Vol. V. JANUARY, 1902. No. 3.
The publication committee and the editor disclaim responsibility for views expressed by contributors to the Quarterly.
To bring together a series of incidents that are properly a part of a larger narrative in such a manner as to give to them proportion and meaning is a task of considerable difficulty. It requires the compression into single paragraphs or sentences of circumstances and events the relation of which might well deserve chapters; the subordination of movements and occurrences that are of much importance; and the rejection of all material, howsoever interesting or valuable, that is not directly necessary to the construction of the special narrative. Such a task the writer has set himself in the preparation of this paper. It is his purpose to take out from the larger history of Spanish enterprises and endeavors in North America that specific connection of incidents pertaining to the first efforts of the Franciscan fathers to establish missions within the limits of the territory which later became known as Texas: in particular, to relate the history of the expeditions sent out in the years 1689, 1690, and 1691 by the viceroys of Mexico for the purpose of exploring the lands east of the Rio Grande, and of establishing missions among the Tejas Indians; and to suggest the probable causes of failure of these early missionary efforts.
During the seventeenth century the rulers of New Spain slowly pushed their conquests northward and eastward. Along the frontier and limited upon the east by the Rio del Norte lay a vast undefined region known as Nueva Vizcaya, the eastern portion of which was unoccupied, except by a few outlying missions and presidios; and beyond this to the north lay still more extensive territories, unexplored, unknown, and nameless. Into this vast region lying eastward from the Rio Grande, which later became known as the New Philippines or Texas, there were, during the sixteenth and early part of the seventeenth centuries, many random or accidental excursions. The first of these chance explorations was probably made by Cabeza de Vaca, who in the year 1535, with three companions of the ill-fated de Narvaez expedition, set out from the island of Malhado, somewhere off the eastern coast of Texas, and with incredible hardships and dreary wanderings, finally, according to his own story, came out at Culiacan on the Gulf of California. In 1540 Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, governor of Nueva Galicia, who had been charged with the conquest of the country of Cibola, crossed the northwestern corner of the State. 1 Moscoso, the successor of Ferdinand de Soto, probably led his men into the State from the east in 1543. 2 Espejo, Sosa, Oñate, Vaca, and many others, before the middle of the seventeenth century, were upon the lands east of the Rio Grande; but their explorations accomplished little, further than to stimulate curiosity concerning the eastern plains, and to give a vague notion of the geography of the country and the Indian tribes that inhabited it.
About the middle of the century, however, events began to trend toward a definite occupation of those lands. In the year 1661 Don Diego de Peñalosa, an adventurer from South America, became governor of New Mexico. While acting in this capacity he employed himself in making incursions into the lands east of the province. Whatever degree of extent or importance his explorations may have had, they were sufficient to arouse in him a desire to undertake a conquest of the eastern lands; with a view to which, in 1664, he returned to Mexico, where he published extravagant accounts of the discoveries he had made, and endeavored to induce the viceroy to authorize further explorations and conquests. In this effort he was unsuccessful, and, becoming involved in a humiliating quarrel with the Inquisition, he was compelled to leave Mexico. 3 After many vicissitudes of fortune he turned up in France, where, in the year 1682, he made representations to Louis XIV and his ministers in the hope that he might interest them in his projects.
Meanwhile, there had been an uprising of the Indians in New Mexico and many Spanish and friendly Indians had been slaughtered. In 1682 General Otermin, governor of New Mexico, determined to abandon the pueblo Isleta del Norte and take with him the friendly Indians from that place and those who had taken refuge there. With these Indians the padres founded three mission pueblos in the south. One of these pueblos, named Isleta, 4 was situated about twelve miles southeast of El Paso, on the eastern bank of the Rio Grande. Although this settlement is existing today, its establishment had no important influence.
While Peñalosa was a petitioner at the court of France, another line of forces, the spiritual, was beginning to operate toward the opening up of the territory east of the Rio Grande. In the year 1683, while the Spaniards were resting at El Paso from the long and exhausting struggle with the Indians of New Mexico, a messenger came from the chief of the Jumana tribe asking that missionaries be sent to his people, and bringing glowing accounts of the Tejas, which lay far to the southward. In response to this request the governor of New Mexico allowed an expedition to be organized under Juan Domingo de Mendoza, the spiritual interests of the enterprise being entrusted to Father Nicholas Lopez. The company descended the Rio Grande to the junction of the Concho, from which point it advanced eastward beyond the Pecos, and if we may trust the statement of Mendoza, penetrated to within twenty leagues of the nation of the Tejas. The expedition failed to accomplish the purpose for which it was organized, but it seems to have impressed deeply the imagination of both Father Lopez and Captain Mendoza. On their return they proceeded at once to the City of Mexico, where they urged the viceroy to undertake the conquest and Christianization of those eastern lands; and when they failed to arouse in him sufficient interest, they sent memorials to the king of Spain, with descriptions and maps of the lands they had visited. These representations, assisted no doubt by the earlier and more extravagant statements of Peñalosa, aroused the interest of the court to such an extent that a royal order was issued to Father Alonzo Posadas to make report upon the explorations that had been made of the lands east of the Rio del Norte, of the nature and resources of those lands and of the Indian tribes inhabiting them. In accordance with this order Father Posadas, in the year 1685, made what is apparently a full and truthful statement of all the explorations that had been made eastward from New Mexico, with such account of the geography of the country as, from his information, he was able to make. 5
But the government of Spain was not yet ready to make a definite advance toward the occupation of the territory northeast of the Rio Grande. It required the incitement of an imminent menace to Spanish authority in those lands to call forth a positive effort. This threat of supplantation came with the effort of the French to establish a colony upon the coast of the Gulf of Mexico.
It has already been noted that the Count of Peñalosa, after his failure to interest the viceroy of Mexico in his behalf, went to France with the hope of retrieving his fortunes. 6 Recounting his story of fabulous lands and wonderful cities, he endeavored to interest the king in an enterprise to establish a colony at the mouth of the Rio Bravo. In a memoir dated January, 1682, he set forth the “advantages that might accrue to the king and his people” from the establishment of such a colony. 7 In 1684 the Sieur de la Salle returned from America, where for several years he had been wandering in the valley of the Mississippi, bringing encouraging reports of the lands he had explored and new plans of conquest. In a series of memorials 8 he presented a program of territorial extension in the new world, which was strikingly similar to the plan already outlined by Peñalosa. It was an elaborate scheme of aggrandizement at the expense of Spain, to start from a colony to be established near the mouth of the Mississippi. There is little doubt that La Salle and Peñalosa met 9 and compared plans and were inclined to assist one another. Peñalosa went so far as to abandon the idea of a colony at the mouth of the Rio Bravo. He proposed to proceed at once to the West Indies, organize a force of filibusters, and descend upon Pánuco—the northern outpost of the Spanish settlements upon the coast of the Gulf of Mexico—whence he would coöperate with La Salle in the conquest of the rich lands of Nueva Vizcaya. 10 Whether Peñalosa received any recognition of his proposed enterprise from the French government, it is unnecessary here to discuss. For palpable reasons Louis XIV was willing to strike a blow at Spain in her American possessions; and the prospect of adding to the dominion of France the valuable mines of Sonora and Sinaloa was, to his active imagination, especially attractive. Accordingly, April 14, 1684, La Salle received his commission to conquer and govern that portion of North American extending from Fort Saint Louis on the Illinois river to New Biscay. 11
It would be inconsistent with the purpose and limitations of this paper to give more than the briefest outline of the voyage and subsequent adventures of La Salle. Having received his commission he went to work to enlist his company and equip the expedition. For the transportation of his people to the new world he secured four vessels—the Joli, a ship of the royal navy of thirty-six guns; a storeship called the Aimable; the Belle, a frigate; and a ketch, the St. Francis. On the 24th of July, 1684, the ill-sorted company, consisting of two hundred and eighty people 12—seamen, soldiers, priests, artisans, women and children—embarked from the port of Rochelle; and eight months later, about the middle of February, 1685, after many hardships and misadventures, having missed the mouth of the Mississippi, it passed through the narrow channel between Matagorda Peninsula and Matagorda Island into the bay of Matagorda. It will be sufficient merely to indicate the events that followed,—the landing upon the sandy shore of the bay, which the French called Bay St. Louis; the loss by criminal carelessness of the storeship Aimable with the provisions, arms, and supplies that were on her; the departure of Beaujeu with those of the expedition who had become discouraged or dissatisfied; the settlement of the colony a few miles inland on the Lavaca River; the sickness, accidents, and misfortunes by which the company of two hundred was soon reduced to a few score; and La Salle's three painful efforts to pass overland to the Mississippi, ending with the tragedy of his murder by his own men. 13 The fate of the few unfortunate persons who were left at the village of St. Louis, as it touches the enterprises of the Spaniards, will appear as we proceed.
One incident only of La Salle's outward voyage is important for our purpose to mention: that is the capture by Spanish cruisers, in September, 1684, off the island of San Domingo, of the ketch St. Francis. 14 From the prisoners thus taken the Spaniards learned of the intention of La Salle to make a settlement upon the coast of the Gulf of Mexico. Alarmed by this intelligence, the viceroy, the Marquis de Laguna, wrote to the governor of Havana instructing him to prepare at once a frigate under command of Juan Enrique Barroto to examine the coast of the Gulf and find out the purpose of the French. 15 Barroto, accordingly, in the year 1686, sailed out of the harbor of Havana, and passed along the shores of the Gulf, exploring its bays and inlets but found no sign of the French. 16 In the following year the Conde de Monclova dispatched two brigantines to make a further search for the settlement of La Salle; but though they found the fragments of a wrecked vessel, the village of St. Louis several miles inland escaped their notice. 17 In the year 1688 the Spaniards received further and more definite information regarding La Salle's enterprise; 18 and in that year and the year following expeditions were sent out under command of Don Andres Pez, an experienced seaman, who made a thorough examination of the entire coast, but still found no evidence of the existence of a French colony. 19
While these efforts were being made by sea to discover the settlement of the French, expeditions were sent also by land. By order of the viceroy, in 1685-86, the Marquis de Aguayo, governor of the New Kingdom of Leon, sent Captain Alonso de Leon with a company of fifty men to explore the coast northward from Tampico toward the Rio Bravo. Descending to the coast, Leon advanced to the Rio Grande, which he crossed with some difficulty, and proceeded thence northward to the mouth of another river which he called Rio Salo; and, being unable to cross this river on account of the lagoons at its mouth, he abandoned the enterprise, not having come near Espiritu Santo Bay, nor heard anything of the French. Not long afterward a similar expedition of two companies of cavalry under command of Captain Leon proceeded up the coast to the Rio Bravo, crossed it, and advanced to the Rio Salo, and was again unable to go any further. Having heard nothing of the French settlement, Captain Leon concluded that the report of its existence was unfounded, and made no further efforts in that direction. 20
At this time Fray Damian Manzanet, a missionary friar lately come out from Spain, was residing in the mission of Caldera in Coahuila. Learning that the governor was desirous to know of the presence of any Frenchmen who might be in the lands east of the Rio Grande, he made inquiries of the Indian converts at the mission, and at length learned from one of them that there were white men living among the northern tribes. A short time afterward an Indian of the Quems nation came to the mission and upon being questioned told Father Manzanet that upon the coast to the north there was a village where were many white men with arms and large guns. He said also that he had been in that village and could lead the Spaniards to it. 21
These facts being brought to the knowledge of Captain Leon, who had been made commandant of the presidio of Coahuila, he undertook to make further investigations to determine the truth of the Indian's statements. By his order the Indian, Juan, who had first given information of the presence of the Frenchmen, went to a ranchería sixty leagues to the north to bring back a white man whom he had seen there. He succeeded in inducing the man to come to another ranchería nearer to the presidio of Coahuila, whither Captain Leon went with a company of twelve men and without difficulty brought him away. This man, Juan Francisco (Juan Enrique) was an old Frenchman, a native of Cheblie [Quebec (?)] in New France; he was probably an early deserter from La Salle's colony. He was brought to the viceroy, the Conde de Monclova, who at once ordered Captain Leon to renew his efforts to find the French settlement. For the new expedition it was provided that Leon should have a company of eighty men, forty from the presidios of Vizcaya, and forty from the New Kingdom of Leon. Fray Damian Manzanet was made chaplain of the company. 22
On the 27th of March, 1689, the force from Coahuila joined that from New Leon on the Sabinas, and the expedition set out. Three days later they crossed the Rio del Norte, and guided by the Quems Indian, who professed to have been in the village of the French, advanced northeast. 23 The country which they traversed was for the most part easy and hospitable, affording abundant water and forage. They passed over broad stretches of prairie, broken with occasional hills, and varied with dense thickets of mesquite and thorny shrubs. On the prairies were vast herds of buffaloes which afforded an abundant supply of meat for the company while it was on the march. They crossed and named the rivers Nueces, Sarco (Frio), Hondo, Medina, 24 and Leon 25 (San Antonio), and on the 14th of April camped near the Guadalupe. Here Captain Leon called a consultation to determine the best plan of approaching the French village, which the guide informed them was not far distant. It was thought best, after deliberation, that a part of the company should advance to the village, while the rest went into camp at a spot agreed upon. Accordingly Captain Leon set out with sixty men to the southeast. 26
When they had gone a short distance the rear guard captured an Indian. He conducted them to his ranchería where, upon inquiry, they learned that a few days before four white men had passed with a band of Tejas Indians, 27 going toward the north. They learned also that the village of the white men upon Espiritu Santo Bay had, about two months before, been plundered, and that all the people, except a few who escaped, had been put to death by the coast Indians. 28 From this ranchería Captain Leon went on in pursuit of the white men of whom he had heard, until he came to another village of Indians, where he was informed that the white men had gone on across the San Marcos River (Colorado). As he was already separated by a considerable distance from the rest of his company, and as he was told by the Indians that he would not be able to cross the San Marcos, he decided to abandon the pursuit and to send a letter by an Indian to the Frenchmen, assuring them of the kindly intentions of the Spaniards, and telling them to go on to meet him at the place where the village had been. 29
Having dispatched this letter, Captain Leon resumed his march southward, and on April 22 reached the village and fort of St. Louis, near the La Vaca river. All there was deserted and silent. About the yard were scattered the contents of plundered houses,—broken chests and boxes and barrels; the broken tackle of a ship; a great number of books with leaves torn and scattered, but bearing still the evidences of costly bindings; and broken cutlasses, and the stocks of many arquebuses with locks and barrels gone. On the prairie near by lay three dead bodies, one of which, from the fragment of a dress that still clung to it, appeared to be that of a woman. 30 The village consisted of five or six small houses of palisades, plastered over with mud, and covered with the skins of buffaloes; a larger house where apparently animals were kept; and a wooden fort, made from the timbers of a wrecked vessel. The fort had four lower rooms, one of which had served as a chapel; and above these rooms was an upper story which had been used for a storeroom. Scattered about the fort were several swivels and eight small guns of four or six pounds, some upon the floor and some upon their broken carriages. Upon the casing of the principal door of the fort was inscribed the year of its occupation, with other details of the history of the village. 31
Before setting out upon the return journey Captain Leon descended to the coast and explored the bay of Espiritu Santo. 32 Skirting the shore for many leagues, he saw the shattered spars and broken timbers of a wrecked vessel. On his return to the fort he found that the Indian messenger had arrived bringing a letter from the Frenchmen. They asked the Spaniards to wait for them, saying that they would be on in a few days; that they were waiting for another Frenchman who was with some Indians farther away.
While waiting for them Captain Leon with a party of twenty men set out to the east and discovered the Rio de San Marcos (Colorado), which he explored almost to its mouth. 33 He then returned to the place where his company had gone into camp, and found that the Frenchmen still delayed to come; whereupon he determined to go with a few men in search of them, sending the rest of the company on to the Guadalupe to await his return. 34 He accordingly set out with thirty men toward the country of the Tejas. After three days he rejoined his company upon the Guadalupe, bringing with him two of the Frenchmen; they were Juan Archbepe 35 (Jean L'Archevêque,) a young man from Bayonne and one of the murderers of La Salle; and Santiago Grollet, a sailor who had deserted La Salle on one of his early journeys in search of the Mississippi. The other two Frenchmen, Pedro Muñi (Pierre Meusnier) and Pedro Talo (Pierre Talon), distrusting the Spaniards, preferred to remain with the Indians. 36
From the captives the Spaniards learned more in detail the story of the destruction of the little colony in Fort St. Louis. 37 Before the final catastrophe the smallpox had broken out among the villagers, reducing their number till there were scarcely more than a score left. La Salle had gone away with the ablest bodied of the men on a last toilsome journey in search of “the fatal river.” Day by day the few men, women, and children left upon the short of Bay St. Louis waited while hope slowly failed them. Around them was the unending wilderness, pathless and inhospitable; before them stretched a waste of sand beyond which spread out the wide, tantalizing expanse of the sea. Near the first of February, in the year 1689, the end came. They had been on friendly terms with the Indians around them, and suspected no evil. The savages came and went about the village, bartering for trinkets and professing friendship. But underneath this amicable pretension was a hatred which had existed since La Salle, soon after his landing, had taken from them their canoes; they were biding their time. One day five of them came to the village under the pretext of trading. They stopped at a house apart from the others and began to barter noisily. Soon all the people of the village, willing to accept any diversion to pass the tedious days, came out and gathered around the savages, watching curiously. Other Indians came and joined the boisterous colloquy. When all the white people of the village were in the house or near it, a band of warriors rushed up from the river, where they had lain concealed, set upon the villagers, and killed them all except five who were saved by the Indian women. 38 The five who were thus saved were the four children of the Canadian Talon, three boys and a girl; and a young man from Paris named Eustache Breman. The young Talons, before their rescue, had been compelled to see their mother killed before their eyes; their father had gone with La Salle on one of his early efforts to find the Mississippi and had never returned. After massacreing the villagers the Indians had plundered the huts and the fort, breaking open the chests and scattering their contents, carrying away whatever they fancied, and breaking up what they could not use. The four Frenchmen, L'Archevêque, Grollet, Meusnier, and Talon had been absent from the village among the Tejas Indians when the savages fell upon it; but, according to the story told by L'Archevêque and Grollet, as soon as they heard of the fate of the colonists they descended to the coast and examined the plundered houses. They found fourteen dead bodies upon the sand, which they buried. They said also that they found and destroyed a number of barrels of powder which the savages had overlooked. 39
Captain Leon also brought back with him to the Guadalupe the chief, or governor, of the Tejas Indians, who was treated with much kindness by the Spaniards, and in response gave many evidences of kindly disposition. The chaplain of the company, Fray Damian Manzanet, was especially impressed with the superior qualities of the savage chief, and was zealous to win his good will, giving him many presents and other assurances of friendship 40. The willingness and seeming sincerity with which the governor of the Tejas responded to these amicable advances encouraged the friar to make an effort to present to him the claims of the Christian religion. Making use of one of the Frenchmen as interpreter, he urged the savage chief and his people to become Christians, offering, if they wished it, to send priests to their village to teach them; and when the chief expressed his willingness to have the priests come among his people, Father Manzanet promised to return the following year at planting time. Thus upon the banks of the Guadalupe river the Tejas Mission was conceived. The missionary fathers of Mexico already had their eyes turned with zealous longing toward this nation of superior savages; but events hitherto had not been favorable to the establishment of a permanent mission among them. Now by the chance coöperation of temporal circumstances an opportunity was to be offered that held a promise of success for the efforts of the priests.
On the 3d of May the chief of the Tejas, with his attendants, departed, and at the same time Captain Leon and his company recrossed the Guadalupe and set out upon their return march. They reached the presidio of Coahuila the 15th of the same month, whence the two Frenchmen, L'Archevêque and Grollet, were at once dispatched in charge of Captain Francisco Martinez to the City of Mexico. The viceroy provided them with suitable clothing, and the following year they were sent with Don Andres Pez to Spain. 41
The accounts of this entrada of Captain Leon were received in Mexico with much enthusiasm. The story of the colony upon the shore of Espiritu Santo Bay, its establishment, unhappy experiences, and final destruction made an interesting narrative; but the interest of it was greatly increased by the suggestion of further and wider explorations and more important disclosures. Fray Manzanet and Captain Leon, desirous from different motives to urge on a second expedition, gave the best account they could of the lands through which they passed. The padre told of a nation of docile and friendly savages, able and willing to receive Christianity; and Captain Leon seems to have strained the truth in his desire to push the political aspect of the enterprise. The latter brought reports of another French village of many houses among the Tejas Indians, thus stimulating the fears of the viceroy, while Manzanet was appealing to his religious impulses. 42
Conference of the chief men of Mexico were called by the viceroy to deliberate whether any further steps should be taken in the matter. At these juntas Leon and Manzanet were present to urge their opinions in regard to a second entrada. At length after much discussion the viceroy determined to send out another expedition to the lands beyond the Rio Bravo. In its scope and purpose it was to be a marked advance upon the former expedition. Captain Leon was to inspect the bay of Espiritu Santo and its environs to ascertain whether there were left any Frenchmen of those who had come out with La Salle, or others who had arrived since, and was to destroy the wooden fort built by the French upon the La Vaca. He was also specifically instructed to inquire of the Tejas Indians whether they would receive missionaries; and, if they showed themselves willing, he was to conduct Fray Damian Manzanet, with such other Franciscans as Manzanet should select, to the village of the Tejas, and assist him in establishing a mission there. For the undertaking Leon was to have one hundred and ten soldiers, twenty from the presidios of Coahuila, forty from Sombrerete and Zacatecas, and the rest from the New Kingdom of Leon. Father Manzanet selected to assist him in the missionary work he was to undertake the three Franciscan fathers Fray Miguel Fontecuberta, Fray Francisco de Jesus Maria, and Fray Antonio Bordoy. 43
On the 28th of March, 1690, the combined military and missionary expedition set out from the presidio of Coahuila. It was an indiscriminate company of tailors, shoemakers, carpenters, miners, and other persons of adventurous turn, and little suited to the arduous business of opening a new country or making permanent settlements. Crossing the Rio Grande they advanced northeast, following a course similar to that of the former journey. At the Guadalupe the main body of the army stopped, while Captain Leon with twenty men descended to the coast. They found no evidence that the fort had been occupied since they were there before, though there were many signs of the presence of Indians in the vicinity. Father Manzanet declares that he himself set fire to the dismantled fort, and as there was a high wind blowing in half an hour it was in ashes. Captain Leon and his party then went down to the bay and made a further examination of it, passing all along its shores, and exploring also the river upon which the Frenchmen had built their village. 44
Having made a careful examination of the bay of Espiritu Santo, Leon returned to the camp on the Guadalupe, whence the entire company moved eastward toward the country of the Tejas, or Asinay. A small party which went on in advance encountered near the Colorado a band of Indians in whose company were two French youths, 45 Pedro Talo (Pierre Talon) and Pedro Muñi (Pierre Meusnier). It appears 46 that these two young men, who had been the companions of L'Archevêque and Grollet, had heard of the approach of the Spaniards, and not wishing to fall into their hands had left the nation of the Tejas, and that in their efforts to escape they encountered the advance guard of Leon's expedition and were made prisoners.
