on May 4, —the day on which Tenorio found his lumber burned—some twenty or twenty-five men gathered at the house of Benjamin Freeman, and framed a memorial to the governor of the state, asking him to intercede with Congress for a remission of the tariff in Texas. They gave as their reason for such a request, “That for several years past no duties have been demanded in any part of these colonies, and even now none are demanded at any port but that of Galveston; that this Jurisdiction is the poorest and least improved of any in all Texas; that though any part of these colonies are too poor to pay the regular duties according to the Mexican Tariff, this is the least able of any.*** And though they have so patiently submitted for so long a time to this injustice, they have at length resolved to pay no more, till custom houses shall be organized and duties collected throughout all the other parts of these colonies. *** The poverty of the citizens of these colonies and of this Jurisdiction in particular, their increasing population, the scarcity of provisions in the country, and the difficulty of securing supplies make it absolutely necessary that all kinds of provisions and groceries, and all other articles of absolute necessity, should be imported duty free, it being impossible to procure these things in a Mexican market, a sufficiency not being made in this country, and there being an insufficiency of money in the country to pay the duty on half the articles of absolute necessity to the existence of these colonies.***” 34
Following this address to the governor several resolutions were passed, one of which characteristically declared that until the object of the memorial could be accomplished, “no duties should be collected in this port unless the collection is also equally enforced throughout the province, nor until then will we pay any duties on importations into this port.” 35 And a copy of this was to be furnished the collector, Don José Gonzalez, who had relieved Señor De Alegria, his deputy at Anahuac, on April 25. The chairman of the meeting, William Hardin, having hastily departed for the United States, however, without affixing his official signature to these documents, they seem to have been considered invalidated and were never forwarded to their destinations.” 36
Nevertheless, the independent attitude of Anahuac can hardly be said to have been without effect. It doubtless hastened the departure of Gonzalez, who left for Mexico with his deputy and some of the custom house clerks on the ninth of May; 37 and reports of the meeting reaching General Cos at Matamoras probably did more than all Tenorio's previous complaints to arouse that gentleman to the importance of hastening reinforcements to Texas.
After the abandonment of his post by Gonzalez, Tenorio exercised the duties of a collector for a time—without authority, as he himself admitted, but he thought it would establish a disastrous precedent to allow ships to land their cargoes without any attempt to collect the duties, and felt that the end justified the means. 38 He must have been soon relieved by an authorized collector, however, for he tells us that on the eleventh of June the collector asked him for a guard of four soldiers and a corporal, giving as his reason for the request that Mr. Briscoe was going to call during the day to pay some duties which he owed and might attack the office. 39
“The office received no insult” on this occasion, writes Tenorio, but on the “night of the 12th the same Mr. Briscoe took from his house a box, and went to the sea shore to embark it; but the collector and the guard also went to the sea shore, and when they tried to arrest Briscoe and two other Americans they resisted with arms, and one of them—named Smith—was shot and wounded by one of the soldiers. * * * Mr. Briscoe was simply making fun of the collector with all this business, for when the box was opened, it was found to be full of mere rubbish.” 40 To Tenorio this seemed a maliciously planned joke, but the account of DeWitt Clinton Harris, one of the “two other Americans” with Briscoe, gives another view of it. 41 On his return to Harrisburg, Harris sent a report of this trouble to San Felipe, and his statement, together with other events which soon occurred there, hastened the climax of Tenorio's difficulties.