Captain Leon dispatched a messenger to the governor of the Tejas to announce the approach of the Spaniards, and in a short time he appeared with his attendants to welcome them. On the 22nd of May the company arrived at the chief village of the Tejas, where they were entertained with much kindness at the house of the governor. As the savages still showed themselves willing to have missionaries remain among them, the friars, with the assistance of Captain Leon, set to work at once to select a site for their mission; and as soon as this was done, they began to cut and haul logs to build a chapel, and a dwelling house for the priests. By the end of May the rude log church was finished, and on June 1st was consecrated with all solemnity.
The mission of San Francisco de los Tejas was situated somewhere between the Trinity and the Neches rivers, probably nearer to the latter. It stood in the heart of a savage wilderness, four hundred miles from the nearest settlement. Near it flowed a small stream, and around it was a pleasant forest. The three friars, Miguel Fontecuberta, Francisco de Jesus Maria, and Antonio Bordoy, with Fontecuberta as president, were left to carry on the missionary work. They set themselves at once to learn the language of the Indians, making a list of their words and phrases, and using the young Frenchmen as interpreters. 47 Only three soldiers were left to protect the mission, it being the opinion of Father Manzanet that more would not be needed. 48
The zeal which conceived this missionary establishment in the midst of an unexplored wilderness, and the self-sacrificing spirit of the holy men who undertook the well-nigh hopeless task of bringing the savage children of the forest to know and respond to the better impulses of the Christian religion are worthy of the highest commendation. But the wisdom of such an undertaking may well be questioned. It was based upon a confidence in the superior kindliness of disposition and capability of this particular tribe of Indians,—a confidence which subsequent events proved to be not well grounded. The Spaniards were yet to learn that the missionary fathers, howsoever patient and self-sacrificing they might be, could accomplish little toward bringing the Indians to respect the institutions and practices of civilization and Christianity without the constant assistance of the military to restrain the native impulses of the savage. To be successful the mission must advance with the presidio; this lesson the Spaniards had not yet learned. Moreover, the physical position of the mission of San Francisco was extremely unfavorable. Projected as it was a hundred leagues into the wilderness, remote and isolated, it had no natural source from which to renew its supplies of physical and spiritual strength. Its survival depended solely upon the persistence of a few priests and soldiers, sustained by the precarious favor of their savage beneficiaries or the chance coming at long intervals of relief expeditions from the far distant settlements of Mexico. The insincerity of the friendship of the Indians, the weakness of the guard left to protect the friars, and the remoteness of the church of St. Francis from the outposts of civilization were sufficient almost to foredoom the mission to failure.
On the 2nd of June the army set out on its return march, following the road by which it had come. On the way Captain Leon learned that there were among the Indians of the coast three French children, and he determined to go to rescue them. He accordingly descended to La Bahia and without much difficulty found the Indians with whom the children were. The savages had become so much attached to the white children that at first they refused to let them go, but at length they were induced to give them up in exchange for horses. These children 49 were the brothers Robert and Lucien Talon and their sister Marie Madelaine. They were taken to Mexico and later were sent to Spain.
Rejoining his company at the Guadalupe, Captain Leon continued his return march. The remaining days of the journey were marked by no incident of importance. From the report of Father Manzanet it appears that Captain Leon, upon setting out to return to Mexico, relaxed his control of his subordinates, allowing each one to do largely as he pleased. Thefts, quarrels, and fights were of daily occurrence; the animals were so carelessly attended that numbers of horses and mules were lost; the soldiers entered the houses of Indians along the way, prying about, and in other ways making themselves exceedingly offensive; and when report of this conduct was brought to Leon he took no steps to punish the offenders or to prevent its happening again. With such incidents the march was continued to the Rio Grande. Here they were detained eighteen days on account of a rise in the river, and succeeded in crossing at last only by compelling the horses to swim. One man was lost in making this passage. 50
The successful establishment of a mission among the Tejas Indians stimulated both the political and spiritual authorities of Mexico to renewed enterprise. The practical difficulty of maintaining such an establishment so far from any base of supplies was scarcely considered; but with a zeal that gave promise of permanent achievement the rulers set themselves to formulate a program of further exploration and missionary effort. The acts of the viceroy received the royal approval, and another expedition on a more extensive scale was planned. 51 To command this third expedition the Conde de Galve appointed Don Domingo Teran de los Rios, governor of Coahuila and Texas. For the enterprise he was to have fifty 52 soldiers; and forty skilled seamen were to be sent by ship from Vera Cruz to bay St. Bernard (Espiritu Santo) to act in conjunction with him.
The instructions of the viceroy for the equipping of the party and the prosecution of the enterprise were minute and definite. The purpose 53 of the expedition as outlined was to be three-fold. In the first place it was to be a missionary enterprise. All the strength and resources of the expedition were to be directed primarily to enlarging the mission already established and to establishing eight other missions among the Indian tribes of the north, the Tejas, the Cadodachos, and one probably on the Guadalupe. To this end peaceable and tactful methods were to be used in dealing with the savages, with the design of conciliating them and inclining them to receive favorably the efforts of the priests. The natives were not to be harshly used, nor impressed into service, and were not to be abused in their property or their persons. In the second place, Governor Teran was to search the country to find out whether there were in it any Frenchmen or people of other nations of Europe, either in villages, smaller settlements, or living among the tribes of Indians. It was thought that there were still several of the companions of La Salle scattered among the Indians, and there was a lingering suspicion that there might be another French village somewhere to the north. The instructions of the viceroy called, in the third place, for a thorough exploration of the lands to the north, especially those occupied by the nation of the Cadodachos; the examination of the rivers to determine their courses, directions, sources, and mouths; and the observation of the various Indian tribes, their character, polity, and form of religious belief. 54
In order to carry out this extensive program the expedition was to be fully supplied with men, arms, and provisions. The personnel was to consist of fifty soldiers, nine priests, and such servants and attendants as were necessary; and in order the better to carry out the exploration of bays, inlets, and rivers forty men skilled in sea-craft were to be sent, as already indicated, to St. Bernard Bay to join the overland expedition. To support this company and to supply the mission already established, as well as others to be established, there were to be taken abundant supplies of provisions, arms, and munitions, large herds of horses and mules, and flocks of cattle, sheep, and goats. The use and dispensing of the provisions and supplies were placed entirely in charge of Fray Damian Manzanet, who was constituted by the viceroy commissary of the expedition; and only upon his order were these supplies to be appropriated and consumed, save such as were necessary for the immediate maintenance of the army. On the other hand, the military direction of the enterprise, the determination where it should go, what lands it should explore and courses follow, and the control of those who composed the company were, within the limits of his very detailed instructions, to be left to the discretion of Don Domingo Teran de los Rios. 55
It is to be remarked her that this third enterprise, as thus outlined in prospective, was far more extensive than either of the preceding ones. The first had been merely tentative and protective, sent out to ascertain the truth in regard to the reported French settlement. It had undertaken no occupation of the country, either political or religious. The second expedition was an advance on the first in that it provided for the establishment of missions among the Tejas Indians. It did not, however, attempt, or even purpose, a military occupation of the country; no garrisons were called for, and none established except the small guard left to protect the friars among the Tejas. Nor did it provide for any general or extensive spiritual conquest. The third expedition, however, in its scope, purpose, and equipment looked toward a general occupation of the lands to the northeast.
In accordance with the instructions of the viceroy the expedition was at once placed under way. The friars came up from the New Kingdom of Leon with the flocks and herds, and met the soldiers from Coahuila near the Sabinas; and on the 26th of May, 1691, the company of soldiers and friars with numerous attendants, and droves of horses, pack mules, cattle, sheep, and goats, took up its march toward the east. The young Frenchman, Pierre Meusnier, 56 was in the company, and probably also his companion, Pierre Talon. They advanced along the route of the preceding expeditions until they came to the Rio Grande, where they were detained for several days by a severe tempest of wind and rain. At the Hondo, being led by new guides, they left the course they had been following and pursued their way as directly as possible toward the country of the Tejas. 57 They crossed the rivers considerably higher up, giving to them all new names. The country over which they passed was similar to that described in the preceding journeys; vast prairies over which roamed countless buffaloes; dense thickets of mesquite and cat-claw; and numerous creeks and rivers whose banks were lined with walnut, cottonwood, oak, and elm.
On the 18th of June, near one of the branches of the Guadalupe, they were met by Indians who brought letters from the friars at Mission San Francisco. From these Father Manzanet learned that there had been a great deal of sickness among the natives, apparently a form of fever, from which many of them had died; and that also, on February 5th of the year 1691, had died Father Fontecuberta. 58
June 27th the company reached the Colorado and passed down it several leagues, being compelled on account of the rugged conformation of its banks, to cross it three times. At the third crossing, on the eastern bank of the river, the company halted, while Captain Francisco Martinez, following the instructions of the viceroy, took twenty soldiers, one hundred and fifty horses, and a number of baggage animals, and descended to the Bay of Espiritu Santo to meet the expedition which was to come by sea from Vera Cruz. While the main party was in camp upon the Colorado, a number of Indians of the Tejas nation arrived, bringing report of several white men 59 who had come among the Cadodachos, and saying that these men lived in a village upon the bank of a river beyond the land of the Cadodachos.
On the 18th of July Captain Martinez returned, bringing with him two young Frenchmen whom he had rescued from the Indians. They were Jean Baptiste Talon and Eustache Breman, 60 two of the five youths who had been saved by the Indian women at the time of the destruction of La Salle's colony. 61 Martinez had remained at Espiritu Santo from the 6th to the 13th of July, and in that time had seen nothing of the sea expedition; he had passed along the shores of the bay, making fires to attract the attention of any persons who might be in the vicinity, and questioning the Indians, but was unable to learn anything of the expedition. Leaving a letter with the Indians of the coast to be delivered to the Spaniards in the event of their landing, he then set out to return to the camp upon the Colorado to make report of his ill success. 62
A disagreement now arose as to what course should be followed. It was the opinion of Governor Teran that another detachment of ten men should descend to the coast, the main company waiting meanwhile, and remain fifteen or twenty days on the lookout for the sea expedition. But to this Fray Damian Manzanet and the other friars would not assent. It was their opinion that the company should proceed to the country of the Tejas, whence a party could be sent down to meet the seamen from Vera Cruz. As no agreement could be reached Governor Teran called a junta of the missionary fathers and principal officers of the company to decide the matter. 63 Father Manzanet, speaking for the friars, stated their reasons for opposing a second descent to the coast. He urged that the Indians of that region were unfriendly, and that a party of ten men would certainly come to harm; that the country for many leagues in the vicinity of Espiritu Santo Bay was a waste and would in no wise support men and horses; and that it was especially necessary for the company to proceed on the way to the land of the Tejas to relieve the wants of the friars and soldiers who had been for fourteen months without assistance, and were in great need. 64 Although this argument was not without force, the plan of Governor Teran would have been, without doubt, the wiser; it would have saved much time and needless traveling, and might have given an entirely different ending to the expedition. But the judgment of the chief officer was overruled, and it was decided to proceed on the way to the mission.
The expedition was delayed at the Brazos (called Rio del Espiritu Santo and San Geronimo) two days in crossing the flocks, and another day at the Trinity. The friars became impatient at the slow progress of Governor Teran, and from the Trinity went on in advance toward the mission. They were met outside the village of the Tejas by the fathers Francisco de Jesus Maria and Antonio Bordoy, who confirmed the report of the death of Father Fontecuberta, and of the fatal sickness among the Indians. In a single month as many as three hundred died among the tribes of the Asinais, and among all the friendly nations called Tejas some three thousand died during the year 1690-91. 65
The friars also gave an account of the work they had done in the year since Manzanet had left them. They had continued their labors among the Asinais at Mission San Francisco, and at another mission established a few miles to the north upon a stream called Archangel San Miguel (probably the Neches). This second mission was built in June, 1690, and was the especial charge of Father Francisco de Jesus Maria; it was named Santisimo Nombre de Maria. 66 The labors of the fathers had not been without reward. They had succeeded in inducing a number of the Indians to receive baptism, among them the great Xinesi, head of the Asinais tribes. This chief, or governor, was baptized on his death-bed, but miraculously recovered, and according to Father Francisco became “a very good Christian, for he has given me his word that he will do nothing other than what I tell him.” 67 But the work of conversion had been necessarily slow on account of the numerical weakness of the missionary force, the difficulty of learning the native languages, and the indifference of the Indians. The leaven was too small to lighten quickly so large and ponderous a loaf.
Governor Teran with the soldiers, flocks, and herds reached the village August 4th, and was introduced into it with much ceremony by the governor and chief men of the Asinais. Delivering the presents and messages which the viceroy had specially directed should be conveyed to the governor and captains of this nation, Teran proceeded with due formality to constitute, out of the lands of the Tejas tribes, a new province which he called “El Nuevo Reyno de Nueva Montaña de Santander y Santillana.” 68 He then delivered to the frairs the flocks, herds, provisions and other supplies which had been brought for the support of the missions, and on the 24th of August set out to return to the Bay of Espiritu Santo to meet the sea expedition, which Captain Martinez had failed to find.
Recrossing the Trinity, Brazos, and Colorado lower down, he advanced as far as the Guadalupe, where he left the company under the command of Captain Martinez, and with a few men descended to the coast. He arrived September 8th, on the La Vaca, and found the company of seamen under Captain Gregorio Salinas de Varona awaiting him. It appears that they had landed on the shore of the bay July 2nd, and had been waiting ever since, though for some reason Martinez had been unable to find them. From this camping place of Santa Margarita 69 de Buena Vista Teran dispatched to the viceroy letters and reports of the progress of the expedition. He was compelled to wait eighteen days while the sailors were unloading the arms and supplies from the ships. In the meantime he sent for Martinez to come down and join him; and at length, September 27th, the combined forces set out from Santa Margarita for the New Kingdom of Nueva Montaña de Santander y Santillana.
The unfortunate results of the long delay soon became apparent. The company had hitherto been favored with fair weather and tolerable roads; they had known little of the real hardships of exploring a new country. But henceforth the season was against them; the autumn rains set in; the rivers rose and inundated the valleys; the roads became muddy and well-nigh impassable; and, what with the mud and the swollen streams, the expedition did not reach the mission until the 26th of October.
Whether during the two months of Teran's absence the friars had made any attempts to establish other missions, it is impossible to ascertain. It seems probable, however, that they had confined their efforts to the missions already established, awaiting the return of the soldiers before undertaking to locate others, as provided in the instructions of the viceroy. Indeed, Fray Manzanet and his assistants, either because of the increasing practical difficulties of their work or the lack of proper support from the military, made no vigorous effort to carry out the elaborate missionary program, and soon it was almost lost from sight.
After resting his company for a week in the vicinity of the missions, Governor Teran was again ready to take up the march to the country of the Cadodachos. It was an exceedingly unfavorable time to set out on such a journey. The troublesome showers which had delayed the forces on their return from the sea were but a slight forewarning of the hardships they were soon to endure. The inexperienced adventurers had as yet felt only the milder hardships which are the common experience of pioneer explorers. Their easy passage, in the summer season, across the broad prairies of the southwest, where the supply of food for themselves and provender for their horses was abundant, had but poorly prepared them to undergo the severe privations of a winter journey through a dense, pathless forest. A wiser course would have been to wait in camp near the missions until the winter season was over; but Teran had apparently already lost faith in the expedition, and was anxious to have it done with; so on the 6th of November he advanced southeast across the San Miguel, and thence northward toward the land of the Caddos. 70
Each day the march became more arduous and painful. The endless stretches of forest and thicket afforded little pasturage for the beasts, consequently they were soon jaded, starved, and unable to travel. Day after day the rain poured, swelling the creeks to rivers and making the rivers impassable. There were very many of these streams to be crossed, the largest of which they called El Grande del Nombre; many of them they were compelled to bridge, and where that was impossible to cross on rafts. To add to the difficulties of floods and bad roads, the weather turned cold, snow fell, and ice formed on the arroyos. The unseasoned explorers, ill clothed and poorly fed, were soon in no condition to go further; the cattle and baggage animals were dying of starvation and cold, and the whole company was brought to a standstill. Leaving Captain Gregorio Salinas de Verona in command, Teran took thirty men and the strongest of the animals and pushed on. Father Manzanet and several seamen were in the party. At last, on November 28th, they reached the great river of the Caddos (probably the Red River). There was for them little pleasure or enthusiasm in the discovery; they looked on it rather with a feeling of relief at the prospect of speedily having done with a disagreeable business. Their examination of the river and the country adjacent to it was hurried and imperfect. In a lagoon a few hundred yards from the river they found a canoe, which they transported to the main stream, and Teran and several of the seamen embarked in it and rowed several miles down the stream, sounding it, and marking its windings. Teran also, the following day, crossed the river with Father Manzanet and visited the Indians 71 on the other side, finding them friendly and disposed to receive Christianity. But no missionaries were left among them. The severity of the season, and the lack of supplies necessary to equip a mission would have been sufficient to compel the postponment of missionary efforts among the Cadodachos, even if the friars had been willing to remain under such unfavorable conditions.
Having carried out his instructions as best he could under the circumstances, Governor Teran returned to where he had left his main party and began the return march. The severity of the weather continued. The rain changed to sleet; the undergrowth of bushes and brambles became covered over with snow; the animals feeding upon the frozen shrubs grew leaner and more jaded, and one by one died. The soldiers were compelled at length to dismount, place the baggage on their saddle horses, and go on foot. Food failed them until they had barely one meal a day. Men became worn out and lagged behind; a negro trumpeter strayed away, and though parties were sent out to search for him, he was not found. December 30, the wretched company reached the mission of Santa Maria, where they remained a few days, and then moved on to Mission San Francisco.
The expedition was about to end in failure. Governor Teran had apparently had little heart in it since his first difference with the friars and had only persevered from a sense of obligation to the viceroy. The hardships which his people had been compelled to suffer, and to which they were little accustomed, had discouraged them, and had even cast a chill over the enthusiasm of the priests. Further differences arose between Manzanet and the soldiers. Governor Teran on the return march from the country of the Caddos had promised the soldiers that if they would take their saddle horses to carry the baggage, he would let them take fresh horses from those left at the mission for the march to the sea. But when they reached the missions, and were ready to set out upon their return to Espiritu Santo Bay, Manzanet refused to let them have the horses; nor would he even let them have a few cattle to support them until they came to the country of the buffaloes. Teran several times urged upon Father Manzanet the necessity of providing the men with horses and cattle for the return journey, and when the commissary still refused, he sent the soldiers to take what they wanted. 72 Thus the breach between the two leaders of the expedition was widened. The missionary plan seems to have been abandoned entirely; and the missions already established were not in a flourishing condition. The friendliness of the Tejas was not unmixed with duplicity; while professing good will in order to secure the presents which the Spaniards frequently made them, they were constantly pilfering from the missions and stealing and killing the animals. 73 Moreover, they attributed the disease and deaths among them to the influence of the new religion which they had professed, and began to rebel against it and to threaten the priests. 74 These difficulties were aggravated by the harshness and lack of tact which marked the dealings of the soldiers with the natives. Indeed, to sum up the whole matter, the practical obstacles in the way of carrying out the missionary enterprise, together with the lack of harmony between the spiritual and military leaders of the expedition, prevented the establishment of a single one of the eight missions that had been contemplated in the organization of the enterprise. A strong man, convinced of the importance of the work he was set to do, might have reorganized the shattered expedition, infused hope into it, compelled obedience from the soldiers, sought out and punished the offending Indians, and carried the undertaking through successfully. But Teran had neither the executive ability nor the address necessary to prosecute such an enterprise, and was apparently only anxious to get safely out of it in such a manner as to satisfy the viceroy that he had not been lax in performing the duty assigned him.
Laying aside all unnecessary baggage, in order that the horses and mules might pass more easily over the difficult roads, the company set out January 9th for Santa Margarita and the sea. The winter was not yet over, and the constant rains had raised the rivers, until the country for miles along the way was submerged. The Trinity confronted them with a roaring current, which for thirteen days they were unable to cross. The Brazos stretched out before them like a sea of water, and when at last they succeeded in crossing, they were compelled to go on for miles through water and mud. At the Colorado they met a relief party, which had been sent out by the viceroy, and from there went on with less difficulty, arriving at Santa Margarita on the 5th of March. The whole company of seamen and soldiers embarked on the schooner Santo Cristo, and on the 24th of March set sail from the bay Espiritu Santo for Vera Cruz, reaching 75 there April 15, 1692, a little less than a year after Governor Teran had set out from Coahuila.
It has already been suggested with perhaps sufficient clearness why this expedition of 1691 failed to accomplish the primary purpose for which it was sent out. The weakness and unwisdom of Governor Teran, the jealousy and headiness of Father Manzanet, the failure of the military and spiritual forces to act in harmony, and the unusual hardships and privations which befell the untried company were sufficient to have brought a much less difficult enterprise to disaster. It is doubtful, however, whether even with the most favorable seasons and a perfect coöperation of priests and soldiers, the plan of the viceroy could have been carried through successfully. To form and to garrison properly eight or ten missions among the tribes of the Tejas and the Cadodachos would have required several hundred soldiers instead of the small number that composed Teran's company. It would have required also the establishment of some method of communication, at least reasonably sure and regular, with the distant towns and settlements of Mexico, whence supplies could be brought for the missions and presidios. But access to the lands of the Asinais and Caddos was, under the most favorable conditions, difficult. Remote, inland, and confined by dense forests and treacherous rivers, they could be reached only by long and tedious overland marches. To make a number of religious settlements in a region so remote and inaccessible would have been a task of immeasurable difficulty; and to establish them upon a footing of tolerable security and permanence would have taxed the energies and resources of an expedition much more intelligently planned and wisely executed than was the unfruitful enterprise of 1691.
Father Francisco, in his letter to the Count of Galve, sets forth some of the difficulties encountered during the year and three months in which he was chaplain of the missions among the Asinais. The many superstitions of the Indians, the adverse influence of their medicine men, the evil conduct of the soldiers who had been left to guard the missions, the difficult task of learning the many languages or dialects, rendered it impossible to accomplish much good. He wisely suggests that thereafter a strong garrison should be placed with each mission; that the soldiers who form these garrisons be married men; and that they bring with them their families, and thus constitute villages around the missions. He insists that in order to convert them the Spaniards must set them a good example. “And so I beg your Excellency,” he writes, “that you consider how this, as agreeable to the Lord, may not be lost by sending the criminals taken from the prisons, both unmarried and vagabonds, who, if they were turned loose among Christians, would do harm, and would here commit atrocities, and prevent the ministers of the Lord, by their depraved life and bad example, from gathering the fruit of these souls.” 76 In this pathetic appeal we are able to read the causes of the failure of these first missionary efforts, and to foresee the policy which the Spaniards were constrained later to adopt in their efforts to convert the savage tribes.
Of the subsequent history of the missions San Francisco and Santa Maria little can be told in detail. As has been indicated already, the Indians began to give trouble before the departure of Teran's company. 77 A small guard 78 was left to protect the friars, but it was altogether inadequate; and what little assistance the few soldiers might have rendered in preserving the missions from injury was precluded by their lack of discipline and self-restraint. So great, indeed, were the difficulties and discouragements that six of the friars who had come out with Teran's expedition refused to remain, and others, it seems, remained unwillingly. Manzanet, and the four or five friars 79 who left with him, continued their efforts at San Francisco and Santa Maria for more than a year; but the work did not prosper. For two successive seasons the harvests were destroyed by drought; the cattle became afflicted with a disease from which most of them died, and those that did not were stolen by the natives; the soldiers became more unruly and offensive; and the savages grew constantly more threatening. In the summer of 1693 an expedition was sent up from Coahuila with fresh supplies for the missions; but it had not the effect of encouraging the friars to persevere; on the contrary, several of them took advantage of the opportunity to return to Mexico. Manzanet sent letters to the viceroy describing the condition of the missions, and setting forth their urgent needs, and asking especially that a sufficient number of soldiers be sent to secure the friars from the violence of the savages. But the government was not in a mood to do anything. There was no longer any urgent political reason for maintaining settlements beyond the Rio Grande. The alarm of a French occupation had passed, and there was a disposition to postpone to some future time the occupation of the eastern lands. On the 21st of August, 1693, the government ordered that the missions be abandoned, and instructed the priests to retire. In the night of October 25 the friars left the missions, burying the bells and such property as they could not take with them, and returned to Coahuila. 80 A little later, March, 1694, the viceroy formally ordered the abandonment of the province of Nueva Montaña, and Texas was left for twenty years to the undisturbed possession of the Indian tribes, to wait until another and more serious menace to their authority in the lands east of the Rio Grande should stimulate the rulers of New Spain to a saner and more determined effort to make good their title to that vast region by the fact of actual occupation.
The question may well be raised here, by way of conclusion, whether these several unsuccessful efforts to establish missions among the Tejas and Cadodachos were of any permanent value in the evolution of Texas. Without doubt, they were. A certain amount of substance and energy must always be wasted in forcing civilization into an unbroken wilderness. Each new country has its peculiar difficulties, which only experience can teach how to overcome. Paths must be traced, mountains and valleys traversed, boundaries searched out, and coasts and rivers explored; and these things are seldom accomplished without the lavish expenditure of men and means. That remote inland settlements are difficult to establish, and more difficult to maintain; that the organization of an extensive system of missions must be the slow work of years, and not the accomplishment of a summer campaign; that the conversion of even the most tractable of Indians must be a mingling of force with persuasion; and finally, that the mission could thrive only when it existed side by side with the presidio,—these were the useful deductions from Fray Damian Manzanet's costly experimenting. And there were other lessons of value. A more correct idea of the geography of Texas was obtained; the most important rivers were named and their courses determined; roads were marked out from Coahuila to the plains of southwest Texas along which Spanish civilization could advance more surely; and the bay of Espiritu Santo became an easy and familiar landing place for later expeditions. All these facts were worth something when the time came at length to undertake seriously the task of opening the lands beyond the Rio Grande for settlement. These early missionary efforts, then, are not to be considered unimportant. The little log church of San Francisco and its companion mission by the Neches, although ephemeral and productive of no immediate good, in the larger outlook were eminently worth while; for they served as an admonition and a warning when, twenty years later, the friars came again to stretch their line of larger and more substantial churches from the Rio Grande to the Sabine.
A Journal of the Last Voyage Perform'd by Monsr. de La Sale, to the Gulph of Mexico, to find out the Mouth of the Mississippi River ***; And Translated from the Edition just published at Paris. London, 1714. 81
Bancroft (H. H.), North Mexican States and Texas, I 373-476.
Bancroft (H. H.), Arizona and New Mexico, 190 et seq.
Barcia (Andrés Gonzales), Ensayo Cronológico para la Historia General de la Florida (Madrid, 1733), 294. Anonymous translation in Historical Collection of Louisiana, IV 208-210. 82
Bonilla (Antonio), Teniente de Ynfanta, Breve Compendio de los sucesos ocurridos en la Provincia de Texas, desde su conquista ò reduccion hasta la fecha. Mexico, 1772. MS. 83
Carta de Fray Damian Manzanet à Don Carlos de Siguenza y Góngora sobre el descubrimiento de la Bahía del Espíritu Santo. MS. In A. and M. College library. A fac-simile with a translation by Miss Casis of the University of Texas is in The Quarterly, II 254-312. 84
Carta y Relacion de Fray Francisco de Jesus Maria al Conde de Galve, Agosto 15, 1691. MS. In A. and M. College library. 85
Carta en que se da noticia de un viage hecho á la Bahia de Espiritu Santo y de la poblacion que tenian ahi los Franceses (May 18, 1684) in Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida. New Series (1875), 293.
Correspondance de Cabart de Villermont au sujet de la Salle et de son enterprise, Margry, II 421-465.
Dernière lettre de La Salle au ministre avant son départ, et ses adieux à sa mère, in Margry, II 469-471.
Dernier Mémoire et dernière lettre de Cavelier de la Salle, 1686-1687, in Margry, III 537-550. 86
Derrotero de la Jornada que hizo el General Alonzo de Leon para el descubrimiento de la Bahia del Espíritu Santo, y Poblacion de Franceses, año de 1689, in Memorias para la Historia de la América Septentrional, XXVII 1 et seq. 87
Descripcion y diaria demarcacion executada por el General Don Domingo Terán principiada en 16 de Mayo de 1691, y finalizada en 15 de Abl de 1692 88, in Memorias para la Historia de la América Septentrional, XXVII 23-74.
Diario, del Viage del Capitan Martinez qe principio en 3 de Julio y finalizó en 17 del mismo. del año de 1691, in Memorias para la Historia de la América Septentrional, XXVII 112 et seq. 89
Diario que hicieron los Padres Misioneros que principia en 16 de Mayo y finalizo en 2 de Agto. de 1691, in Memorias para la Historia de la América Septentrional, XXVII 87 et seq. 90
Douay (Father Anastasius), Narrative of La Salle's Attempt to Ascend the Mississippi in 1687, in Historical Collections of Louisiana, IV 197-229.
Interrogations faites a Pierre et Jean Talon, par ordre de M. le comte de Pontchartrain, á leur arrivée de la Vera Cruz, le 14 de Septembre, 1698, in Margry, III 610-621. 91
Journal de l'abbé Jean Cavelier, in Margry, II 501-509.
Journal historique du dernier voyage que feu M. de La Salle fit dans le golfe du Mexique, redigé et mis en ordre par M. de Michel. Paris, 1713. 92
La Salle, revenu de sa déconverte du Mississippi en descendant par le Canada, se propose d'en retrouver l' embouchure par le golfe du Mexique, Margry, III 15 et seq. 93
Le Clercq (Father Christian), Account of La Salle's attempt to reach the Mississippi by sea, and of the establishment of a French colony in St. Louis Bay, in Historical Collections of Louisiana, IV 185-196.
Lettres de M. de Beaujeu au Ministre de la Marine, Margry, II 395-410.
Mouvements des Espagnols à propos de l'occupation présumée de la baie du Saint-Esprit par les Français. (1686-1688.) Margry, III 567-572. 94
Offre faite par le comte de Peñalossa d'établir les Francais au Rio-Bravo et de conquérir ensuite la Nouvelle-Biscaye, Margry, III 39-70.
Parecer del Padre Com°. Fr. Damian Masanet y demás Religiosos Misioneros, Julio 19 de 1691 as in Memorias para la Historia de la América septentrional XXVII 84 (a la vuelta)-87 (a la vuelta).
Parkman, La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West. 95
Relation de Henri de Tonty, Margry, I 573-616. 96
Relation de Henri Joutel, Margry, III 91-534. 97
Shea (John G.), Expedition of Don Diego de Peñalosa.
Villa-Señor y Sanchez (Joseph Antonio), Theatro Americano. 98
Vues de La Salle sur les mines de la Nouvelle-Biscaye, après s'être établi soixante lieues au-dessus de l'embouchure de Mississippi (1684), Margry, II 359-373.
Ynstrucciones dadas por el Superior Govierno, pa que se observen en la entra 99 de la Provincia de texas. Mexico y Enero 23 de 1661, in Memorias para la Historia de la América septentrional, XXVII.
Bancroft in his North Mexican States and Texas, Vol. I, cites many other valuable secondary authorities to which I have not had access, but as will appear from what has been given above most of the important contemporaneous narratives have been at my service.
The subject of this sketch, the Reverend Father Edmond John Peter Schmitt, the son of Peter and Magdalen (Mouth) Schmitt, was born at New Albany, Indiana, March the 16th, 1865, and died at San Antonio, Texas, May the 5th, 1901. In his comparatively short career of thirty-six years he has left a sufficiently strong impress upon the religious and intellectual life of his native State and of our own, to warrant a review of some of its leading features in the pages of The Quarterly.
The events of his early life may briefly be summarized. At the age of five, he entered the parochial schools of his native town, where by his modest diligence, he soon became a favorite pupil. At fourteen, forced by pecuniary losses of his father to enter active business, he still continued his studies privately and began to collect a library. When he passed his eighteenth birthday, having assisted in relieving his father's financial embarrassments, he entered the college of St. Meinard to prepare himself for his chosen career, the priesthood. This latter step was not taken without strenuous opposition from his father, who feared the rigors of a devoted priest's life would prove too much for his delicate son. But the prattled desire of the boy of eight had strengthened into the firm purpose of serious youth, and that purpose was not to be gainsaid.
Such had been the careful self-instruction of the young student, and such was his industry that he was able to complete the regular five years' course in two, and at the close of this short period he found himself considering the special field for his life work. A short trial as a novice of the order of Benedictines, at St. Meinard, convinced him that his particular field should be the secular priesthood. He then entered the seminary of St. Meinard, and applied himself, with his usual diligence, to the regular course in philosophy and theology. During this period began his historical labors, of which the published results did not cease until death itself ended them.
Ordained in 1890 by the Bishop of Indianapolis, the Right Reverend F. S. Chatard, a week later he offered his first mass in the church of St. Mary's at New Albany—the church in which he was baptized and in which, later, was sung his own last high mass. Shortly after, he was placed in charge of the parish of St. John, in Warrick county, Indiana, with several other small mission churches under his direct supervision. Then followed five years of active and energetic pastoral work, supplemented by a constantly increasing amount of literary production, generally of a historical character.
His increasing labors, especially in connection with the erection of a noble church edifice for his rural parish, proved too much for a physical constitution never any too strong for the tasks imposed upon it. In 1895, he suffered severe hemorrhages and came South to seek renewed health in Texas. After a few month's sojourn, the desire to be again at work drew him back to Indiana. He was given the chaplaincy of an orphanage. Soon his condition grew much worse, but rallying a little, he returned to Texas, where, in San Antonio, for five years longer he carried on with his grim enemy a losing but determined fight.
In such a life as his there was much that was inexpressibly sad, and yet, much that was charming, for his was an attractive personality. A loyal and devoted priest, he was no ascetic; a man of exact and mature scholarship, he was no mere cut-and-dried specialist. Passionately devoted to the ceremonies and observances of the Church he served, he never lost sight of human interest in narrow formalism. Loving historical research next to the services of his Church, he brought to this field of labor an accurate and discriminating scientific spirit, freshened by an intimate acquaintance with what most men designate as “hobbies.” Although these latter always occupied a secondary position in his busy life, yet, in many cases, as in his collections of curios and coins, in his various scrap and stamp albums, etc., they were of themselves of great value.
Father Schmitt was a man of wide human sympathies. He delighted in social intercourse, in which his many-sided genius, supplemented by careful reading, had fitted him to take a prominent part. His musical and artistic tastes were apparent in many ways, aside from a special fondness for the liturgy of his Church. He was a charming conversationalist, and a ready debater as well, but he never allowed the latter quality to detract from the charming urbanity that his friends so prized in him.
Of what we may call his minor passions that of ransacking book stores and libraries was easily the chief. His knowledge of books bearing upon any ordinary historical subject was really remarkable. Doubtless, he never entered a library without leaving behind a suggestion that caused his visit to be remembered. He was especially interested in the acquisition by libraries of books that were “worth while,” and in the diffusion of knowledge concerning them.
Father Schmitt was more than generous to a fault; with him, it was a failing. The worthy and unworthy were alike helped by him, lest, in refusing any, some needy one should suffer. It was no uncommon thing for him to give away “not merely his coat, but his cloak also,” and his relatives or friends must rival him in generosity in order to prevent the entire depletion of the good father's wardrobe.
Toward his parents his love and loyalty were beautiful. To us who knew him in San Antonio his affection for his father and the latter's devotion to him were touching. At the close of his seminary course it became possible for him to go abroad for some years' study, either in the Tyrol, or at the Vatican in Rome. To a man of his historical tastes the opportunity seemed too good to be missed; but he chose to remain in this country, so as to be near his mother, then failing from the same disease that was later to attack him. Again, in 1895, he hastened from his pastoral duties to his dying mother's bedside, and very likely in the long watch beside her, contracted the germs of the fatal disease. His appreciation of family life was high, and nowhere better shown than in his tender filial devotion.
As a youth, Father Schmitt had been a frequent contributor to newspapers and periodicals. During his seminary course his efforts were turned into their life-long channel—the history of the pioneers of the Catholic faith in the United States. His first work of this character, published in Cincinnati, was Lose Blätter aus der Geschichte der Deutschen St. Marien Gemeinde, a history of German Catholic pioneer days in New Albany, Indiana, and vicinity. A little later there appeared from Vienna his Bibliopraphia Benedictina, a complete bibliography of that order in America. During his pastorate his attention was attracted to the early French mission of Vincennes, in his preparation of a life of Bishop Bruté, the first bishop of that section of our country. His work on this biography was greatly interrupted, and he died leaving the volume still incomplete, but in such shape that another may easily finish it. He lived to see some results of his labor in this field, however, in the publication of the Records of Vincennes, in two installments, in the Catholic Historical Magazine for the present year. He also found time for occasional historical or religious contributions to periodicals, and for one or two evangelistic booklets. At this time he also assisted the Honorable W. H. English in the preparation of the latter's account of the life and campaigns of George Rogers Clarke. Thus he has aided materially in the important work of recording the history of the French and German pioneers of his native State.
In the midst of his busy life, he was suddenly called to another scene of labor. In a distant State and amid unfamiliar surroundings, his delicate health permitting no vigorous occupation, he found occasional opportunities for his chosen field of work, the history of his beloved church, from another point of view—the Spanish. The early work of the Franciscans in Texas aroused the same interest as that of the Benedictines or Jesuits in Indiana. The gloom of the daily struggle for life was lightened by the joy of assisting to exploit a virgin field of historical research. During the five years that preceded his death, he succeeded as no other student of our early history has done in making himself master of the enchanting details of the career of the Franciscans in Texas. When one considers the burden of ill-health under which he labored this statement is significant, and the amount of work turned out by him really marvelous.
His first article published in the Quarterly appeared in the number for October, 1897, and bore the title Ven. Maria Jesus De Agreda: A Correction. This was followed, in the number for January, 1898, by Sieur Louis de Saint Denis. Although contributing no more formal articles, his name frequently appeared in the magazine appended to some note or question. The most important of these appeared in the number for July, 1899, on The Name Alamo; his last in April, 1900, relating to the church of San Fernando. These contributions all show his careful and painstaking research, and his desire to assist the cause of exact scholarship. Father Schmitt was elected to a life membership in the Association a few months before his death.
His work for the Quarterly by no means exhausts his productions of this period. For the local chapter of the Daughters of the Republic he wrote The Story of the Alamo, a sketch of its history taken from records hitherto largely unused. The manuscript of this is now in possession of the organization, by whom it will shortly be published. A more ambitious work, A Catalogue of Franciscan Missionaries in Texas (1528-1859), published in April last, is an indispensable aid to the student of Texas history. Although as yet necessarily incomplete, it must form the basis for any future research in that field. His most important work for this period, however, was his collection of notes and maps on the various Franciscan missions of Texas. He had made a thorough study of parish and mission records, as preserved by the ehurch authorities in San Antonio, and from these had made eopious notes. In addition, he prepared a series of maps locating the missions, with plans of them, so far as was possible, from descriptions or extant drawings. His health did not permit him to travel in order to verify in person his data; nor, for this reason, was he able to examine the material in the Bexar Archives bearing upon his subject. Had his life been spared a few years longer, doubtless he would have been able to bring out an authoritive work on the early Texas missions. His notes and maps are now in the possession of Father Zephyrin Engelhardt, O. F. M., an author of note on the early missions of the order, by whom they doubtless will be well used.
While engaged in his study of the mission records he was able to formulate a very complete list of the various Indian tribes of the Southwest, from which the missions were recruited. The value of this list has been duly acknowledged by the authorities of the Bureau of Ethnology at Washington. Another auxiliary work in which he had made an important beginning was the preparation of a more elaborate and complete bibliography of Texas than has yet been attempted. For this purpose he was using, as a foundation, the work of Judge C. W. Raines, and greatly expanding it in many particulars. During this period he was a frequent contributor to the periodical press of this vicinity. Another important work, posthumously published, A Collation of Kingsborough's Antiquities of Mexico, is, like most of those mentioned above, intended for the scholar rather than the general reader.
Thus did our worthy friend occupy himself during the declining years of his life. Shut in from the busy world in which he would only too gladly have taken his place, snatching occasional moments of partial strength for some task to benefit pure scholarship rather than to minister to the delight of the public, he did faithfully what he could in giving his true measure of devotion to the cause he loved. It is only fitting that those who knew of what he accomplished and sympathized with his aims and struggles should render him a modest tribute of love and appreciation.
[The following is an exact copy of a pamphlet published at Corpus Christi shortly after the depredations of the Mexicans and Indians with which it deals occurred. It was kindly furnished by Mr. Leopold Morris, of Corpus Christi. The pamphlet was prepared with the purpose of representing to the State and United States authorities and to the country at large the existing condition of affairs on the Texas frontier, and with the hope that better protection might be secured for the future. It contains reports of the citizens' meetings held at the time, affidavits of eye witnesses of the atrocities incident to the raid, a graphic account of it based upon these depositions, and an impassioned, though dignified, appeal for protection. Copies of the pamphlet were ordered sent to the government officials and to the leading journals of the country. It is now exceedingly rare.—Editor Quarterly.]
Hon. William M. Evarts, Secretary of State of the United States, Washington, D. C.
Sir:We, the citizens of a district of country between the Nueces River and the Rio Grande, in the State of Texas, one of the United States of America, through a committee duly selected and appointed by us, as hereinafter set forth by the proceedings of our meetings, consisting of the Hon. Joseph Fitzsimmons, county judge of Nueces county, chairman; Hon. John C. Russell, judge of the district court of the 25th Judicial District of the State of Texas; Hon. John M. Moore, mayor of the city of Corpus Christi; Capt. John J. Dix, and Capt. H. W. Berry, members, together with Wm. H. Maltby, secretary, and Edward Buckley, Esq.; Col. Nelson Plato and Wm. Headen as corresponding secretaries—selected with a view to the commendatory character of their official stations—beg to address you as the Chief of State of this great nation—a Statesman in whom we have confidence—and through you to speak to His Excellency the President, to Congress, and through all to appeal to the warm and sympathetic hearts of our countrymen.
We are a peaceful, law-abiding and industrious people. We have come hither from the West, East, North and South to occupy this wilderness of verdure. We peacefully follow our flocks and herds which roam over the wide-spreading savannas, through the lovely valleys, across the hills, or scatter far over the great expanses of our grander prairies.
Our homes are far apart. Ten and twenty and fifty miles often intervene between our houses. Again, where streams flow or where permanent water is abundant, the ranchos or dwellings are nearer, but seldom, indeed, in sight.
We have been greatly exposed. We have overcome many difficulties. We have prospered. We hoped to give advantages to our children that have been denied to ourselves. We had in view that they should become more useful in society, more honorable and distinguished in our country, and prove our support and crown of rejoicing in our old age.
The acmes of our expectations often have almost been reached, and then the labors of years have been swept from us as with a fury of a hurricane, and many precious lives ruthlessly sacrificed to sate the hate of the remorseless Mexican bandit, as well as to gratify his hellish greed and that of his allies, the Indian brutes whom he gives a shelter and a home in the mountain fastnesses near Santa Rosa, in the State of Cohahuila, Republic of Mexico, from whence, jointly—the Indian and Mexican murderers—make rapid, and owing to intervals determined by malicious and malignant judiciousness, often unexpected raids upon our widely separated homes. They scatter our sheep far and wide, leaving them for weeks a prey to wild beasts because their shepherds have been driven off or killed. They destroy our sheep camps. They plunder our houses. They drive off our horses; yet these all might be endured until eventually overcome, were it not for the more fearful horrors which attend them. They kill and then horribly mutilate all whom they encounter, old and young, men and women and prattling children and smiling babes. Our houses are filled with sorrow, and our hearts with gloom; our hopes, so fondly cherished are blasted forever, and life's anticipations are shrouded in the darkest night.