On May 26, General Cos wrote from Matamoras to inform the Anahuac commandant that the battalion of Morelos would embark immediately for Copano, whence they could be quickly distributed throughout Texas as occasion required, and that he had urged the general government to send additional reinforcements at once. In closing, he said: “You will operate in every case with extreme prudence, but if by any fatality the public order should be overturned, you are to proceed without any contemplation against whomsoever may occasion it without permitting for any cause the national arms and decorum to be tarnished.” 42 This note was not dispatched until about the middle of June, and the friends of Captain Tenorio, who seems to have been rather popular, seized the opportunity to send him congratulatory messages upon his approaching deliverance. On reaching Bexar, the express bearing these letters received another of a very encouraging tone from Colonel Ugartechea, expressing the belief that “these revolutionists will be ground down,” and that they should soon see each other. 43 All this would doubtless have proved extremely comforting to Tenorio; but it was the courier's ill luck at San Felipe, on June 21, to fall in with a contingent of the war party, and though he attempted to save his dispatches by passing them quickly to a friendly American, he was detected; and his captors were soon in possession of them. 44
News reaching the Texans some time before this of the deposition and imprisonment of their governor, Augustin Viesca, had caused a good deal of excitement; and J. B. Miller, the Political Chief of the Department of the Brazos, had asked that delegates from the different parts of his department meet at San Felipe on June 22 to consider the advisability of attempting a rescue. San Felipe itself was mainly in favor of war with Mexico, and the people were considerably elated by the capture of these dispatches, believing that the information contained in them would rouse the meeting of the next day into hostile action. Their hopes, however, were disappointed; the majority of the delegates, presided over by R. M. Williamson, 45 favored a policy of inaction and nothing was done. But the war party were determined, and secretly assembling later on 46 they appointed the Political Chief chairman of their meeting, 47 and passed resolutions authorizing W. B. Travis to collect a company of men and eject Tenorio from the garrison at Anahuac before the arrival of reinforcements. This commission he accepted the more cheerfully, perhaps, because, as he said, he had already been invited there for the same purpose by some of his friends, who were the “principal citizens” of the place, and who “were suffering under the despotic rule of the military.” 48
Travis immediately began the formation of a volunteer company, and in San Felipe and Harrisburg thirty men signed an agreement to meet at Lynch's ferry, and march against the garrison. Ten of these failed to start on the expedition, and three of the Harrisburg contingent withdrew at Vince's Bayou; but by the addition of eight men from Lynchburg and Spilman's Island the party was again increased to twenty-five. 49 A halt was made at Clopper's Point, and an election held, the result of which made Travis captain, Retson Morris, first lieutenant, and Ashmore Edwards, second lieutenant. The captain then appointed John W. Moore orderly sergeant. 50
The sloop Ohio, belonging to David Harris had been chartered at Harrisburg, and in this they all now embarked and proceeded toward Anahuac. When within about half a mile of the shore, the sloop was grounded, and Captain Travis ordered a shot to be fired by way of warning from the small cannon which they had on board, mounted on a pair of saw mill truck wheels. 51 The gun was then placed in one of the small boats, and they all rowed ashore, where Travis was met by a note from Tenorio asking the purpose of his visit. Travis replied that he had come to receive the surrender of the garrison. Tenorio asked that he be allowed till the next morning for consideration; but Travis informed him that he could have only one hour, and then, without waiting for the expiration of that, since it was growing dark, ordered an advance. But the Mexicans had made use of the delay to flee to the woods, and the Texans found the fort deserted. Travis soon received a message from Tenorio, however, asking for an interview on the river bank; and this being granted him, he held a council and decided, by his own account, “in view of the difficulty and uselessness of making a defense, that a capitulation should be made.” 52
On the next morning (June 30) the terms of the surrender were arranged. Twelve soldiers were to be allowed to retain their arms, as a protection against the Indians in their march toward Bexar, and the Mexican officers pledged themselves not to take up arms again against Texas. 53 Captain Harris says there were forty-tour Mexicans in the garrison, and that the Texan force had been increased by several accessions at Anahuac to about thirty. 54 Travis, writing to Henry Smith about a week after the capitulation, says, “I received sixty-four stands of arms (muskets and bayonets).” 55
The Mexicans and the Texans returned together in the Ohio to Harrisburg, which they reached in time for a barbecue on the fourth of July. One may well imagine that Tenorio was rather glad than otherwise to be relieved of his trying duties at Anahuac; for, at the barbecue, he is said to have “walked among the people, shaking hands with the men and acting as if he was the hero of the occasion” 56. On the night of the fifth he attended a ball, and waltzed and talked French all the evening with Mrs. Kokernot. “He was a fine looking man” 57, says Mrs Harris, and a perusal of his correspondence while he was in command at Anahuac will sustain the impression that he was by no means an unadmirable gentleman.
By July 17, Tenorio had reached San Felipe 58; but being very kindly received by the authorities there,—Wiley Martin having superseded J. B. Miller as Political Chief—he remained some seven weeks in the hope that Ugartechea would send him horses and money with which to complete his journey to San Antonio. He arrived at Bexar about September 8. 59
The outrage upon the Anahuac troops was condemned throughout Texas, except by the rankest of the war party 60, which at this time was comparatively small; and though it is properly to be considered as the first act of violence in the Texas revolution, it was really the indiscreet measures of the Mexican authorities in consequence of it which provoked all the Texans into united rebellion. Travis, indeed, found the general sentiment so strong against him that for several weeks he published a card in the Texas Republican, asking the people to suspend judgment concerning him until he had time to make an explanation and justification of his act. This was tardily written on September 1, and forwarded to Henry Smith at Brazoria for publication, but I believe it never appeared in print. It reads as follows:
“To the Public:
“The undersigned published a card some time since, stating that he would give the public his motives in engaging in the expedition to Anahuac which resulted in the capture of the garrison of that place on the 30th of June last. Circumstances beyond my control have hitherto prevented me from redeeming the pledge therein given. I will now do so in a few words.