Without adequate proofs it would be deemed incredible that such incursions—without provocation—could occur; that such incarnate fiends could be nursed and fondled and protected by a neighboring Republic at peace with us; that such raids have been made and none of the human blood-hounds brought to justice, nor the country to which they fled for shelter made to give them up.
Yet, sir, these are facts. Such incursions have and do occur, and without provocation. These fiends, to say: Kickapoo, Lipan and Seminole Indians joined with Mexican thieves and cutthroats—doubtless at times instigated by the prospective petty chiefs, who require horses for another revolution that it is expected will elevate them to authority—aided, too, by some white outlaws, are to-day to be found in the vicinity of Santa Rosa, Republic of Mexico, protected, fondled and nursed by the Mexican government. The lower strata of the Mexican commonality who never have been satisfied since the revolt of Texas and its annexation to the United States, gloat over the fact and roll it as a sweet morsel under tongues, that these vandals compose the besom of destruction which sweeps ever and anon, the Texas frontier and desolates the homes of the hated “Americanos.” It has never occurred that by due process of law any of these marauding villains have been brought to justice. Mexico has never had any of them arrested; has never taken steps to give them up.
We make these statements, sir, of facts to you, to the President, to Congress and to the country. We ask: “Shall such fearful outrages be tolerated?” Nay, more, we herewith present to you the history of a recent raid made during the full moon of April last. It is succinctly compiled from affidavits of eye-witnesses, and the raid from the beginning to the ending is portrayed—seriatim—by these sworn statements duly authenticated before lawful officers of the Government under their seals. Of necessity the testimony is ex parte, yet we feel, under the circumstances, on this account it will lose none of its weight with you, with the President, with Congress or with the country.
We call upon you, therefore, as a statesman of a great and just nation, to avenge our dead, to punish the criminals and insure our protection in the future. We know there are malcontents who seek to stir up strife. We are not of these. Were we such, our bitter burning wrongs are sufficient to drive us to desperation now. We know, too, that florid language and intense expression are used for political purposes and partisan ends, but we can not emphasize our language or intensify our expressions with the force they require. Horresco Referens may be joined to every sentence and spread as a pall upon the whole. Our cry is for justice. Mexico should make atonement and her savages should be expelled.
Actuated, sir, by the grievousness of our sufferings, we have gone deliberately to work at this matter. We have gathered sufficient evidence to establish our statements and to support and commend our appeal. We submit all herewith, inclusive of the original documents, which we deem best to lodge with the Department of State for use and reference. The simple tale of each affidavit rivets the truth of the fearful narrative and forces a just conviction. These are furthermore corroborated and confirmed by the official reports of the Commanders of the Military Posts, doubtless, of this district of country. These, we know are at your command through the proper channel of the War Department or through the esteemed Military Chief Commander of Texas, Gen. Ord.
To the history of the raid we have deemed it advisable to add a list of the killed and wounded and a map 100 of the country traversed. The whole is anxiously, and with great confidence, entrusted to your care. We rely upon your integrity, position and ability. We have faith that our appeal to the President and to Congress will be heard. We confide in the warm hearts of our countrymen, believing that our cry shall not come before them in vain, and that you, as their honored Chief of State, will redress our grievous wrongs.
We are, sir, with expressions and feelings of high esteem and regard, most respectfully your obedient servants,
(Signed:) JOSEPH FITZSIMMONS, County Judge Nueces Co., Tex., Chairman. JOHN C. RUSSELL, Judge 25th Judicial District. JOHN M. MOORE, Mayor City of Corpus Christi, Texas. H. W. BERRY, Ex-Sheriff Nueces County, Texas. JOHN J. DIX, County Surveyor Duval County, Texas. Wm. H. Maltby, Secretary. Corresponding Secretaries. Edward Buckley, Nelson Plato, William Headen,
On Sunday, the 14th day of April, 1878, three days ere the moon had reached the full, a band of Mexicans, Indians and—from the testimony—a white man or two, crossed the Rio Grande from the State of Coahuila, in Mexico, and invaded Webb County, in the State of Texas—according to the testimony of Mr. Peter Steffian—at a crossing of the Rio Grande, near the foot of “Apache Hill,” about forty-five miles north of the City of Laredo and the Government Post, Fort McIntosh.
These invaders, according to the affidavit of Capt. E. N. Gray, of Concepcion, Duval County, Texas, are declared to be Kickapoo, Lipan and Seminole Indians, Mexicans and a white man. Their objects were murder and plunder. This declaration is supported by others in the accompanying sworn statements hereto appended.
Their first acts were the killing of two “vacqueros” (cow herders), in the employment of two well-known residents of Webb County, to say: Prospero Guerra, and Justo Guerra. This killing was done in the vicinity of “Apache Hill,” on the day of their entrance, to say: April 14th, 1878.
From this point they took the main road which meanders down the Rio Grande, following its curves and bends, in the direction of Laredo—southeast—and about dusk on the same day they killed Jorge Garcia, within hearing of his wife and friends, at his own rancho, about forty-five miles northwest of Laredo. His wounds were two rifle-ball shots and stabs of a lance. An arrow was found near by him. His “chivarras,” i. e., goat-skin leggins, his horse, saddle, etc., were stolen, and also his drove of gentle saddle-horses, fastened near, were seized and driven off. His cry: “No mi matan!” i. e., “Don't kill me!” was wasted on the air. None, if the savages could prevent, should live to tell of their presence in the country. They resumed their course down the Rio Grande until within fourteen miles of Laredo. Deeming this too dangerously near to the Government Post, Fort McIntosh, they changed their route, making an acute angle, and moved north-eastward towards the Nueces River, passing by the ranchos, i. e., dwellings and circumjacent lands, in the vicinity of Dr. Henry Spohn's where they stole a sufficiency of horses to mount all their party.
Here, it appears from the testimony of Dr. Henry Spohn, began the rapid subdivision and the quick concentrations of this corps, trained from youth to skillful manoeuvering as the sine qua non of a predatory party. Simultaneously, and as if endued with ubiquity, they appeared at almost all the ranchos in this vicinity. They selected the best horses and were then prepared for the raid. Their organization was perfect. They divided into minor parties and devastated in a wide sweep and again reunited at a signal, or by agreement, for consultation or defense. Hence, the accounts of those who saw the raiders at different localities conflict as to the number of the marauders. At this time they were near the Rancho de los Machos, in Webb County, and were estimated to be from thirty to forty strong. At this locality they wounded Tomas Solis with two pistol balls and an arrow. Dr. Spohn attended him and sent a small party to watch the raiders. This party followed them to Ft. Ewell, in La Salle County, formerly a Government Post, on the Nueces River.
Since leaving the Rio Grande, this predatory corps of cut-throats had traveled sixty miles in an air line. The verdure of the Spring had clothed the earth with grass; shrubs, bushes, and trees were dressed in foliage; the water ponds were filled; the people, in the main, were busy shearing their flocks. The time was demoniacally selected as propitious for such fell work. Few were abroad to note the progress of these raiders. The grass gave them abundant provender, and water, lately fallen, refreshed them everywhere. During the day the fruitful umbrage of the newly leaved trees screened them from observation, and the growing moon lighted their way by night. The party sent out by Dr. Spohn feared to make an attack and only gave the news of their departure to Ft. Ewell. The marauders then roamed over the country at will.
From Ft. Ewell they followed the sharp bend which the Nueces River makes towards the east, in La Salle County, and then turns to the northward in McMullen County, and on the 17th of April at nine A. M., reached Wm. H. Steele's rancho—Palo Alto, i. e., High Tree—having traveled a distance of fifteen miles from Fort Ewell. From the testimony of Steele, Hart, Moore and Mrs. W. H. Steele—at that time Mrs. Taylor—we gather the facts of their operations. It is noted that they had a large drove of horses. These they gathered on the 15th and 16th, in Webb and La Salle counties, since leaving the Rio Grande. In addition to bows and arrows it was found that they were well armed with rifles and pistols—doubtless, in the main, stolen from men whom they murdered en route, though it is clear they brought some arms into the country with them.
The entire band seems to have converged at this place. It has long been one of the chief objective points for the concentration of Indians when on frontier raids. Their exits are made, generally, from this vicinity, whether they take an upper or a lower line of departure. There should be—and this is the voice of all all our people—a Post here and a company of cavalry ready for instant service.
Here, again, they were counted, and numbered about forty men. They were fiendishly exultant, and unrepressed in their demonstrations of hellish joy. At Steele's rancho they held high carnival. They killed John Steele, a devoutly pious man, who deemed it wrong to carry arms. Mrs. Steele's two children, named Richard and George Taylor, and aged, respectively, eight and twelve years, were at first supposed to have been captured and carried off, but ere long were found murdered and their forms horribly mangled and mutilated with knives. Here, too, they killed Martin Martinez and Florentine Leo, and dangerously wounded Venturo Rodriguez with a rifle ball and eight arrows. In the midst of this, for their savage delectation, they stripped two Mexicans naked and compelled them to run foot races before them. Meantime Mrs. Taylor, with wonderful coolness and motherly affection, waded across the river and escaped with her children.
They were determined, by those who saw them here, to be Mexicans and Indians on a plundering expedition, murdering and stealing horses, arms, money, clothes, camp equipage, blankets, etc., from all the ranchos contiguous to this point.
The intensely interesting statement of Mr. E. C. Moore gives an unvarnished account of the cruel hatred of the savages, the fiendishness of a white leader, the gallant defence and heroic death of Mr. Moore's companion and his own miraculous escape. The boys, cousins, having quietly resumed their journey, saw in the distance a cloud of dust which they judged to be raised by a whirlwind, but it was, in reality, a cloud of dust raised by a vast drove of horses which they had no suspicion was driven by Indians and their Mexican confreres. They met the vanguard of the party and, though not without apprehension as to who they were, yet, deemed them cow drivers. They fought retreating and one fell. He was the hope of a fond father. The affections of loving sisters centered in him. Alas! he left them in the wilds of San Ygnacio, on the edge of the Nueces Valley, only a grave, and the rude inscription of his untimely death.
From Ft. Ewell the main course of the raiders was about southeast, and continued in that direction to the Toribio Rancho, about four miles beyond Brown's rancho, thirty-six miles from Ft. Ewell, in Duval County, not far from the line of McMullen, and about twelve miles from the Nueces River. In this vicinity they killed Vicente Robeldo, the chief shepherd of T. W. Gillette, and they stole or destroyed everything. One witness says that he lost four hundred dollars' worth from his camp alone. They wounded, and supposed they had killed, Tomas Tunega. Here they changed their course, and came to the Rancho Solidad, in Duval County, about noon on the 18th. At this point they were but thirty miles from San Diego, in Nueces County, at which town a company of U. S. cavalry had arrived.
At the Rancho Solidad they killed Guadalupe Basan, and gathered all the horse stock in the neighborhood. Soon afterwards they killed a shepherd and his wife. Their deaths are clearly reported by a little child. Their bodies were tied together, dead, and swung upon a horse, and which was turned loose. Their bodies have not yet been found. Subsequently they attacked Capt. Richard Jordan's rancho, called Charco Escondido, i. e., hidden pond, and at five o'clock in the evening they killed his son, John Jordan, an excellent and exceedingly promising young man, just coming of age. But a short time previously he had written to his fond mother and sister that “if God spared his life he would visit them soon.” He, however, lived not to return, but, with his friend, Antonio Valdez, fell and died on his father's place. He is not, for life's cord was rudely snapped; but he sleeps the sleep of the good and the just.
Mr. Frank Gravis resides in this vicinity. He was notified by his neighbors, and with great promptitude, busily moved here and there to assist to spread the alarm and to gather a party to follow the raiders. From the Muñoz Rancho, at the request of Capt. Jordan, about sunset, he sent a courier to the commanding officer of the U. S. troops at San Diego, through Judge James O. Luby, the County Judge. With his small party, on the night of the 18th, he slept upon the trail, near Charco Escondido. The Mexicans and Indians lay close to him. From this point, early in the morning, he sent a second dispatch to the commanding officer at San Diego, stating which way the trail had gone. He took it at daylight, following with the jaded horses of the evening previous, which had served to bring his party together. The raiders met Margarito Rodriguez about ten miles west of Charco Escondido, and mortally wounded him. From him Gravis learned that a white man lead the party, but whether an American or a Mexican he could not tell. This was early on the morning of the 19th, and in Encinal County. The Indians drove a large herd of horses before them.
From Fort Ewell it was noted that they had their advance, center and rear guard. Many were identified as Kickapoo Indians. Again they divided into minor parties. One of these stopped a cart, destroyed its contents and stripped its drivers—two boys—naked. This party, immediately after, attacked a wagon train, and, though reinforced by another, were driven off after killing a mule. Near here they shot and killed a shepherd and cast his body upon the live coals of his camp fire. Mr. Gravis hotly continued the pursuit, and from about that point sent a courier to the commanding officer of the U. S. troops at Fort McIntosh, Laredo. The raiders, in small parties, now swept across the country and carried off all the desirable horses in their way.
On the evening of the 19th, Mr. Gravis overtook the main body—again concentrated—as they converged together upon entering Webb County to cross the Rio Grande, distant then, about eighteen miles. They had been in the country six days. Once had they been within fourteen miles of Fort McIntosh; again they approached within twenty miles of it. They had passed with thirty miles of the U. S. cavalry at San Diego, and at no time during these six days had they been over sixty miles from a U. S. Government Post. Yet such is the extended character and sparsely settled condition of this district that such occurrences do take place and escape the notice of the military.
Gravis charged gallantly. The prompt and daring reception which the Indians gave him frightened his Mexican allies and they retired. He continued the skirmish, but a reinforcement to the raiders compelled him to withdraw to the timber to prevent being surrounded and cut off. The raiders did not continue to follow, but pressed in hot haste to the Rio Grande, and strewed their trail with the clothing previously plundered on the route.
Gravis had a wonderful race. More than a hundred miles had he ridden since he began to summon his party, twenty-four hours before. Such races are run and many heroic deeds performed by little parties such as his, and not much notice is taken of them.
He waited patiently next day for assistance from Laredo. Some of his men reviewed the locality of the skirmish, and found several of the Indians' horses dead. Mr. Gravis saw the “cavallada,” i. e., drove of horses, and judged it to number from one hundred and fifty to two hundred head. These were the choice horses of the country, for the weak and worthless fell by the way. During his return, on the 20th, he heard from parties from the neighboring ranchos, who joined him on the trail, of many whom the raiders killed, but he has not mentioned their names.
The whole party, in tact, it seems, crossed the Rio Grande on the night of the 19th of April, twenty-five miles south of Laredo, in Webb County, at the Rancho Dolores, not far from the Zapata County line. They improvised rafts of a dry wood called “tarrai,” on which to float over their plunder, yet left provisions, clothing and moccasins on the river's bank. Here it appears from Mr. Blücher's affidavit, they were again counted and numbered forty men. They were well armed with Spencer and Remington rifles, and their drove of extra horses certainly numbered one hundred head.
Though Mr. Gravis' courier was sent to Laredo on the 19th, no movement took place from that point until four P. M., on the 20th. Such is the want of preparation, of instant readiness, which is absolutely necessary in this country for the defense of the people.
This is but a brief résumé of the evidence, coupled with some other known facts, and reduced to a crude narrative. The force and pith of the matter are found in, and touchingly stated by, the respective affidavits, and to these, in conclusion, we now refer.
THE KILLED.
2.Two vacqueros in the employ of Justo Guerra and Prospero Guerra, at “Apache Hill,” Webb County, on April 14th, 1878.
3.Jorge Garcia, near his rancho, Webb County, at dusk, April 14th 1878.
4.A Shepherd of Don Jesus Ramirez, at the Rancho Cerrito Prieto, Webb County, April 15th, 1878.
5.John Steele, at the Rancho Palo Alto, La Salle County, nine A. M., April 17th, 1878.
6.Richard Taylor, aged twelve years, at the Rancho Palo Alto, La Salle County, nine A. M., April 17th, 1878.
7.George Taylor, aged eight years, at the Rancho Palo Alto, La Salle County, nine A. M., April 17th, 1878.
8.Martin Martinez, at the Rancho Palo Alto, La Salle County, nine A. M., April 17th, 1878.
9.Florenzo Leo, at the Rancho Palo Alto, La Salle County, nine A. M., April 17th, 1878.
10.Frederick B. Moore, San Ygnacio, McMullen County, near the line of Duval, three P. M., April 17th, 1878.
11.Vicente Robeldo, Gillette's head shepherd, near Brown's rancho, Duval County, four P. M., April 17th, 1878.
12.Guadalupe Basan, Rancho Solidad, Duval County, twelve M., April 18th, 1878.
14.A Mexican shepherd and his wife, shot, tied together and thrown across a horse, near the Solidad Rancho, Duval County, afternoon, April 18th, 1878.
15.John Jordan, Charco Escondido, Duval County, five P. M., April 18th, 1878.
16.Antonio Valdez, Charco Escondido, Duval County, five P. M., April 18th, 1878.
17.Margarito Rodriguez, ten miles west of Charco Escondido, Encinal County, six A. M., April 19th, 1878.
18.José Ma. Canales, at Quijotes Gordos, twelve M., April 19th, 1878. They threw his body upon his camp fire and his lower extremities were consumed.
Others killed in the “range,” reported by W. H. Steele.
Others killed, of whom J. W. Hart “had heard.”
Others killed, of whom F. Gravis makes mention on his return.
THE WOUNDED.
Tomas Solis, who was attended by Dr. Henry Spohn.
Venturo Rodriguez, at the Rancho Palo Alto.
Tomas Zunega, at Brown's rancho, Duval and McMullen Counties.
Two wounded men met by F. Gravis, April 21st.
BY PETER STEFFIAN.
The State of Texas, County of Nueces.
Before me, Joseph Fitzsimmons, Judge of the County Court in and for said Nueces County, personally appeared Peter Steffian, a resident of the town of Laredo, in Webb County, but now in Corpus Christi, temporarily, on business—who, being duly sworn according to law, deposes and says as follows:
My name in Peter Steffian, forty years of age, was a resident of Nueces County from the year 1853 up to the year 1866, when I removed to the town of Laredo, Webb County, where I am engaged in business as dry goods and general merchant up to the present time. Am now in Corpus Christi on business for my mercantile house in Laredo, where I reside. Am also engaged in the business as a sheep raiser, and have a sheep rancho in the vicinity.
On the 14th day of last April, 1878, I was returning from my sheep camp, situated about sixty miles above or north of Laredo, on the Rio Grande, (where, for several days previously had been engaged superintending my sheep shearers), and when arrived at the rancho of Jorge Garcia, about fifteen miles below or south of my camp, about dusk, called at his house to employ his ox-carts to haul my wool to Laredo. After speaking to said Garcia, he mounted his horse and proceeded to a hill in the vicinity, not over three hundred yards distant, to look for his oxen. While waiting at his house for him to return, a few minutes later, I heard a rifleshot in the direction where Garcia was, and immediately after heard him exclaim, in Spanish: “No mi matan!” i. e., “Don't kill me!” Another rifle-shot was then fired in the same place, and no more exclamation from said Garcia, who was, as I supposed, killed. Called to his family and friends, in and about his house, and informed them of my fears, when a small party of men armed, and we proceeded to search for said Garcia. It was now after sundown—starlight—and with the party of four or five men, proceeded to the hill where he went to look for his oxen, found his body lying on the ground quite dead, his pistol and belt taken off and pockets of his pants turned inside out; his “chevarros” also taken, and horse, saddle, and bridle. On examining the body there were two rifle-balls shot through it, one from behind and the other from the side; also three stabs of a lance or other sharp weapon, in the breasts. I then returned to his house with the party and informed his wife of the murder. We remained there all night, expecting the rancho would be attacked; but at daylight the next morning, the 15th inst., again proceeded to the place where the body lay, and closely examined the ground all around the body, where we found an Indian arrow close beside it. After burying the body of said Jorge Garcia our party rode round in a circle about five miles to ascertain, if possible, who the party were who murdered Garcia, and what other depredations they had committed. We discovered the trail of the party crossing the road I had traveled the day previous with my buggy, when it appeared they had followed down the road after me, about ten or twelve miles, to where I turned off to the house of Jorge Garcia, whom they killed as stated. There appeared, from the signs, to be about fifteen men, afoot, by their moccasin tracks, and five mounted men, and concluded they were a party of Kickapoos on a raid. On counting the horse stock of Garcia, deceased, we discovered that ten of the best saddle-horses had been taken off. Some of these had been staked with ropes, and others hobbled near the house the evening before. About a league further down the river we examined the “cavallados” of horses belonging to the ranchos in the vicinity, and found several mares and colts and young horses killed by arrows. We drew out several, and after examination, concluded the arrows were those used by the Kickapoo Indians.
Jesus Garcia, a brother of the murdered man, now came with two men from my rancho, fifteen miles above, on the Rio Grande, and stated to us that the same party who had killed his brother the day previous had crossed from Mexico to this side about five miles below my sheep rancho at a place on the river in front of a hill known as the “Apache”—a well known and regular crossing place, used by the Indians coming from Mexico into Texas—where they killed two men, (“vacqueros”), in the employ of Justo Guerra and Prospero Guerra, brothers, who own ranchos in the vicinity, and proceeded down the river along the road, on my buggy trail, to where they found and murdered Jorge Garcia, and continued their raid along down the river, stealing and killing horses or any persons they met on their route. When they arrived at a point about fourteen miles above or north of Laredo, they changed their course and moved eastwards towards the Nueces River, where, as I am informed and believe, they committed several other murders and robberies of horses in that vicinity.
Peter Steffian. Sworn to and subscribed before me, at Office, in Corpus Christi, this 24th day of May, A. D., 1878. Joseph Fitzsimmons, County Judge, Nueces County. (Attest:) Reuben Holbin, County Clerk, Nueces County, By Patrick McDonough, Deputy.
BY DR. HENRY SPOHN.
United States of America, State of Texas, County of Nueces.
Before me, Joseph Fitzsimmons, a Commissioner appointed by the United States Circuit Court for the Eastern District of Texas, resident in the City of Corpus Christi, in said District, personally appeared Henry Spohn, a witness of lawful age, who being first duly sworn, deposes and says:
My name is Henry Spohn, and I reside in the town of Laredo, Webb County, Texas, by profession a Physician, also owner of a sheep rancho situated about forty-five miles north-east of Laredo. On the 16th day of April last, 1878, I was engaged superintending the sheep-shearers at my rancho. About three o'clock P. M., a man named Felipe Villereal, living in the vicinity, came to my rancho, asked for a man and horse to go out with his man, or “vacquero,” to see if it was Indians or Mexican raiders who were running his horses in the vicinity. I informed him my horses were at the other end of the rancho, about twelve miles distant. I sent two men, employes, mounted to drive up my horses, (“cavallada.) I also dispatched a party of six armed men, mounted, to see and ascertain who these parties were that were reported to be gathering or driving the horses. In about two hours the party returned and reported to me that the raiders were composed of Indians and Mexicans. A man came from an adjoining rancho and stated that a man was lying at his house who was badly wounded by these Indians or raiders. I proceeded forthwith, to the house and found a man lying in his house, wounded with two pistol-balls through his body and an arrow wound through his abdomen. I dressed his wounds and extracted a pistol-ball from his breast. I then questioned him as to whom they were that wounded him thus. He replied that they were Mexicans who spoke good Spanish, and he thought, also, some Indians. The man who shot him demanded the socks he wore, and he refused to give them, they ordered him to run to his rancho, and immediately fired their pistols at him wounding him as stated. After falling on the ground he heard them say, in Spanish, “That will finish him.” He having fainted, when he awoke from his faint he found an arrow sticking his abdomen, which he broke off and extracted. He saw but six in that party, between twelve and one o'clock in the day.
I then returned to my rancho, about six o'clock, P. M. The six men I had sent out in the forenoon returned and reported to me that the party was composed of Indians and Mexicans, and had stolen all the horses of the adjoining ranchos. I then raised a party of twelve or fifteen men, and started them on the trail, to ascertain where the Indians had gone. They followed the trail until late at night and lost it in the dark. I sent out another party of my men in the morning, who found where the raiders had encamped and killed a beef the evening before. This party of men followed the trail to Fort Ewell, on the Nueces River, and found the Indians or raiders had gone down the country from there, and not finding any assistance, this party then gave up the pursuit and returned to my rancho. From all the reliable information I could glean from parties who met them and had escaped, there were about thirty or forty in the party of raiders or Indians who committed these depredations who came from Mexico, crossing the Rio Grande about thirty or forty miles above Laredo, and recrossing below Laredo about fifteen or twenty miles.
Henry Spohn, M. D. The above and foregoing depositions were read over by deponent, who signed and swore to the truth of the same before me, at Corpus Christi, this 25th day of May, 1878. (Attest:) Joseph Fitzsimmons, U. S. Commissioner.
BY E. N. GRAY.
The State of Texas, County of Duval.
Before me, the undersigned authority, personally appeared E. N. Gray, who is to me well known, who being duly sworn, states that the answers to the following questions are true, to the best of his knowledge:
Who instigated the raid? Mexicans and Indians from Mexico.
What was the object of it? Murder and plunder.
Who were the raiders? Mexicans and Indians.
Where do they come from; that is, where is their home? Mexico.
Were there any Indians, and of what tribe? About thirty—Kickapoos, Lipans and Seminoles.
Were there any Mexicans, and if so, were they citizens of the United States? Yes. I believe they were citizens of the Republic of Mexico, as they came from there.
Were there any Americans of the party? I believe not, but one very white man was reported with the raiders.
Where did they cross the Rio Grande on coming into Texas? About eighteen miles above Laredo.
Whom to your knowledge did they kill; the name, the date, the locality, county and State should be given carefully? Mr. Steele and two sons of Mrs. Taylor, and a Mexican at Steele's rancho, McMullen County, Texas; Mr. Moore and a Mexican, on the road between Steele's and Brown's ranchos, in Duval county, Texas; a Mexican at the Government Wells, Duval County, Texas; Guadalupe Basan, at San Solidad, Duval County, Texas; John Jordan and a Mexican servant, at Charco Largo, in Duval County, Texas; and close to the Laredo road they killed a Mexican and his wife, in Duval County, Tex.
What property was destroyed? A great deal of horse stock driven off by the Indians, and a great many flocks of sheep were abandoned by the killing of the shepherds, or of their being frightened off from fear of the Indians killing them, which caused great losses in the flock of sheep through the raided country.
When, where and of what value? At the time of the raid, and all around the country in the vicinity of the route of the raiders. The value can not be assertained at present, as it will require an investigation to find it out correctly.
On returning to Mexico were they protected, were they molested; what was done, if any thing? They were not molested on their return to Mexico, by the Mexican troops or officials, but went to their homes undisturbed, in the mountains of the State of Coahuila, or Nuevo Leon.
Please add such other information as may be in your possession?
Mexicans from Ballesio, in Mexico told me that the same party of Indians passed, the day before they left Ballessio, about six miles above the town, and that they heard that there was a party in pursuit of them from Guerrero, but did not know if they were troops or citizens in pursuit of them.
E. N. Gray. Sworn to and subscribed before me at my office in Concepcion, Duval County, State of Texas, this 20th day of May, 1878. John Vining, Notary Public, Duval County, Texas.
BY WILLIAM H. STEELE.
United States of America. Eastern District of Texas, State of Texas, County of Nueces.
Before me, the undersigned, a Commissioner of the Circuit Court of the United States for said District, resident in the City of Corpus Christi, personally appeared W. H. Steele, a witness of sound mind and lawful age—thirty-six—who, being first duly sworn, deposes and says:
I reside in La Salle County, where my sheep rancho is situated. For the past four years I have resided in the same locality, which is fifteen miles east of Fort Ewell, on the Nueces River. I was assisted in the care of my flocks and management of the rancho by my brother, John Steele. On the 17th of April last, 1878, I returned to my rancho from a visit to a neighboring rancho, and at one o'clock P. M., arrived at the Nueces River, near my residence, where I met a Mexican “vaquero” coming to meet me, crying out in excited manner: “Los Indios—mala suerte!” and informing me that a large party of Indians had passed through the “range” and killed all the people they met in their route, and among the rest, my brother John, who was in charge of my sheep and rancho; also two boys, aged, respectively, twelve and eight years, named George and Richard Taylor, and also two Mexican shepherds, named Martinas and Florenzo Leo, and, arriving at my house, I found a shepherd named Ventura Rodriguez who was apparently wounded mortally, having eight arrow wounds and a rifle-ball wound, all in the body, arm and shoulder. This man informed me that he believed the party to be composed of Mexicans and Indians. Two of the party of raiders rode up to him on the prairie and asked, in good Spanish, if he knew where there was plenty of horses, and also if he had any money. They then took his hat, horse, and saddle, shooting arrows into him the while, and also a Winchester rifle-ball, when he fell to the ground severely wounded, where they left him for dead. This man has since recovered from these wounds. Another shepherd whom this party of raiders captured and stripped, about five miles above my rancho, on the Nueces River, reported that they compelled himself and another man to strip themselves and run foot-races for the amusement of their party, and told them that they were only going to kill “Americanos,” and that they, the Mexicans need not be afraid. This party of raiders were driving a lot of horses, about forty head, which they took from the prairie in our vicinity—all saddle-horses. These shepherds state that the party were Mexicans and Indians, and on the route towards Laredo they killed several Mexican shepherds and several Americans. By general report there was about forty men in the party, well mounted and armed with bows and arrows and also rifles. This is all that I could ascertain about the movements of this party of raiders, as I had to attend to the burial of my brother, John Steele, and the two boys and the Mexican shepherds. The other persons living in the vicinity of my rancho were all absent. My flocks were all scattered and I lost about three hundred head of sheep by the raid.
W. Hutton Steele. Sworn to and subscribed before me, at Office, in Corpus Christi, this 31st day of May, A. D., 1878. Joseph Fitzsimmons, U. S. Commissioner.
BY MRS. W. H. STEELE.
On the morning of April 17th, I was living on a rancho called the Palo Alto, located on the Nueces River, about fifteen miles below Fort Ewell, in La Salle County, and for some reason which I can not explain, I felt very much depressed and troubled in my mind. Mr. Steele had gone to Dogtown, and there was no one left on the rancho but Mr. John Steele and my children.
About nine o'clock I went up on top of the house, and I saw two men running, about two miles off, on the high open country; they were on horse-back and seemed to be running something like a man on foot. A few minutes later two other horsemen appeared, coming in the direction of the house, but stopped and stood still about half a mile from the house. Mr John Steele had left the house a little before I went up on the roof, and at this moment came in sight, out of the brush, very near the last two men who came in sight. Also, at this moment, I saw three men more come in sight, and they got between John and the house, one of the three men after John, driving him before them away from the rancho. Directly I saw the man fire one shot, and John fell from his horse. The two men spoken of as standing still did not move all this time; they had no hats on, and looked larger and blacker, and the two to the right rode off in the direction of my children, (boys—one aged eight and the other twelve years), who were herding sheep at this time, and one of them fired one shot before they went out of sight.
I then came down from the house and took my three remaining children, the youngest about nine months old, put them on the branch of a tree, and wading myself in water up to my arms, pushed them ahead of me across the river. I hid in the tall grass and remained in this condition about three hours; I then returned back to the house, being led to do so on hearing the voice of a man calling for Mr. Steele, which proved to be a Mexican “vacquero” who was working for a neighbor. On reaching the house I found one of our Mexican shepherds lying on the ground, wounded in eight different places, all made with arrows but one, which was a gun-shot wound. There was, also, a white shepherd lying in the house, who had been run by the Indians a long distance and was nearly exhausted. Mr. Steele returned about two o'clock in the afternoon, in company with Mr. Hart, and at once commenced a search for the body of Mr. John Steele, whom they found about a half a mile from the house. He had two gun-shot wounds through the body. All search failed to find my children that day.
I saw eight men in all. Those who were nearest to me looked like Mexicans, and they rode like Mexicans, and I feel sure they were Mexicans. Those who were the greatest distance from me looked more like Indians. Some of them had no hats and seemed to ride differently.
The two who remained quiet all the time, and who were evidently watching the San Diego road, had large horses and were large men. The other men seemed to be riding small horses.
The bodies of my two boys were found late in the afternoon of Friday, the 19th.
Mr. John Steele had strong convictions against carrying arms of any kind, and had none with him when killed.
Jane Steele.
The State of Texas, County of Duval.
Before me, J. A. Mattason, Justice of the Peace, and ex-officio Notary Public, in and for said County and State, duly qualified and commissioned in terms of the law, personally appeared Mrs. Jane Steele, who is well known to me, who acknowledged her signatrue to the foregoing attached affidavit, dated June 8th, 1878, and the said Jane Steele declared to me she had signed the same for all the purposes and considerations therein stated; in testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and seal of Office, in San Diego, in Duval County, this, the 8th day of June, 1878.
J. A. Mattason, J. P. and ex-officio Notary Public, Duval County, Tex.
BY JAMES F. MOUNT.
The State of Texas, County of Duval.
I, Andrew R. Valls, Clerk of the County Court, in and for Duval County, Texas, duly commissioned and qualified in term of law, do hereby certify that personally came, and appeared before me, James F. Mount, a citizen of this county, to me well known, who, being duly sworn, according to law, deposes and says:
On the 19th day of April, in company with other persons, I left San Diego for the scene of the Indian raid, to assist any wounded persons we could find, and to bury, also, the dead. On the first day I went to Brown's rancho, and found there a wounded Mexican, properly cared for. We then went on to Steele's rancho, and found, about one and a half miles from the rancho, the bodies of two children, one about seven and the other about twelve years old, and recognized them as the children of Mrs. Taylor, residing on Steele's rancho. The bodies were horribly mutilated. I helped to bury these two bodies. Others of our party were around in other places, burying the bodies of Mr. John Steele and two shepherds, and, also, a shepherd of Mr. Gillette. I only know from hearsay the amount of property destroyed. I saw the bodies of Mr. Gillette's head shepherd and also of the two Taylor children. They were killed by arrows, as well as gun-shot wounds, and afterwards mangled with knives.
James F. Mount. Sworn to and subscribed before me, this 11th day of May, A. D., 1878. Andrew R. Valls, Clerk of County Court, Duval County, Texas.
BY J. W. HART.
The State of Texas, County of Duval.
J. W. Hart, residing in Duval County, Texas, being duly sworn according to law, deposes and says:
On the — day of April I went in search of the body of John Steele. We found the body of John Steele and of one shepherd of Mr. Steele's, both killed by Indians: one shot with arrows and the other with arrows and rifle. I helped bury the bodies. From there, proceeding to my camp, found all my property carried away or destroyed, to the value of some four hundred dollars. I heard of several other persons being killed, but did not personally see the bodies. My partner, Mr. William Seaton, saw several persons enter my camp and swears positively they were Indians.
J. W. Hart.
County Clerk's Office, Duval County, Texas.
Personally came, and appeared before me, J. W. Hart, to me well known, who, in my presence, signed the above affidavit, and did so under oath; to certify which, witness my signature and seal at San Diego, this 11th day of May, 1878.
Andrew R. Valls, Clerk County Court, Duval County, Texas.
101LETTER OF E. CHAPMAN MOORE.
Corpus Christi, Texas, April 22d, 1878. Col. Nicholas J. Moore, Galveston, Texas.
My Dear Uncle Nick: This sad letter follows the telegrams which have borne the heart-rending news of your brave and noble son's death.
We left this place together by the railway, for Banquete, to which point we had sent our horses previously, on Tuesday morning, the 9th of April, and spent the night at Mr. Curtis', near Banquete. He was to be a neighbor with us in the sheep country, as he was going to move there too. Next day we reached San Diego, sixty miles from here, and remained there, or in that vicinity, visiting sheep ranchos and inspecting flocks of sheep, until Tuesday morning the 16th, at nine o'clock.
Having heard, before we left home, that there was a choice lot of ewes for sale at Steele's rancho, which a friend recommended us to see and purchase, we determined to go to that rancho and see those ewes.
On Tuesday night we reached Mr. A. Labbe's rancho, twenty-five miles from San Diego. He entertained us with true and kind-hearted French hospitality. His two sons, about the age of Fred and I, engaged us in gymnastic sports, which both of us entered into with great zest. The old people looked on with delight, and we did not retire until after ten o'clock. Devoutly we knelt together. We slept in the same room and on the same bed. Fred and myself, in the morning, again knelt in prayer to our common Heavenly Father.
Next day we bade the good people a kind farewell, and at eight o'clock A. M., we took the road once more. We were very happy. We sang nearly all the morning. They were all hymns, and among them: “Jesus Paid it All,” “Rock of Ages,” and Fred's favorite, “In the Cross.” “Rock of Ages” I think was the last one we sang. By noon we reached a place where there is a creek, a pond and hill. The locality is known as San Ygnacio. Here we spent about three hours, for it was very warm; and we had only about ten miles more to ride to reach Steele's rancho.
We left our noon camp together at, say, three o'clock on the evening of Wednesday, April 17th. We had roasted pecans in camp—a new thing for Fred, and he liked them—and he was eating them as we both rode along together, he on my left side and I on his right, our road at this time being duly west. We had ridden about three quarters of a mile when Fred, looking ahead, said: “Look! what a whirlwind!” As I raised my eyes I saw a party of eight men. (The whirlwind was the dust raised by Indians driving stock. We did not see the stock nor the Indians. This I learned only, afterwards, from others.) They were within a hundred yards of us—doubtless they had seen us in our camp, at noon, and waited for us. They, when we first saw them, were beyond and sheltered partly by bushes growing on the border of a small ravine that crossed our road.
I told Fred to put up his quirt (whip) which he did. I changed mine from my right hand to my left. Fred I noticed, strangely continued to pick at the pecans. I exclaimed: “For God's sake throw down the pecans.” However, he had put up his quirt and had adjusted his six-shooter belt, and both our pistols were before us, and ready for use upon the turn of a hair. We were both cool, collected and ready. We were now hardly fifty yards from the eight men.
Our precautions were only the ordinary precautions taken on the road in a wild country. We did not in any extraordinary way, suspect the men before us, across the little ravine, and partly hidden by the bushes, which they seemed at that moment to have approached. Fred said nothing, nor I. I thought them cow-drivers. One was a white man, bull-necked, sunburnt, but fair, not florid, light hair, little beard, tall, would weigh one hundred and eighty to two hundred pounds, and he was in the front. Next to him was a small, very dark-featured, bushy beard and long haired, wiry little Mexican. The white man rode a large gray horse. The Mexican rode an ordinary, but good brown pony. The white man advanced, and nearly flanked me, as if appearing to give us way. We bore to the left, expecting his party to follow his movement, and allow us to pass them. The Mexican on the brown pony, however, confronting us, moved to the side we were on, and opposite from the white man. Thus, we were almost flanked on both sides, and the remaining six men faced us. We were now, perhaps, forty feet apart. There were four white men, I think in party. Also, it may be that the other four were Mexicans, but remembering now the peculiar ride of two of them, doubtless two were Indians and two were Mexicans. All were dressed.
Fred first noticed the flanking movement, or a motion which convinced him, and he said: “Here they come!” They were his last words to me. On the instant he spoke, the white man fired at me; then, simultaneously, Fred, I and the Mexican fired, Fred at the Mexican, I at the white man—we all missed each other. We wheeled to run, and, singular to tell, Fred and I changed sides, crossing, and ran back upon the road we had traveled, but thus, inadvertantly, with the same sides to each other. The white man charged, too, and followed me and the Mexican charged also, and followed Fred, but each of these two pursuers a little outside of the road, while the others—the six—kept the center of the road in the race, and all fired at us as we ran. We kept them, by an occasional shot, in check. They, held in to keep from closing upon us. I got three shots with my pistol. Fred, I think, got five with his. None of our shots were effective as far as I know. Perhaps we ran half a mile, may be a little more, when we reached a point where the bushes thickened, sufficiently to give us at least some protection. Shots followed us thickly all the way. I had all I could do to watch my man. Fred and I were side and side. He was too near for me to see him without turning. I had to look on the side away from him. As we were turning, or, perhaps, about to turn into the bushes, I did look, I don't know how, or why, on Fred's side. He threw up his right arm, he clasped his right thigh with the same hand, and in a moment fell. He was shot through the body, the ball passing through his chest. Those who saw him afterwards say he was killed outright.
I got hold of my Spencer rifle at this moment, and got a shot at the white man. That shot killed his horse—wounded him badly—I found it afterwards. I had lost sight of the Mexican and had outrun the others. I gained the bushes, and shortly reached a dense thicket on the hill. Thence I saw four men hunting for me. I left my horse, and with gun and pistol reached the denser thicket and so escaped. From dark till two o'clock I took a course and traveled. Then I dozed an hour and a half, and at half-past three started again. At four the fog shut out the moon and all sign and then I followed a trail I had found. This trail, about eight in the morning, Thursday, led me to a sheep camp, where I got a Mexican shepherd to go with me to the Cautes Rancho, eight miles off. There I got a horse and rode sixteen miles more to Mr. Labbe's. There I got a fresh horse, and in company with Mr. Labbe's son, Eugene, we returned to look for Fred. Later in the night, on the road, we fell in with Mr. Gillette, of San Diego. He went with us that night, but we could not find Fred's body until about six on Friday morning. We covered him and went ten miles, to Steele's, for a spade and pick, and returned and buried his seventy-five yards from the road. I took the land-marks down, noted the locality, and marked with an ebony post on which was cut his initials and the date, the grave in which we laid him. Before we had finished, it was a little past noon. Mr. Gillette and I returned to Steele's. He had been away. The brother was killed. Two children, aged seven and eleven, were missing—boys. We went to hunt them. We found them dead, cut open—two miles from Steele's house, and shot with arrows which were sticking in their bodies. Saturday night I came to the camp of a cow-man named Abner Owen, who had before joined our party and had helped to bury poor Fred. Thence I came to Mr. Labbe's, where father met me on Sunday afternoon. Thence home. I got here this evening at six o'clock.
All are in deep affliction. We do most profoundly sympathize with you. There is not one young man in ten thousand, such as was your noble son Fred Moore. Laura is greatly afflicted. I have Fred's saddle bag—it was left at San Diego—also, his memoranda book and a letter from Willie. I have, too, but bathed in his blood, his pocket edition of Moody's and Sankey's Hymns.
This brings the sad, sad narrative to a close. I have spoken as much in detail as I could. I know not what question you would wish to ask, and I have attempted to anticipate as many as possible.
Poor as my attempts are, I did not bury Fred without a prayer. We knelt around his grave and I spoke to the little party of his piety and worth, and exhorted them to live as he had lived that they might reach the Heaven to which he had surely gone.
And now, what shall I say more? Your boy lives forever and you may see him again. God grant that we all may. And now, with kindest and best wishes, and still with feelings of the deepest sorrow, good-bye.
Your affectionate nephew, E. C. Moore.
BY TOMAS ZUNEGA.
The State of Texas, County of Duval.
I, Andrew R. Valls, Clerk for the County Court in and for Duval County, Texas, duly commissioned and qualified in term of law, do hereby certify that on the 11th day of May, A. D., 1878, I visited the person of Tomas Zunega, now lying wounded in his house in the village of San Diego, Duval, County, and having duly sworn him according to law, took down from the following testimony:
My name is Tomas Zunega. On the — day of April, 1878, I was herding sheep for Mr. Rider, about the edge of Duval and McMullen Counties, at the Brown Rancho, some twelve miles from the Nueces River. I was in camp making a fire when I saw, about thirty yards from me, a body of Indians. I got behind a mesquit tree in camp, when the Indians immediately spread out and charged on me. I fired a shot on the leading Indian and then ran from them; they surrounded me and kept firing on me until I fell, wounded. The Indians then went to camp and took what gentle horses were there, and also carried away all clothing, saddles and camp equipage lying around, blankets, etc. The Indians remained about one hour in camp, and after destroying all they could not carry away, departed. The other shepherds escaped by being out with their flocks. I saw the Indians closely and am positive that some of them were Kickapoos. I can not state whether there were any Americans or Mexicans with them. Their movements were so hurried that I could not make them all out, but am certain some I saw were Kickapoos.