“I refer the public to the following documents to shew what were my motives in that affair. At the time I started to Anahuac, it seemed to be the unanimous opinion of the people here that that place should be reduced. The citizens about Galveston Bay, who had formed a volunteer company for the purpose sent to this place for aid. The Political Chief approved the plan and presided at a meeting of about 200 persons who adopted the resolutions which appear below.
“Being highly excited by the circumstances then stated, I volunteered in that expedition, with no other motives than of patriotism and a wish to aid my suffering countrymen in the embarrassing strait to which they were likely to be reduced by military tyranny. I was casually elected the commander of the expedition, without soliciting the appointment. I discharged what I conceived to be my duty to my country to the best of my ability. Time alone will shew whether the step was correct or not. And time will shew that when this country is in danger that I will shew myself as patriotic and ready to serve her as those who to save themselves have disavowed the act and denounced me to the usurping military.
“San Felipe, September 1st, 1835. “W. Barrett Travis.”
The documents which he expected to publish with this were doubtless the proceedings of the meeting of June 22, which authorized his attack on Anahuac. I have been unable to find them.
The University of Texas, December, 1900.
15. Texas Republican, August 8, 1835.—Austin Papers, in the collection of Hon. Guy M. Bryan. Also Tenorio to Ugartechea, January 31, 1835.—Bexar Archieves.
Edward (History of Texas, 235) says they arrived in “the fall of 1834;” and Mrs. Harris (Reminiscences of Mrs. Dilue Harris, Quarterly of the Texas Historical Association, IV, 107) says that “more” troops were sent to Anahuac in May, 1834.
16. Tenorio to Ugartechea, January 31, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
17. Almonte's Report, in Kennedy's Texas, II, 78.
18. Texas Republican, August 8, 1835.—Austin Papers.
19. Tenorio to Ugartechea, March 21, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
20. Tenorio to Ugartechea, March 21, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
21. Tenorio to Ugartechea, April 2, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
22. Tenorio to Ugartechea, May 18, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
Several references will be made to letters of this date. Mexican official etiquette forbade the discussion of more than one subject in a single letter, so that, although these were all written at the same time, they were sent under different covers.
23. Tenorio to Ugartechea, May 18, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
24. Tenorio to Ugartechea, April 2, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
25. Tenorio to Ugartechea, May 18, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
26. Tenorio to Ugartechea, May 18, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
27. Juan Calvi to Tenorio, May 17, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
28. The names of these passengers, as reported by Tenorio, were: The colonists, C. T. Branch, Edward S. Roffe, H. Cunningham, Wm. D. T. Shilton, and S. Batter; the visitors, C. W. Ogden, C. S. Buffen, and Elija Williams; and the intended colonist, J. B. Hiyan.
29. Tenorio to Ugartechea, May 18, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
30. Ibid.
31. Ugartechea to Tenorio, April 14, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
32. Texas Republican, August 8, 1835.—Austin Papers.
33. Manifesto of the Ayuntamiento of Liberty (April 17, 1835), in the Texas Republican, May 30, 1835.—Austin Papers.
Edward (History of Texas, 235-38) prints this document under the date of June 1, and all succeeding historians have followed him. Yoakum (History of Texas, I, 339) has slipped into a strange anachronism by declaring that the manifesto was issued in denunciation of Travis and his party who expelled Tenorio from Anahuac,—though the uniformly accepted date of that act is June 30—and refers to Edward (235) as his authority. Bancroft (North Mexican States and Texas, II, 156) understood that this proclamation was not issued against Travis, but says later that the Ayuntamiento of Liberty did condemn him, and carelessly following Yoakum in his reference cities for confirmation Edward, 235-38, where this document is printed.
34. Memorial to the Governor of Coahuila and Texas, in the Texas Republican, August 8, 1835.—Austin Papers.
The belief that the tariff was not in force in other parts of Texas was unfounded. There was a custom house in operation at Matagorda at this time, the proceeds of which were applied toward the support of the troops at San Antonio (Ugartechea to Cos, July 25, 1835.—Bexar Archives).
35. Resolutions of the Anahuac Meeting, May 4, 1835, in the Texas Republican, August 8, 1835.—Austin Papers.
It is interesting to note that I. N. Moreland, the secretary of the Ayuntamiento of Liberty, which had so loyally exhorted “all good citizens” some three weeks before to support the revenue collectors, was also secretary of this meeting.
36. A. Briscoe to the Editor of the Texas Republican, July 11, 1835, in the Texas Republican, August 8, 1835.—Austin Papers.