His Tomas X Zunega. mark Witness to mark, Charles Hoffman. Sworn to and subscribed before me this 11th day of May, A. D., 1878. Andrew R. Valls, Clerk County Court, Duval County, Texas.
BY R. JORDAN.
United States of America. Eastern District of Texas, State of Texas, County of Nueces.
Before the undersigned, Commissioner of the Circuit Court of the United States for the Eastern District of Texas, resident in the City of Corpus Christi, in said District, personally appeared Richard Jordan, a witness of sound mind and lawful age, to-wit: fifty years, and to me, said Commissioner, well and favorably known, and who, being first duly sworn, according to law, doth depose and say as follows, to-wit:
I have resided in the City of Corpus Christi, Nueces County, since the year 1864. Am a sheep raiser by occupation, and have a rancho situated in Duval County, about thirty miles west of the town of San Diego, where my flocks were kept under the charge and supervision of my three sons, respectively named Richard, Samuel and John, (a minor aged nineteen years). I left Corpus Christi, accompanied by my youngest son, Frederick, in a spring wagon, for the purpose of attending to the shearing of the sheep at rancho, on the 15th day of April, last, 1878, and on the 18th (three days after), arrived in the vicinity of the rancho of the Gravis brothers, six miles east of mine, and encamped for the night. A short time after dark my son Samuel came on horseback into my camp, and informed me that his brother John and a friend of his, named Antonio, had been killed at the rancho that afternoon by a party of raiders, whom he supposed to be made up of Indians and Mexicans; that himself and brothers, and, others, were building a shearing pen at the rancho that evening, about five o'clock P. M., and hearing several shots in quick succession, looked up the road, and at a distance of about three hundred yards, discovered a large party of mounted men charging down upon them at their shearing pen. They then fled to the thicket close by for protection from the raiders, who entered their pen and took everything they found there, being saddles, bridles, blankets and clothing; also a mule and two horses that were staked near the pen; a set of mule harness and an iron skillet being the only article which they failed to take with them. They, the raiders, then moved off to a pond of water near by and watered their animals and proceeded towards the Laredo road. After their noise and bustle had subsided my sons came out of their hiding places in the thicket and went to the place where they had heard the shots fired, and there found the body of their brother John lying dead, with three bullet holes through his body and an Indian arrow also in him; also, near by, the body of his friend, Antonio—an old man—dead, with five bullet-holes through his body and one through his right hand. An arrow that had been in his body, was pulled out and layed by his side. They had cut the boots open on my son John, and took off his socks and hat, but did not mutilate him. His neck was broken as supposed by the fall of his horse. They pulled off the boots from the old man Antonio, but left them beside him. After seeing these things, my son Samuel then ran on foot nearly four miles to a place where he had a horse hobbled, which he mounted and started for the Gravis brothers' rancho for help, and found myself and son Frederick encamped, when he informed us of the above facts. I then waited until daylight the next morning and harnessed up my team and started for the rancho, when I met on the road, my two sons and some other persons with them, bringing in the dead bodies of my son John and Antonio to the rancho of the Gravis brothers, where we interred them.
I then proceeded to the rancho, and ascertained that two of the five shepherds employed on my flocks had been captured by the raiders, and that after they were robbed of all their effects the robbers released them, and told them to get out of the way, as another party was coming on behind them, who might kill them—the shepherds. One of the raiders then asked the shepherd if he was a friend to the Kickapoos, (in the Mexican language). He replied that he was, when they released him as stated. Some of the raiders had guns and pistols, and also bows and arrows.
When I reached my sheep camp I found the shepherds had all fled to the thickets and their flocks had, in consequence, got mixed and scattered. My losses in consequence of this raid have been very heavy. The shepherds that were prisoners stated to me that they believed the party of raiders to number between thirty and forty men, who were Mexicans and Indians, and were then driving a large herd of horses before them. They appeared to move in three divisions, the advance killing and clearing the way, the next party driving the stolen horses, and a rear guard, all of whom were well mounted and armed.
I further depose and say that on the night of the 18th of April, when my son Samuel came to my camp and informed me of the killing of his brother John, that I employed an expressman to proceed to the town of San Diego, about thirteen miles distant, to notify the military Commandant of the Post, and requesting the assistance of the U. S. troops. The expressman returned to my camp next day and stated that he delivered the letter to the County Judge of Duval county, Jas. O. Luby, who informed the commanding officer of the contents, and was informed in reply that he had already dispatched a detachment of ten men, which “was a sufficient force,” he thought, “to whip the fifty Indians.”
On the 20th of April, Mr. Frank Gravis returned with his party of citizens from the vicinity, who had pursued the raiders from the lake near the shearing pen at my rancho, and came up with them near sundown, same day, and attacked them at a point below Laredo about fifteen miles, and same distance from the Rio Grande. Mr. Frank Gravis, seeing they were in much superior numbers and were equally armed, was obliged to retire back with his party. After awaiting that night in the vicinity, they discovered the next morning that the raiders had gone towards the Rio Grande river. They proceeded to examine the ground occupied by them and found several dead horses that were shot by the attacking party in the skirmish.
I remained at the sheep ranch about twenty-five days after these occurrences, endeavoring to recover the scattered and lost sheep from my flocks, and also completing the shearing, and during all this time no troops had come to examine the trail or investigate the matter, up to the time I left for Corpus Christi, on the 18th of May, inst., and I am now compelled at heavy expense, to abandon my rancho and move my sheep away for want of protection.
R. Jordan. Sworn to and subscribed before me, at Office in Corpus Christi, this 25th day of May, A. D., 1878. Joseph Fitzsimmons, U. S. Commissioner.
BY CALIXTO RODRIGUEZ.
The United States of America, State of Texas, County of Duval.
Before the undersigned, a Commissioner of the Circuit Court of the United States, for the Eastern District of Texas, resident of the City of Corpus Christi, in said District personally appeared Calixto Rodriguez, a witness of lawful age and sound mind, who on oath deposes and says that he is a resident of the State of Nuevo Leon, Mexico, and is by occupation a freighter of merchandise. On the 19th, day of April last, 1878, witness was employed in hauling hides from Laredo to Corpus Christi, with his mule wagons, and while on the road, near a lake or pond of water, named Laguna del Muerto, about ten leagues east of Laredo, he was attacked by a party of mounted raiders, who approached in a hostile manner, when witness, being satisfied they were a party of five Indians, coralled his wagons and mules and fired on the Indians, who then rode round his teams firing on him rapidly for the space of three-quarters of an hour, which fire was returned by deponent and his assistant teamsters, numbering six men. Another party of seven raiders came up during the progress of the fight, making twelve in all, who after some time left without being able to do any damage to the witness or his party, except wounding a mule. After their failure to capture the mules of the train they (the raiders) went off towards the Rio Grande. Witness then moved on towards Corpus Christi with his wagons, and found two carts loaded with wool and hides, standing in the road, which had been attacked and the teamsters captured, (two Mexican boys), who were taken prisoners and stripped naked and then turned loose by the Indians, who destroyed the freight by cutting the wool bags and hides, and scattering the contents. Witness is a native of Mexico, but was formerly a resident of McMullen County for about seven years. These two boys stated to witness that the Indians inquired of them where they could get good fat horses, when they informed their captors that a train of witness, with good mules, was a few miles behind, on the road, which he believes induced him to release the boys, and come to attack his teams.
Calixto Rodriguez. Sworn to and subscribed before me at Corpus Christi, this 31st day of May, 1878. Joseph Fitzsimmons, U. S. Commissioner.
BY FRANK C. GRAVIS.
United States of America, Eastern District of Texas, State of Texas, County of Nueces.
Before the undersigned, Commissioner of the Circuit Court of the United States, for the Eastern District of Texas, resident in the City of Corpus Christi, in said District, personally appeared Frank C. Gravis, a resident of the town of San Diego, in Duval County, who, being duly sworn, deposes and says as follows:
I am a sheep raiser by occupation, and have a rancho twenty-five miles west of San Diego, where my flocks range, under the control of seven or eight Mexican shepherds. On the 18th day of April last, 1878, I was engaged at my rancho in superintending my sheep. An express was sent me from Jorge Alanes, a neighbor living about four miles off, that a party of Indians had killed a man by the name of Basan, at the Solidad Rancho, about twelve miles north of my place, and were gathering all the horse stock in the vicinity, requesting to get a party of men and meet him that night, for the purpose of recovering the horses if possible. I then sent an express to Mr. Edward Caldwell, at the Borjas Rancho, asking to send word among his neighbors, and request them to meet us and join in pursuit. About half an hour after this Mr. Samuel Jordan came to my rancho and told me that the Indians had killed his brother John and a man named Antonio Valdez, close to his rancho, that evening shortly after sundown. I immediately went with Mr. Samuel Jordan up to the Munoz Rancho, about two miles distant, where I found Capt. Richard Jordan, the father of Sam, who requested me to write to the commanding officer of the U. S. troops stationed at San Diego, which I did, addressing my letter through the hands of the County Judge, James O. Luby, which I am informed was so delivered to the commanding officer.
While at my rancho I was joined by three Americans and four Mexican residents of the vicinity. I went with my party to Mr. Jordan's rancho, and arrived about eleven or twelve o'clock at night, and there met Richard Jordan, Jr., and a man named Porter, who had just brought the bodies of John Jordan and Antonio Valdez. We left two of our American friends to assist in conveying the bodies to my rancho for burial, and with the remainder of the party six in number, encamped for the night on the trail, for the purpose of discovering which way the trail led, and who they were, with a view to send an express to the troops. I sent an express back that night, informing the commanding officer which way the trail had gone, and next morning at day, with my party of six men, started on the trail in pursuit, and found the Indians had encamped within four or five miles of where they had killed John Jordan and Valdez the evening previous. About seven or eight miles from that place we found, on the trail a man named Margareto Rodriguez, a shepherd, who was shot through the body, and was then alive, but has since died, who informed me that there was about forty men in the party, who were driving a herd of horses, about fifty or sixty head, before them. He also said that the party was composed of, principally, Indians, and one who appeared like a Mexican or American. After continuing the pursuit, I called at the rancho of Ylario Leal, for more men to assist in the pursuit, but obtaining none. I there found two men coming into the rancho, who were stripped naked by the party, who told me they knew them to be Kickapoo Indians who lived in Mexico, and that they had seen them often, trading in towns in Mexico. These two men were cart drivers engaged in hauling wool to Corpus Christi. They stated to me they were stopped on the road and stripped of their clothes, and also the provisions they had in their carts. I was here joined by eight more men, and we started on the trail again. About six miles from there we met a mule train, which with freight of wool and hides, on the main road from Laredo to Corpus Christi, and learned that they had been attacked by twelve Indians about two hours before we met them, but repulsed them—the Indians.
We then pursued them on the trail, and found hats and various articles of clothing, which they had taken from different sheep camps which they had robbed on their route.
I was here joined by another small party of men, making seventeen in all, and we struck out in a faster gait, and soon came up to where they had left horses broke down, and some they killed with arrows and guns. When within about twenty miles of Laredo, I dispatched an express to the authorities at Laredo, to send us some men to assist in the pursuit. The Indians had that evening robbed several ranchos of all the saddle horses they had, and about half an hour by sun we came up with them, in sight, and made a charge, and were met by a party of twenty-five or thirty, who came over a hill in our front, and we commenced skirmishing with the Indians, which we kept up until we saw we were outnumbered, and also a part of our Mexican allies left the field and abandoned the fight, when I was compelled to fall back into the timber with a few Americans of my party. The Indians then withdrew, as it was getting dark. I then went to a rancho called Tule, about twenty miles from Laredo, and about eighteen miles from the Rio Grande, and encamped with my little party for the night, to see if any assistance would come from Laredo. I waited at this place until nine o'clock next morning, and no word or assistance came. Some of our men went over the ground the next day and found several horses that had been killed in the skirmish, and the trail striking towards the Rio Grande river at about eighteen miles distant. I saw the “cavallado,” and it appeared to have about one hundred and fifty or two hundred head of horses which they had stolen on their raid. On my return coming home, we met two men who had been wounded by the Indians the day before, one with arrows and the other with ball. I was also informed of several men who had been killed and wounded by them on their raid. This is all I know, personally, and I verily believe that they were Kickapoo Indians from Mexico, as I observed them closely. They carried bows and arrows, and also guns—Spencer rifles, I believe.
Frank C. Gravis. Sworn to and subscribed before me at office, in Corpus Christi, this 26th day of May, A. D., 1878. Joseph Fitzsimmons, U. S. Commissioner.
BY E. H. CALDWELL.
The State of Texas, County of Duval.
Before me, A. R. Valls, Clerk of the County Court of Duval County, Texas, personally came and appeared E. H. Caldwell, to me well known, who, being duly sworn according to law, deposes and says:
On the 18th day of April, 1878, we received notice Indians were in the country, and had killed a man at the Solidad, and were driving a bunch of horses ahead of them. On the way to the Solidad we met a courier who informed us John Jordan was killed by Indians. I went on, and at Munoz's met Mr. Gravis and others, and went on to the Jordan rancho, and there found the dead bodies of John Jordan and a Mexican. From there we proceeded to Charco Escondido, and there camped for the night; at day-light we took the trail, and after following it some ten miles found a man wounded, shot through the right side, (who has since died); this man informed us there were thirty or more in the party; this man was shot on the morning of the 19th. Thence we went to Hilario Leals' rancho and were joined by seven Americans and two or three Mexicans. At Leal's rancho we found two Mexicans naked, who had been stripped and robbed by the Indians, about two miles west from the rancho on the Corpus Christi and the Laredo road. Pushing on thence west some three miles we struck the trail, which we followed until about fifteen minutes before sundown and came in the sight of the Indians. We charged the Indians, they coming on to meet us. The Mexicans in our party gave way and abandoned the field. We had a sharp skirmish with them but being outnumbered drew off.
E. H. Caldwell. Sworn to and subscribed before me, this 13th day of May, A. D., 1878. Andrew R. Valls, Clerk County Court, Duval County, Texas.
BY CHAS. F. H. VON BLÜCHER.
United States of America, Eastern District of Texas, State of Texas, County of Nueces.
Before the undersigned, Commissioner of the Circuit Court of the United States for the Eastern District of Texas, resident in the City of Corpus Christi, in the said District, personally appeared Chas. F. H. Von Blücher, a witness of lawful age, to-wit: over the age of twenty-one years, a native citizen of Nueces County, in said State of Texas, who, being duly sworn according to law, deposes and says:
I am at present a resident of the town of Laredo, in Webb County, Texas, where I am engaged in business. On Saturday the 20th of April, 1878, about four o'clock P. M., I was called upon by the commanding officer, Major Sellers, of the U. S. troops stationed at Fort McIntosh, Laredo, to act as guide and interpreter for a detachment of U. S. troops dispatched by Major Sellers in pursuit of a party of raiders or Indians reported to have been engaged in ravaging the ranchos or settlements in the vicinity for some days previously. I traveled as guide with these troops down the Rio Grande in the direction the Indians were reported to have taken their plunder. We discovered their trail about twenty-five miles below Laredo and followed it to the water's edge of the Rio Grande, about three-quarters of a mile below the Rancho Dolores. The appearance of the trail indicated a large number of men and horses. After searching around where they crossed the river to Mexico, we found several articles which they had abandoned, apparently in their haste to recross into Mexico, such as bags of flour, sugar, coffee, matches, some old clothing and several pairs of buckskin moccasins, which were picked up by the ranchmen living in the vicinity.
They left (3) three rafts made of a light species of wood, on the river bank, called Tarrai, on which they crossed effects, etc., and left them lying on the Mexican bank of the river.
A Mexican citizen of the vicinity, well known as a credible person stated to the officer in command, that he was concealed in the vicinity when the Indians came to the crossing, and counted fortythree men, apparently Indians, although several of them had heavy beards and looked like Mexicans, and all were armed with Remington and Spencer rifles. They also had a drove of about one hundred head of extra horses, which they captured in their raid into Texas. This man remained concealed in the thicket until after all the Indians had crossed, being afraid they would kill him if discovered. A Mexican negro, who had been captured by them, and who was shot through the shoulder in making his escape, reports that he heard them converse in what appeared to him to be Kickapoo dialect.
We returned to Laredo next day and reported the commanding officer, Major Sellers, what we had discovered, and I was discharged as a guide and interpreter, no further service being required of me.
Chas. F. H. Von Blücher. Sworn to and subscribed before me at Corpus Christi, this 31st day of May, 1878. Joseph Fitzsimmons, U. S. Commissioner.
BY E. CHAPMAN MOORE.
The State of Texas, County of Nueces.
Before me, the undersigned authority, personally appeared E. Chapman Moore, a resident of the City of Corpus Christi, and a citizen of the County and State aforesaid, who, after being duly sworn, says that the statements made in his letter, dated Corpus Christi, Texas, April 22nd, 1878, and addressed to Col. Nicholas J. Moore, Galveston, Texas, as printed in a pamphlet emanating from the people of the district of country between the Nueces river and the Rio Grande, as per folios 21, 22, 23, 24 and 25 of said pamphlet, entitled: “An Appeal,” etc., are the truth regarding the occurrences therein mentioned. In testimony to which, witness his signature this, 28th day of June, A. D., 1878, in the City of Corpus Christi, County and State aforesaid.
E. Chapman Moore. Sworn to and subscribed before me this 28th day of June, A. D., 1878. J. W. Ward, Notary Public, Nueces County, Texas.
The savages coming from Santa Rosa, in the State of Cohahuila, Mexico, doubtless traveled in a direct line eastward to the Rio Grande, for they crossed that river on the 14th day of April, 1878, and entered Texas at “Apache Hill,” in Webb, near the line of Maverick County.
From “Apache Hill their course was southeast, following the road down the bends of the Rio Grande, for a distance of forty miles to a point within fourteen miles of Laredo and Ft. McIntosh.
Thence northeast, to Ft. Ewell, in La Salle County, on the Nueces River, seventy miles from their point of departure from the Rio Grande.
Thence they skirted the Nueces River to Steele's rancho, on the border of McMullen County, and continued a southeast course to the Toribio Rancho, in Duval County, thirty-five miles from Ft. Ewell.
Thence they turned sharply to the west for a distance of ten miles, to the Solidad Rancho, and then to the south for ten miles more, to Charco Escondido, distant only thirty miles from the Government troops at San Diego.
They there took their departure in a direct line southwest and passed diagonally through the southern half of Encinal County, and thence parallel with the Zapata County line they crossed Webb County, within eighteen miles of Ft. McIntosh and the town of Laredo, and passed over the Rio Grande into Mexico at the Dolores Rancho, twenty-five miles below the above named Government post, having traveled ninety miles since leaving the Charco Escondido.
These distances are estimated in air lines and make a total of two hundred and seventy miles in Texas, to which may be added one-third more for the departures made by the savages from the track to visit other points off the route. These give a total of three hundred and sixty miles, and as the marauders were in the country six days, they averaged sixty miles of predatory incursion daily.
Having crossed the Rio Grande they took a direct line northwest to their homes near Santa Rosa. These lines traced on any reliable may will clearly indicate the territory traced by the raiders.
Last Monday night, April 29th, 1878, pursuant to call, a well attended meeting of the citizens was held at Market Hall, to consider the recent murderous raid from Mexico, and to make a proper representation of the condition of affairs on this frontier to the State and National authorities.
Mayor John M. Moore called the meeting to order, and stated its objects, whereupon Judge Joseph Fitzsimmons was elected President; Mayor John M. Moore, Judge J. C. Russell, Capt. W. H. Berry, Vice-Presidents; W. H. Maltby, Secretary.
Judge Russell was absent.
At the request of the President, Capt. John J. Dix addressed the meeting, reciting briefly the condition of the frontier since 1834. He was not favorably impressed with the efficiency of U. S. troops, under existing orders governing their movements; had more faith in one company of Texans, like Hall's men, than a regiment of regulars. He believed that in Indian warfare, a commanding officer should be clothed with discretionery powers. He depicted atrocities—the murder and mutilation of children and men indiscriminately—with much earnestness and feeling. Throughout, Capt. Dix's remarks were comprehensive, to the point, and elicited applause.
The meeting was also briefly and appropriately addressed by Messrs. John Kellett, of Sta. Margarita, and Wm. DeRyee, of Corpus Christi.
A motion was mads by Capt. Berry that a committee of five be appointed to draft suitable resolutions, expressive of the sense of the meeting, to be forwarded to the Governor of the State and our Representatives in Congress.
Pending its adoption, Mr. Wm. Headen addressed the Chair upon the importance of selecting a committee which would collate nothing but in controvertible facts, that would have weight with the Secretary of the State. He held Mexico responsible for these raids, from the fact that she harbored and protected the cut-throats engaged in them. He thought it important that the grand juries and courts of the State should commence the work. The fact that the Adjutant General of the State had reported over four thousand refugees from justice, with many counties not heard from, suggested the belief that many of those outlaws were among the remaining bands. It was for good citizens to inaugurate a more vigorous policy and cease to tamely submit to the presence of lawless men. Though the method would be slow, he thought it would be sure.
The following committee were then elected: Judge Joseph Fitzsimmons, Judge J. C. Russell, Hon. John M. Moore, Capt. H. W. Berry, Capt. John J. Dix.
Nelson Plato, Esq., Messrs. Ed. Buckley and Wm. Headen were elected Corresponding Secretaries.
The Committee on motion was then given a carte blanche with instructions to report at a future meeting, on call. The meeting then adjourned.
Joseph Fitzsimmons. Chairman. Wm. H. Maltby. Secretary.
A call meeting of the Citizens' Committee was held in the Council Room on Wednesday evening, May 22nd, 1878. Present: Judge Joseph Fitzsimmons, Chairman; Judge John C. Russell, Mayor, John M. Moore, Nelson Plato, Esq., Messrs. John J. Dix, H. W. Berry and Wm. Headen; W. H. Maltby, Secretary. Absent: Mr. Ed. Buckley.
Several letters that had been received by Corresponding Secretary Headen were read.
An effort was made, without success, to obtain the presence of Mr. Peter Steffian, who was supposed to be in possession of valuable information in regard to the recent raid. The messenger failed to find him.
A motion by Judge Russell was adopted, “that competent persons be appointed in the counties of Duval and Webb, to obtain authentic statements of events of the recent raid, and report same to Committee.”
Capt. John Dix was authorized to employ a competent person in Duval County for such service. He was of opinion that he could employ a reliable citizen, who would demand nothing more than actual expenses. Mayor Moore and Judge Russell were appointed a committee to confer with Mr. Macdonnell and others, to ascertain what could be accomplished in Webb County towards procuring evidence, etc.
Capt. H. W. Berry was authorized to solicit subscriptions in Nueces County. Mr. E. C. Moore was requested and consented to assist him. Mr. Wm. Headen was elected Treasurer of Nueces County fund.
The papers of the City were requested to publish the proceedings of the meeting.
Adjourned subject to the call of the Chairman.
Joseph Fitzsimmons, Chairman. W. H. Maltby, Secretary.
The Committee of the People, appointed to collect evidence relative to the late Indian raid, having been convened by call of its Chairman, met in Mayor's Office in the City of Corpus Christi on June 4th, at eight o'clock, P. M.
Members present: Hon. Joseph Fitzsimmons, County Judge, Chairman; Hon. John M. Moore, Mayor, and Capt. H. W. Berry, together with the Corresponding Secretary, Wm. Headen.
Wm. Headen, on motion, was appointed Secretary of the Committee, pro tem.
Visitors present: Ex-Gov. E. J. Davis, of Austin; Hon. Lucien Birdseye, of New York; Walter A. Gresham, Esq., of Galveston; Capt. R. Jordan and Messrs. S. W. Rankin, Jos. Almond and Donald McIntyre, of Nueces County.
The reading of the minutes of the last meeting was deferred.
The affidavits of Jas. F. Mount, E. N. Gray, E. H. Caldwell, Tomas Zunega, J. W. Hart, Frank C. Gravis and Wm. H. Steele, of Duval County; Mr. Peter Steffian, of Webb County; Capt. R. Jordan, of Nueces County; and Calixto Rodriguez, of the State of Nueva Leon, Mexico, were presented, duly signed, sealed and authenticated, and on motion were read before the Committee and the visitors named.
Gov. Davis, Judge Birdseye and Mr. Gresham addressed the meeting by request and expressed deep interest.
Capt. R. Jordan made a heart-moving statement regarding the killing o fhis son, and the exposure of the families of our frontiersmen to sudden incursions of the Indians.
On motion, Messrs. Moore, Berry and Headen were appointed to prepare a history of the raid from the data before the Committee, in the form of a memorial address to the President and Congress of the United States, and supported by the affidavits as taken, have the same published in pamphlet form, to be laid before each department of the General Government, upon the desk of each member of Congress, and upon the tables of the “press” of the United States.
Upon motion Committee adjourned to meet on call of the Chairman.
Joseph Fitzsimmons, Chairman. Attest: Wm. Headen, Secretary pro tem.
Pursuant to call another meeting of the Citizens Committee, appointed to investigate the recent Indian raid, was held at Market Hall, Thursday evening, June the 13th, 1878.
Present: Judge Joseph Fitzsimmons, Mayor John M. Moore, Capt. H. W. Berry, Mr. Wm. Headen, and W. H. Maltby, Secretary.
Minutes of the last meeting were read and approved.
Corresponding Secretary Wm. Headen presented the address of the Committee to the Hon. Secretary of State of the United States, together with a report or narrative of the raid, and affidavits of parties corroborating the report.
The address was read and unanimously adopted.
It was ordered that the address, report and affidavits be printed in pamphlet form, copies to be sent to the Secretary of the State, members of Congress and to the leading journals of the country.
No further business for consideration coming up, the meeting adjourned sine die.
Joseph Fitzsimmons, Chairman. Wm. H. Maltby, Secretary.
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTICES.
Since last reviewed in the Quarterly, The Land of Sunshine (hereafter to be known as Out West) has printed another valuable source for Southwestern history hitherto unpublished in English, namely, the report made in 1632-3 by Father Fray Estévan de Perea, successor to Benavides as Custodian of the Missions of New Mexico, to the Commissary-General of New Spain, on the Perea expedition to New Mexico and the state of the missions there. The abbreviated title of the first part of the report (printed in the November number), is the Truthful Report of the Magnificent Conversion which has been had in New Mexico (Verdadera Relacion, de la grandiosa Conversion que ha avido en el Nuevo Mexico). The title of the second part (December number) is the Second Report of the Magnificent Conversion which has been had in New Mexico. As the editor comments, “this rare document advances by nearly three years our knowledge of affairs in this important period of the early history of New Mexico.”
The “Antiquities of Mexico,” by Lord Kingsborough. A collation. By Rev. Edmond J. P. Schmitt. San Antonio, MCMI. Pp. 22.
This is another piece of work that occupied the failing energies of Father Schmitt during the period just previous to his death. 102 It seemed to be his special desire to do what might be helpful to other students, and this collation is a good example of the fruit of such a spirit. It is a description of Lord Kingsborough's rare work of a kind to enable one who has not access to the series of volumes himself to judge as well as may be in such case of its contents. Unfortunately, the notes were incomplete when the author died; and the promise in the foreword to indicate, so far as he could ascertain, “the locale, of copies of the work” remains unfulfilled.
Shortly after the collation had been placed in press Father Schmitt died, and the work of editing it fell upon his friend, Miss Adina de Zavala. The difficulties with which she had to contend are sufficiently shown by her note on page 6, which indicates how troublesome the copy was to deal with, but she seems to have been very successful in overcoming them.
Those who have been interested in the description of the Colección de Memorias de Nueva España in the Nation of May 30, 1901, will be pleased to observe from this collation that Lord Kingsborough's work contains several of the documents in that series, and will therefore be a useful check on the copyists of the Colección.
The October number of the American Historical Review (Vol. VII, No. 1) contains articles by an able corps of writers on a wide range of subjects. Goldwin Smith, in The Age of Homer, aims to locate the Homeric period through a study of its political, social, and æsthetic conditions. He concludes from evidence of this nature that Homer wrote at a date later than that fixed by Herodotus, and later than is now generally believed. In Anglo-Saxon Feudalism, George Burton Adams, applying a strict definition to the term “feudalism,” concludes that, in its essential characteristics, this institution did not exist in Anglo-Saxon England. This is contrary to the impression created by recent writers, notably, Professor Maitland, in his Domesday Book and Beyond. Charles W. Colby, in The Jesuit Relations, reviews editor Thwaites's great work and discusses critically the historical value of the sources in question. To any one using the relations the article is well worth reading. Carl Becker writes on Growth of Revolutionary Parties and Methods in New York, 1765-1774. Albert Bushnell Hart contributes The Monroe Doctrine and the Doctrine of Permanent Interest. He first states the various meanings of “the Monroe doctrine,” and then lays down six principles upon which any doctrine of “permanent interest” of the United States must be based. The documents printed in this number are Letters on the Nullification Movement in South Carolina, 1830-1834, II.
Annals of the Fowler Family, with Branches in Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Alabama, Mississippi, California and Texas. By Mrs. James Joyce Arthur ( Glenn Dora Fowler Arthur), Member Executive Council, Texas State Historical Association, a real Daughter of the American Revolution a Colonial Dame of America. Austin: Ben C. Jones &Co. 1901. Pp. xvi, 321.
The mechanical execution of the work is good throughout, and its fine illustrations add much to its value.
Genealogy in Texas is almost an untrodden field, and the author bravely assumes all the risks of pioneer work in this line in the Lone Star State. With pardonable pride of ancestry, she has unquestionably made out a good case for the Fowler family. In her hands the subject of genealogy (as generally treated, a dull one) is not without interest even to the general reader. The perusal of this volume will undoubtedly repay the student of Texas history by its suggestive allusions to our pioneer characters. There is an old Texas tradition that a man's real usefulness never begins till he has crossed the historic boundary rivers of the Republic. Accordingly, Mrs. Arthur does not fail to note the years when some of her distinguished ancestors entered the sacred dominions of Texas. To illustrate: J. H. Fowler, later congressman of the Republic, crossed Red River in 1817, followed by his brother, Judge Andrew J. Fowler, father of the author, to become a Texas congressman also. Rev. Littleton Fowler, Methodist missionary to Texas, crossed the Sabine in 1837, became chaplain for the Senate in the Second Congress, and subsequently an ardent advocate of annexation, which measure he lived long enough to see accomplished.
A native Texan and well read in the affairs of Texas, the author reflects throughout the work ardent patriotism of the typical Texan and the hopeful spirit of the Christian as well. The book, on the whole, is a creditable production, and destined to an honorable place in the literature of Texas.
C. W. Raines.
The Publications of the Southern History Association for November, 1901, contains an article entitled The Organization of the Texas Revolution, by Eugene C. Barker. The paper deals with the development of popular excitement in Texas which began in April or May and culminated at Gonzales in October, 1835. This development has been traced chiefly by means of the minutes of public meetings, but a good deal of material has also been gathered from private and semi-official correspondence of the period. Mr. Barker seeks to show that the great majority of the Texans entered the struggle against Mexico with reluctance; and yet, that Mexico is not greatly to be blamed for insisting upon the demands which forced the revolution into being: there was a small but very active war party in Texas throughout 1835, and it was natural for Mexico to fall into the error of confounding them with the whole population. The principal cause of the conflict is to be sought in the mutual distrust of the two peoples. The documents from which the paper was prepared will be published in succeeding issues of the Publications. They will form a very important contribution to Texas history.
In this number Miles White, Jr., concludes his article on Henry Baker and Descendants. Dr. Curry contributes a very interesting review of John Christopher Schwab's The Confederate States of America, 1861-1865. There is an excellent editorial appreciation of Prof. Herbert B. Adams; and a suggestive review of Canada's Work for History. Besides these, there are numerous book reviews and notices.
Pleading in the District and County Courts of Texas. By John C. Townes, LL. D., Professor of Law, University of Texas. (Austin, Texas: Published by the author. 1901. Pp. xvi, 525.)
One of the benefits expected from the founding of the University Law School was the opportunity that would be given to those chosen as professors to comprehensively study the distinctive features of Texas jurisprudence and to present to the profession, in permanent form, the matured results of their researches and reflections in this field. The volume on Pleading in the District and County Courts of Texas is the first fruit of this kind that has come from Professor Townes' connection with that institution. The subject selected is of general interest to every practitioner and has not heretofore met with the systematic treatment that has been desired. There was no danger, therefore, in this day of digest-making and encyclopedic learning, that a conscientious attempt to present that branch of the law in a more instructive and inviting form would meet with an unfavorable reception.
The work is what the profession had a right to expect from such a source—a lucid law treatise on philosophic lines. The book is not, as is so frequently the case, “a mere compilation of scattered instances,” nor a collection of disconnected and apparently arbitrary rules, but the outcome of an earnest effort to search out the principles underlying our system of pleading as they have been developed and elucidated in our legislative and judicial precedents. The author recognizes that law is a liberal science and its doctrines should be exhibited as capable of progression, improvement, and refinement; his book shows Texas pleading as a living member of Texas jurisprudence. To the student of the law, and no practitioner has probably become so busy as to care to deny himself that title, this treatise will prove most welcome.
The work bears evidence that the writer has not failed to turn to practical account the lessons he has learned from oral exposition and discussion in the classroom. The teacher of a body of bright young men, as no other person, comes to perceive the difficulties that inhere in the study of law, and is able to select that method of arrangement and treatment of detail best calculated to interest the student and impress on his mind the doctrines stated.
But while the work is elementary and well adapted to lessen the labors of the student, it is a convenient reference manual for the busy practitioner. The questions likely to arise in daily practice have received due attention. The established distinctions are worked out with sufficient fullness. The conflicts in the decisions, are noted and the author's reasons given as to which rests upon the firmer foundation. The practitioner who carefully studies the book will seldom find himself, in regard to the topics of which it treats and so far as the doctrines have been announced by the courts, without an authoritative guide. The book is a book of principles, but these are not attempted to be evolved from the author's “inner-consciousness,” but in nearly every instance are supported by either a constitutional or statutory provision or an adjudged case. Like any other work that proposes to set forth a consistent theory of a subject instead of a digest of points, it should first be read as a whole with sufficient care to understand the general plan of division of the various subjects and sub-topics. To such a reader of the book there will be no lack of details and practical illustrations. While it would be expecting too much to require, and especially in a first book, that all the precedents on pleading scattered throughout our statutes and reports should be brought together, digested, and methodized, the work is a most valuable contribution of materials toward that end. It presents a comprehensive view and its defects of omission and of details can be expanded in the few instances in which the treatment is too meager, and explained in those where it is obscure, in a subsequent edition.
The convenience of the book for reference purposes is increased by full quotations of the constitutional and statutory provisions applicable to the topics considered, and by an appendix containing all the rules of the several Texas courts. These alterations effected in the law of pleading, with the judicial interpretations of them, are brought down to date.
No pains have been spared to make the mechanical features of the publication all that could be desired. The usual typographical errors in a first edition did not fail to escape the search of the proof reader.
A brief reference, in conclusion, to the particular topics treated may not be out of place. The civil jurisdiction of the district and county courts and questions relating to venue and the provisions for the organization of these courts are treated in a way that will prove acceptable to the practitioner. There is a useful chapter upon the general principles of pleading. The different instruments of pleading under our system and what they should contain and their relations to each other are thoroughly discussed. An exposition is given of pleading in those instances that require special rules, as in cases of libel, slander, mandamus, quo waranto, trial of right of property, and trespass to try title. There is an admirable chapter on proceedings in personam, in rem, and quasi in rem, wherein each is defined and distinguished from the other.
There is further a well-reasoned dissertation on the difficult subjects of parties to suits and of joinder and misjoinder of causes of action. The two opening chapters contain a philosophic contribution to the literature of the law upon jurisdiction of courts and the judicial functions of government.
One of the best parts of the volume is the tracing out, from original sources, of the development of the Texas judicial system. The history of the law is sometimes looked upon as of subordinate consideration, but this brief though comprehensive historic résumé will prove highly profitable reading to the Texas lawyer. The author has performed with fidelity his arduous task and it is to the interest of the profession that he continue his labors.
Clarence H. Miller.
The Laws of Texas, 1822-1897. Compiled and arranged by H. P. N. Gammel, of Austin, with an introduction by C. W. Raines. Volume X. (Austin: The Gammel Book Company. 1898. Pp. 1502.)
Volume X of the Laws of Texas, compiled and arranged by H. P. N. Gammel, completes the reprint of these laws as originally contemplated.
The labor and expense of these reprints was very great, and a less hardy and enterprising publisher would never have entered upon the task. Mr. Gammel not only undertook it, but carried it out successfully. Prior to the publication of this reprint complete sets of Texas statutes were very rare and commanded a correspondingly high price. Mr. Gammel's enterprise has changed all this, and now the lawyer of even moderate means can command all the Texas statutes and constitutions in their chronological order, and can thus trace historically the written law of the State on all subjects.
The tenth volume of the compilation covers all the laws, general and special, enacted by the Twenty-second, Twenty-third, Twenty-fourth, and Twenty-fifth Legislatures, extending from the regular session of 1891 through the special session of 1897.
Among the important enactments of this period the following may be appropriately mentioned: the act authorizing the transfer of the Confederate Home to the State and establishing it as a State institution, February 27, 1891; the several acts changing the doctrine of fellow servants as to persons operating railroads within this State, March 10, 1891, May 4, 1893, and June 18, 1897; the separate coach law, March, 1891; the railroad commission act, April 3, 1891; the joint resolution submitting amendments to the judiciary article of the constitution, April 28, 1891; the several acts providing for the organization of the supreme court, court of criminal appeals, and courts of civil appeals, under said amendment, which had been adopted at an election held in August, 1891, April 13, 1893; the alien land law, April 12, 1892, and an act regarding the acquisition and holding of lands by private corporations, March, 1893.
There is a large mass of legislation with regard to common schools and the University showing continued interest and increasing appreciation of public education. There are also many laws creating new counties and new judicial districts and of similar nature which indicate clearly the rapid growth in population and business during this period.
In the series of reviews of the volumes composing this reprint effort has been made to point out some of the interesting and important facts in the development of Texas and her institutions. It has been impossible to do more than suggest the possibilities of profit which the student may find in their contents.
When we consider that the laws of a country are only the authoritative expressions of public sentiment we are forced to recognize that the constitutions and statutes of a people are among the most authentic and valuable records of its progress. In this view these reprints cease to be an uninteresting reproduction of dead enactments and become an authentic register of the advancement of our State during the past century.
Jno. C. Townes.
Under the title Was Texas a Part of the Louisiana Purchase? Prof. Ficklen, of Tulane University, has made a valuable contribution to Texas history,—one that deserves to rank as standard authority upon this question.
He indirectly apologizes for having to combat what he mistakenly supposes is the consensus of Texas opinion upon the subject, and shows quite conclusively the negative of the proposition.
There is, however, a side issue which, while, perhaps, of no very great historical importance generally, it is well to refer to, in view of the relation of Texas to the coming centennial of the Louisiana Purchase.
For over a century Texas, as province, republic, and State, was between the upper and nether millstones of national and international politics. As a result, her boundaries now are quite different from what they were when Louisiana was purchased, and that part of area of the present State of Texas which was included in the Louisiana Purchase is greater than that part of the present State of Louisiana, which was a part of that purchase.
The State of Louisiana now has within her borders probably as much as 7000 square miles of what was a part of Texas in 1803, and probably as much as 6000 square miles of what was a part of West Florida at the same date, while Texas has about 38,000 square miles of what was a part of the Louisiana Purchase. In other words, all that part of Texas which sheds its waters into the Mississippi river was a part of the Louisiana Purchase.
Title by discovery and exploration, under which Spain claimed all of North America, was ignored by the nations that parcelled out among themselves the continent. Subject to the historical fact that titles to territory rested upon might rather than right, permanent occupancy and use became the basis for title. If any European nation was able to hold the country it possessed, the title was good, otherwise not. Spain realized this fact in 1716, and took permanent possession of Texas and held it.
In 1712 France, having a firm hold on all the Mississippi basin, ceded its western watershed to Antoine Crozat for trading purposes, and in the name of France actual possession was taken of both banks of Red River and held exclusively, continuously, and adversely to Spain up to 1762, when she voluntarily ceded it to Spain. From 1735 up to 1762 that possession was not only peaceable, but was acquiesced in by Spain, and her title to the sources of all the tributaries of the Mississippi river was as good as her title to the banks of the great river itself.
The most easterly approach to this territory made by Spain was Adaes, about twenty-five miles west of the present town of Natchitoches. Between Adaes and Natchitoches France, up to 1762, kept a force sufficiently formidable to keep the Spaniards from coming further east. The most northerly point held by Spain was Nacogdoches. This was over fifty miles south of the divide separating the waters of the Texas, or Gulf rivers and Red River, and, therefore, well into the Gulf basin; and by no known rule, did she have constructive possession further north than that dividing line. This was the status in 1762, and was the boundary status the United States had to deal with in 1803, succeeding to the French title as it existed in 1762.
Passing for the present the claims set up by the United States to West Florida and Texas, the boundaries as they now are were fixed by the treaty of 1819. This treaty drew the Texas east line back to the Sabine and extended the north line up to Red River, giving to Spain the southern basin of that river as far west as the 100th meridian, and also all of the Mississippi basin west of that meridian between the Red and Arkansas rivers. In other words, that treaty dismembered the Louisiana Purchase by cutting out probably as much as 80,000 square miles and giving it to Spain. The dismembered portion of the purchase what now belongs to Texas is subdivided into fifty-two counties. These have a population greater than the average State of the Union,—taxable values exceeding $160,000,000, a cotton product in 1900 exceeding 800,000 bales, a corn product of over 29,000,000 bushels, a wheat product of over 11,000,000 bushels, and a product of over 14,000,000 bushels of oats, besides a variety of other valuable agricultural products. It embraces the cities of Wichita Falls, Gainesville, Denison, Sherman, Bonham, Paris, Clarksville, Texarkana, Sulphur Springs, and Jefferson; the great gypsum beds of the Northwest, the copper mines of Archer, the asphalt of Montague, the iron mines of Cass, the lignite beds of Hopkins, the great lumber producing forests of Bowie and Marion, and the diversified hard woods of Delta, Titus, Franklin, and Morris. To omit these from the functions of the St. Louis Centennial would leave a large chasm and contradict the history of an essential and significant part of the Louisiana Purchase. To give them their place, then, would do no violence to the general conclusions of Prof. Ficklen, and in nowise affect the merits of his lucid exposition of the historical question.
As he seems to acquiesce in the Adams construction of the letter of the Spanish minister to Talleyrand, and as this has been magnified in importance by Mr. Benton 103 and others who were opposed to giving up Texas, a further notice of this letter may not be out of place.
Assuming that all said by the historian Adams, and Prof. Ficklen substantially embraces everything material, the facts seem to be that Laussat was in New Orleans with his instructions as prefect over the country about the time the purchase was consummated. There were also there many Americans, and to some of these Laussat intimated that he had instructions to take possession of both West Florida and Texas. The Americans then began to set up claims to both countries. When the Spanish minister heard of it, he wrote to Talleyrand, enjoining him “to restrain the pretensions of the Americans regarding the limits of Louisiana.” He didn't say what limits. This, it seems, resulted in Laussat's giving forth the information that he was not to take possession of West Florida, but that Texas, as far west as the Rio Grande up to the 30th parallel, was included in his instructions. The Spanish minister, it seems, made no reply to this, and because he made none Mr. Adams construed his action into a tacit admission upon the part of Spain that Texas was a part of Louisiana. This is what has passed into history as an admission by Spain that Texas was included in the Louisiana Purchase. If there is not enough inherent weakness in this argument, the subsequent contest of Spain and the United States clearly shows the position of Spain. As soon as the commander of the United States forces at New Orleans saw the Spanish soldiers safely out of the city, and the inhabitants settled down to the new order of things, he began to move troops to the western outposts. As he approached the old boundary line that in practice had been settled upon between France and Spain from 1735 to 1762, he was met by a formidable Spanish force and notified that further encroachments would be treated as invasion of Spanish territory. He then abandoned the idea of taking possession of Texas and made a treaty for a neutral ground and suspension of hostilities, virtually the same neutral ground that separated the French and Spanish settlements in 1762. This was in November, 1806. Between this date and the treaty of 1819, neither country encroached upon this ground, but it is interesting to note what the United States did in the meantime. Though they had agreed not to attempt an invasion of Texas, upon the admission of Louisiana in 1812, the Sabine was defined as its western boundary. Laussat's instructions, as defined by him, excluded West Florida from the Louisiana Purchase, yet the United States proceeded to appropriate that, cutting off all west of Pearl river and adding it to Louisiana, and later on dividing the balance between Alabama and Mississippi. In other words, the United States took forcible possession of Spanish territory which Laussat said did not belong to France, while on the other hand they gave up to Spain what Laussat said belonged to France. Independently, however, of all this, it is difficult to understand how a mere instruction of France to Victor or Laussat to take possession of Texas could form the basis of title to a country she never owned, and never made any serious attempt to occupy, and Prof. Ficklen's able paper has shown it up in such a way as to virtually eliminate it from historical discussion.