37. Tenorio to Ugartechea, May 18, 1835; and Hernandez to Ugartechea, May 30, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
38. Tenorio to Ugartechea, May 18, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
39. Tenorio to Ugartechea, June 25, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
40. Ibid.
41. Quarterly, II, 23.
Harris says: “* * *About eight o'clock a young man came to the store and asked Briscoe for a box to put ballast in; this Mr. Briscoe gave him, and he placed it in a wheelbarrow filled with brick and started for the beach; after he left the store I observed to Mr. Briscoe that we could now ascertain whether my goods would be stopped or not. Shortly after, we heard the young man calling for Mr. Smith, the interpreter. Mr. Briscoe and I then walked up to the young man, and found that he had been stopped by the guard. Mr. Smith soon came up and informed the guard of the contents of the box; this appeared to satisfy him, and the box was taken to the beach, Mr. Briscoe and I going with the young man. After the box was put in the boat and we were about returning, ten or twelve Mexican soldiers came on us and ordered us to stand. Mr. Briscoe and I were taken prisoners. As we were ascending the bank a young man named Wm. Smith came down the hill, and when within ten feet of us was shot down. * * * Mr. Briscoe and I were then put in the calaboose, where I remained until next day at 11 o'clock, when I was liberated, Briscoe still being detained.”
42. Texas Republican, July 4, 1835.—Austin Papers.
43. Ugartechea to Tenorio, June 20, 1835, in the Texas Republican, July 4, 1835.—Austin Papers.
44. Gritten to Ugartechea, July 5, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
45. Williamson to the People of Texas (Circular), July 4, 1835. Brown: History of Texas, I, 294. A Comprehensive History of Texas, I, 168.
46. Edward: History of Texas, 238.
47. Texas Republican, August 8, and September 26, 1835; and Cos to Ayuntamiento of Columbia (MS.), August 12, 1835.—Austin Papers.
48. Travis to Henry Smith, July 6, 1835, in the Quarterly, II, 24.
49. John W. Moore's The Capture of Anahuac (MS.).
The agreement which they signed read like this: “We whose names are hereunto subscribed feeling the necessity of disarming the military of Anahuac pledge ourselves to rendezvous at Lynches on San Jacinto on Saturday next armed and equipped for the expedition, and that we will form ourselves into a volunteer company &march under the orders of the officers we may elect—Sanfilipe de Austin June 22d 1835.”
Those who went from San Felipe and Harrisburg are given as: John W. Moore, Wm. B. Travis, Elija Hunnings, Wm. E. Harris, David Harris, Cado Allen, Rufus Wright, E. Mather, H. C. Hudson, A. Farmer, Edward Wray, James Webb, James Brown, Joseph Atkins, John Reese, Andrew Lawson, and Andrew Robinson.
Those who signed, but failed to go, were: Thomas Gay, Edward P. Whitehead, Jackson Roark, Abner Eckols, Martin Allen, James Holland, John Peterson, Garbo Mancho (Mexican), Francis Holland, and Charles Thompson.
DeWitt Clinton Harris, John W. Healer, and A. B. Dodson stopped at Vince's.
And the following joined the expedition at Lynchburg and Spilman's Island: Retson Morris, Ashmore Edwards, Edward Purkison, I. Purkison, James Spilman, John Brock, Dr. David Gallagher, and John Imes [Iiams?].
This is endorsed by Mr. Moore as “A correct list and the last.”
50. John W. Moore's The Capture of Anahuac.
51. Captain Harris's Account of the Fight at Anahuac (MS.).
52. Tenorio to Ugartechea, July 7, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
53. Tenorio to Ugartechea, July 7, 1835.—Bexar Archives. Harris's The Fight at Anahuac.
54. Brown (History of Texas, I, 305) places the number of the Texans at twenty.
55. Quarterly, II, 24.
In a report of the garrison on April 23 (Bexar Archives) Tenorio says that he has, in good condition: 20 muskets, 29 bayonets, 5 short carbines, 50 flints, and 300 cartridges; semi-useless: 6 muskets, 20 flints, and 90 cartridges; useless: 3 muskets and 2 carbines. But it has already been noted that, on May 1, Lieutenant Duran brought him fifty muskets and a hundred and fifty flints.
56. Reminiscences of Mrs. Dilue Harris, Quarterly, IV, 125.
57. Ibid.
58. Tenorio to Ugartechea, July 17, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
59. Ugartechea to Cos, September 8, 1835.—Bexar Archives.
60. James H. C. Miller to T. J. Chambers, July 4, 1835.—Bexar Archives. Kennedy: History of Texas, II, 92. Texas Almanac, 1859, 112.
How to cite:
Barker, Eugene C., "DIFFICULTIES OF A MEXICAN REVENUE OFFICER IN TEXAS ", Volume 004, Number 3, Southwestern Historical Quarterly Online, Page 190 - 202. http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/publications/journals/shq/online/v004/n3/article_4.html
[Accessed Tue Dec 2 20:22:32 CST 2008]