Z. T. Fulmore.
NOTES AND FRAGMENTS.
“Last Messenger from the Alamo.”—The Proceedings of the Tenth Annual Meeting of the Daughters of the Republic of Texas contains an article under this caption, by their excellent historian, Mrs. Adèle B. Looscan, who therein infers that the messenger, Capt. John W. Smith, left the Alamo “in the evening of the 3d of March, in all likelihood after dark”; which inference conflicts with my conclusion in the Quarterly of July, 1901, that he left after midnight on the morning of the 3d, therefore before the departure of Rose on the afternoon of that day, and that his silence concerning Travis's speech does not tend to disprove Rose's statement.
The inference that Smith left the Alamo late in the evening of March 3d is drawn from two considerations: first, Travis's remark in the dispatch borne by Smith, and dated March 3d,—“Col. J. B. Bonham got in this morning at eleven o'clock”; and secondly—another inference—that Smith made all necessary changes of horses on the way.
I believe that my note in the Quarterly of October, 1901,—The Escape of Rose from the Alamo,—proves that Travis, being weary and pressed for time, made a blunder (surely not an extraordinary one), and that his meaning was `yesterday morning,' `last evening,' or `tonight.' If so, the above quoted inference rests solely on another inference.
The nature of Smith's route to Washington proves the impracticability of his changing horses on the way. Though I believe that there was a standing government ordinance to keep relays of horses on express routes, none were kept. I carefully read the proceedings of the governor and the council every week in the Telegraph and Texas Register till my departure for the army, on March 6, 1836; but I never saw therein any statement that such relays were established anywhere. This neglect resulted from two causes: the poverty of the government, and the impracticability of keeping relays on parts of the routes from Bexar and Goliad. The road from Bexar to Gonzales did not then, as later, lead by the present town of Seguin, but the eastern part of it lay southwest of the Guadalupe River, the entire distance being estimated at seventy miles; and, if I was not misinformed, the first dwelling thereon was that of Mr. Bateman, a little way off the road, in the edge of Guadalupe bottom, west of the ferry at Gonzales. The only two families that had, at different times, tried to settle on that long and lonesome trail had been murdered or driven away; one by Indians, the other by Mexican robbers.
The estimated distance from Gonzales to Moore's Ferry (the present town of La Grange), on the Colorado, was forty-five miles. The first dwelling on that road was that of Mr. Berry, four miles east of Gonzales; the second was that of Mr. McClure, on Peach Creek, ten miles from that town; and the third house was a small one-room cabin, near the west bank of the Colorado, and less than a hundred yards above the ferry, with one door, no window, and no fire-place. When I visited this house in March, 1836, it was unoccupied,—the families in that section all having left home in “the Runaway Scrape.” I judged that it had been occupied by a lone man, employed by Col. John H. Moore to keep the ferry;— the colonel's residence, across the river, being too distant for travelers to call a ferryman thence.
From Moore's Ferry to Washington, the distance was said to be sixty-five miles. Settlers dwelt along the whole extent of this part of the route; the average distance between dwellings being probably two Spanish leagues, and the settlements being very thin toward the Colorado, but gradually becoming thicker toward Washington.
From Gonzales to Washington, the grass on the uplands, and the wild rye and cane in the bottoms, were so bountiful as to keep all horses and cattle in fine condition during the entire year. Hence all grades of horses, when not kept at home for immediate use nor ridden abroad, ran at large, on the range. This alone was sufficient to deter a courier from relying upon chances to exchange horses on his way. Moreover, good roadsters—then termed “American horses”—could not often be bought at less than two hundred dollars each, and never less than one hundred and fifty dollars; while Mexican ponies were purchasable at from twenty-five to forty dollars each. Nearly all settlers on the route, being financially straitened, owned only the cheap class of horses, which, though able to travel twenty-five or twenty-eight miles per day, would fail within a few hours if ridden at the rate of thirty-five miles per day. It is almost certain that this was the condition of every settler between Gonzales and the Chriesman settlement,—about ninety-eight miles from that town, and within twelve miles of Washington. I knew of only four settlers within twelve miles of Washington who probably each owned one or two “American horses” that a courier could have obtained, if they were not out on the range nor in use abroad. These four gentlemen were Col. Horatio Chriesman, Capt. James G. Swisher, Judge John P. Coles, and Dr. A. C. Hoxey.
Considering the nature of Smith's route, and the condition of the settlers thereon, he could not have changed horses before reaching Gonzales, seventy miles distant from San Antonio. There he might, possibly, but not certainly, have effected an exchange, but under risk of obtaining an untried horse, that might soon have failed. Thence to the Chriesman settlement, ninety-eight miles, there was no probability of a desirable change; and thence to Washington, twelve miles, there was a second uncertain possibility for an exchange. Thus no courier could reasonably expect to change horses on that route.
The biography of Guy Morrison Bryan, in the October Quarterly, 1901, supplies an authentic illustration of the difficulty then generally experienced in changing horses by couriers, the substance of which I here repeat. A few days before Smith's departure, Travis dispatched a messenger to San Felipe, bearing a letter, in which he announced the siege of Bexar by the Mexican army, and called for help. The authorities at San Felipe forwarded that letter by another courier to Brazoria and Velasco. This courier proceeded in haste to the residence of Josiah H. Bell, near Columbia, where he and his horse arrived, both broken down; and the school-boy, Guy Bryan, relieved him by bearing the letter, on fresh horses, to its destination.
I am sure that almost or quite every citizen between the Alamo and Washington would have taken the greatest pleasure in exchanging horses with Captain Smith when he bore that dispatch from Travis,—if he had had a horse at hand suitable for such use; but, as I have shown, such was not the case.
Several of the heroes of the Alamo had ridden thither on excellent saddle-horses; and, these being useless in the fort, their owners were willing to lend them to any messenger that Travis might send out. Hence Smith's only sure plan to perform his journey in the shortest time practicable was to mount one of the best horses in the Alamo, purposing to ride him moderately all the way to Washington. So I conclude that I am correct in assuming that he could not have performed the trip in less than four days; and therefore that, as he arrived at Washington on the sixth, he left the Alamo soon after midnight on the morning of March the third.
I deem the time of Smith's departure from the Alamo a subject of special importance, because it directly bears upon the proof of the reality of Travis's speech as orally reported by Rose and published by me.
W. P. Zuber.
QUERIES AND ANSWERS.
I wish to obtain information, as definite as it conveniently can be made, relative to the whereabouts and nature of any kind of material for the history of the Texas navy. I should like to know, also, of the locality and dates of any odd numbers of early Texas newspapers or of complete files of the same.
Alex. Dienst, Temple, Texas.
2. Narrative of De Soto Expedition by the Gentlemen of Elvas, in Historical Collections of Louisiana, Part III, pp. 176 et seq.
3. Margry, Notice sur le Comte de Peñalossa, III 39-44; Shea, Peñalosa Expedition, 8-23.
4. Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico, 190-191; Raines, Bibliography of Texas, XV 160.
5. Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, I 387-388.
6. Margry, III 39-44.
7. Ibid., III 44-48.
8. Margry, II 359-373; III 15-36.
9. Beaujeu á Cabart de Villermont. Margry, II 428.
10. Memoire sur les affaires de l'Amérique, Margry, III 48.
11. Historical Collections of Louisiana, IV 267.
12. Winsor (Cartier to Frontenac, 310) says 280 persons besides seamen and soldiers, making the number about 400. Joutel (Margry, III 92) says about 280 persons including seamen and soldiers.
13. Relation de Henri Joutel, Margry, III 91-534; English translation of Michel's abridged edition, London, 1714; also apparently the same translation in Historical Collections of Louisiana, Part I.
14. Margry, III 99.
15. Cavo, Los Tres Siglos de Mexico, II 65.
16. Ibid.
17. Cavo, Los Tres Siglos, 70. Joutel (Margry, III 167) says that they saw a sail of what they supposed to be a Spanish vessel about the beginning of April, 1685. This must have been a vessel sent out much earlier than any of those mentioned by Cavo, Barcia, and others.
18. Cavo (Los Tres Siglos, II 72) says that in 1688 the Spaniards captured another French ship and learned from one of the prisoners that a French colony had been established on the Gulf coast.
19. Cavo, Ibid., II 70.
20. Carta de Damian Manzanet, The Quarterly, II 281-82. This is the only known authority for the first two expeditions of Leon.
21. Carta de Damian Manzanet, 282-83.
22. Ibid., 283-84.
23. Derrotero de la Jornada que hizo el General Alonzo de Leon para el descubrimiento de la Bahia del Espiritu Santo, y Poblacion de Franceses año 1689. MS. p. 3.
24. Derrotero de Leon, 3, 4, 6.
25. The Leon was called an arroyo (creek), which seems to me to indicate that it was crossed rather high up.
26. Derrotero de Leon, 6.
27. Fray Francisco de Jesus Maria (Relacion MS. 112), after a residence of a year and three months at the mission of San Francisco de los Tejas, has this to say of the name Tejas: “I observe that the name Texias includes all the friendly nations; this name is common to all of them, though the language may be different. The friendly nations, which by another name are called Texias are as follows:” He then mentions twenty tribes, which with the nine tribes of the Asinais constitute the Tejas Nations.
28. Derrotero de Leon, 7.
29. Derrotero de Leon, 7; Carta de Manzanet, The Quarterly, II 287.
30. Derrotero de Leon, 10.
31. Ibid., 8.
32. Ibid., 12-13.
33. Derrotero de Leon, 13-14.
34. Ibid., 14.
35. Ibid. Leon calls him Jacome, a native of Rochelle. Manzanet (The Quarterly, II 291) writes the name as given above. Joutel (Hist. Col. La., 154-155) mentions seeing him among the Cenis Indians on his journey from Fort St. Louis to Canada, 1687.
36. Interrogations faites a Pierre et Jean Baptiste Talon á leur arrivée de la Vera Cruz, Margry, III 610-617. In this is given the reason as stated here why the two Frenchmen remained with the Indians.
37. The account of the destruction of Fort St. Louis is given by Leon, Derrotero, 14-16; by the Talons, Margry, III 612-617; and by Barcia, Ensayo Cronológico, 294.
38. Interrogations faites a Talons, etc., Margry, III 613.
39. See Derrotero de Leon, 14-16, for story of the Frenchmen.
40. The Quarterly, II 290-291.
41. Manzanet (The Quarterly, II 291) says that L'Archevêque and Grollet were dispatched to Spain the same year. Cavo (Los Tres Siglos, 73) says they were sent in charge of Don Andres Pez. There is reason to believe that they returned to Mexico in 1691, and served in the army in the North-west. Bandelier gives evidence to this effect. Vide the Bandelier collection of copies of documents relative to the history of New Mexico and Arizona (Report of the United States Commission to the Columbian Historical Exposition at Madrid), titles and numbers as follows: New Mexico, 1620-1729—No. 9, Ynformación de Juan de Archebec y Antonia Gutiérrez, Viuda, 1697; No 12, Ynformación y diligéncias matrimoniales de Pedro Meusnier y Lucía Madrid, 1699; No. 45, Inventarios autos de liquidación participación del caudal que quedó por la muerte del Capitan Juan de Archibeque, 1720. New Mexico, 1682-1793—No. 8, Ynformaciones matrimoniales de Santiago Geollet, 1699; No. 12, Ynformaciones matrimoniales de Juan del Archibeque y Manuela Roybal, 1719. In the Gilded Man, 289-301, Bandelier gives an interesting account of Jean L'Archevêque gathered from the old archives of Santa Clara, N. M.
42. The Quarterly, II 293.
43. The Quarterly, 293-294. The letter of Manzanet to which reference is here made contains the only contemporaneous account of this expedition and the founding of the mission San Francisco de los Tejas.
44. Ibid., II 295-296.
45. Ibid, II 301.
46. From the Talons' account, Margry, III 614.
47. Interrogations faites a Talons, Margry, III 614.
48. Manzanet (The Quarterly, II 308) gives in detail the dispute between himself and Leon concerning the number of soliders to be left.
49. Interrogations faites a Talons, etc., Margry, III 617. Pierre Talon says that when he found that the Spaniards treated him kindly he told them that he had three brothers and one sister in the country. His other brother, Jean Baptiste, was not found until the next year, as will appear further on in this narrative.
50. The Quarterly, II 310-311.
51. Ynstrucciones dadas por el Superior Govierno, etc., in Memorias para la Historia de la América Septentrional, MS., XXVII 16 et seq.
52. Bancroft (North Mex. States and Texas, I 403) gives this number, but I am unable to find in the documents before me any reference to it. Cavo (Los Tres Siglos, II 78), Bonilla (Breve Compendio, etc., MS., Sec. 6), and Villa-Sanchez y Señor (Theatro Americano, 338) say 500 men.
53. Ynstrucciones dadas, etc., 20.
54. Ynstrucciones dadas, etc., 16-23.
55. Ibid.
56. Manzanet (Diario que hicieron los Padres Misioneros, in Memorias para la Historia de la América Septentrional, MS., XXVII 100), and Teran (Descripcion y diaria demarcacion executada por el General Don Domingo Terán, etc., Ibid., 346) mention him.
57. Teran, Descripcion y diaria, etc., 27.
58. Manzanet, Diario que hicieron los Padres Misioneros, etc., 98-99.
59. Probably Tonty and his men. They were among the Caddos about a year before this time. Tonty in his memoir (Hist. Col. La., I 73) says that they reached the Cadadoquis on the 21st of March, 1690.
60. Interrogations faites a Pierre et Jean Baptiste Talon, etc., Margry, III 613. In this Pierre says that his brother Jean Baptiste and Eustache Breman were left among the Indians when his brothers Robert and Lucien and his sister were rescued, and that they were found, not till almost a year afterward, by a third company of Spaniards.
61. Diario del Viage de'l Capitan Martinez, MS., in Memorias para la Historia de la América Septentrional, XXVII 114. Capt. Martinez says there were two French boys and a little French girl. He secured the boys by threats and bribes, but it seems that he was unable to induce the Indians to give up the girl.
62. Diario del Martinez, 114. On July 9th the Indians told Martinez that five moons before a vessel loaded with maize had been wrecked on the coast.
63. Teran, Descripcion y diaria, etc., 31.
64. Parecer del Padre Com°. Fr. Damian Mansanet y demás Religiosos Misioneros Julio 19 de 1691, in Memorias para la Historia de la América Septentrional, XXVII 84 (a la vuelta)-87 (a la vuelta). In this Father Manzanet gives in detail the reasons for continuing the march.
65. Relacion de Fray Francisco de Jesus Maria, MS.
66. Relacion de Fray Francisco, 104-105. In Teran's Diaria he mentions, p. 45, his arrival at Mission Santa Maria on his return from the sea. On his return from the country of the Cadodachos he speaks of stopping at this mission and continuing a league and a half to the southwest, till he arrived at Mission San Francisco (pp. 61, 62).
67. Relacion de Fray Francisco, 120-121.
68. Teran, Descripcion y diaria, etc., 35.
69. Bancroft (North Mex. States and Texas, I 404) locates Santa Margarita at the crossing of the Colorado. I am convinced that it was much nearer the bay, probably near where the village of St. Louis had stood. On his return Teran reached the Colorado on the 21st of August. He does not mention arriving at Santa Margarita. From the Colorado he travels twenty leagues to the southwest to the Guadalupe, then twelve leagues to the “River of the French,” reaching it Stptember 8th. He remains in this place, where he meets the sea expedition, until the 27th of September. He then resumes what he calls the “Nueva Jornada Executada desde el Real de Santa Margarita de buena vista al la Nueva Montaña,” etc. He says (Descripcion y diaria, 41) that he left Santa Margarita on the 27th of September, and reached the San Marcos (Colorado) October 1st, having traveled twenty-nine leagues. From these details it is clear that Santa Margarita was near the bay of Espiritu Santo. See also Teran's Descripcion y diaria, etc., 73.
70. Paso derrota y tanteo en la tierra que hice desde el dia 6 de Nov. de 1691 al Nuevo descubriemento de la Nacion de los Cadodachos, pp. 47-61 of Teran's Descripcion y diaria. This is the diary of Teran from Nov. 6, 1691, to Jan. 1, 1692, and tells of the journey to the country of the Caddos.
71. Rivera (Declaracion, 83) says that the people were “larger, better featured, and more kindly disposed and affectionate than the Asinay.”
72. Teran (Descripcion y diaria, etc., 61-63) gives details of this trouble between the soldiers and Manzanet.
73. Declaracion de Rivera, 79.
74. Declaracion de Rivera, 79-80.
75. Derrotero el Alferez Don Alexandro Bruno, Piloto de la Fragata Santo Cristo, de San Roman desde el dia 27 de Marzo de año de 1692, in Memorias para la Historia de la América Septentrional, XXVII 76.
76. Relacion de Fray Francisco, 114-115.
77. Teran, Descripcion y diaria, 46-47.
78. Bonilla (Breve Compendio, MS., Sec. 6) has it a corporal with ten soldiers.
79. Bonilla says fifteen priests, which is clearly a mistake. Teran, p. 63, says that six friars returned. Rivera, p. 83, gives reasons for their return.
80. Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, I 405; Bonilla, Breve Compendio, Sec. 6.
81. See note below under Relation of Henri Joutel.
82. The Ensayo Cronológico is a valuable secondary authority to which I have not had access except for this translated fragment.
83. This is not a contemporaneous narrative, but it is carefully compiled from the official documents in the Archivo General of Mexico. Bonilla gives but a meager account of the events with which this paper is concerned. A copy of the document belongs to the A. and M. College of Texas. It was at one time in the Ramirez collection and was purchased for the College by President Jno. G. James from Bernard Quaritch in 1881. Another copy is included in the Documentos para la Historia Eclesiástica y Civil de la Provincia de Texas, composing Volumes 27 and 28 of the Memorias para la Historia de la América Septentrional in the Archivo General of Mexico. These two volumes have been copied for the Texas State library and the library of the University of Texas.
84. See note below under Carta de Fray Francisco. The letter of Manzanet is undated. It is the only contemporaneous narrative of the first two expeditions of Leon in 1686-87 and of the founding of Mission San Francisco de los Tejas. It also gives an account of Leon's third entrada. Bancroft and other historians do not seem to have been acquainted with this letter and do not mention the expeditions of 1686-87.
85. This letter was written from Mission San Francisco de los Tejas at the suggestion of General Teran. In it Father Francisco relates the incidents of the year during which he had been in charge of the missions. He gives a full account of the customs, form of government, etc., of the several tribes included among the Tejas Indians. The document is valuable particularly for the light it throws on the significance of the name Tejas. The MS. was bought from Quaritch along with the Carta of Manzanet and the Breve Compendio of Bonilla. All of them came from the Ramirez collection.
86. English translations of the memoirs of La Salle can be found in Historical Collections of Louisiana, Part I.
87. This is General Leon's diary beginning March 23rd and ending May 13th the same year (1689). It seems to be a faithful and detailed account of the events of each day.
88. This is a full and detailed account of General Teran's movements during the time indicated by the title,—his journey to Mission San Francisco; his return march to Espiritu Santo Bay; his expedition from Santa Margarita to the province of Nueva Montaña; his Paso derrota, y Tanteo en la tierra que hice *** al nuevo descubrimiento de la Nacion de los Cadodachos; and his final return to Santa Margarita and embarkation for Vera Cruz.
89. This diary was kept by Captain Martinez on his expedition from the Colorado River to Espiritu Santo Bay. He was sent by General Teran to meet the sea expedition.
90. This deals with the expedition led by Teran in 1691 and was kept by Padre Manzanet. It gives a detailed account of the incidents of the journey, but it doesn't throw much light on the history of the mission.
91. Pierre and Jean Talon were the sons of the Talon mentioned by Joutel as a member of La Salle's company. As will appear from the reading of this paper, they were found among the Indians by the Spanish. Aside from its tragic interest this document is of historical value. It tells of the fate of the colony at Fort St. Louis and of the expeditions of the Spanish.
92. See note below under Relation de Henri Joutel.
93. This is, of course, Margry's title for a group of documents. It is more convenient for purposes of reference to use his general designation than to enumerate the separate pieces under it.
94. Under this suggestive title are published several letters.
95. The last two chapters give an account of the founding of Fort St. Louis and the fate of the colony.
96. An English translation is in Historical Collections of Louisiana, Part I.
97. Here Joutel's narrative appears in full for the first time. It is given in less complete form in Michel's abridgment and the English translation of the same, both of which have been included in this list of titles. The Relation in Margry covers nearly four hundred and fifty large pages, while the Michel abridgment and the English translation cover each less than two hundred much smaller. The Michel edition contains matter not found in the larger journal. The English translation seems to have appeared in Paris, as well as in London. See Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist., IV 240. The journal as given in the Historical Collections of Louisiana, Part I, is simply a reprint of this translation.
98. This gives but a meager account of the founding of the early missions in Texas and has been of little use in the preparation of this paper.
99. Evidently meant for entrada.
100. No map accompanied the copy of the pamphlet from which this document is printed.—Editor Quarterly.
101. Note:-This letter is taken from a press copy of the original, which Mr. Moore retained. It has been placed in the hands of the Committee by his family, and owing to the absence of Mr. Moore at the time of publication, the Committee have substituted it for his affidavit. This will in time be obtained, confirming the letter, and will be forwarded to the Department of State.
102. See The Quarterly, V 61-62.
103. Thirty Years' View, I 15.
How to cite:
"Issue View", Volume 005, Number 3, Southwestern Historical Quarterly Online. http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/publications/journals/shq/online/v005/n3/issue.html
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