THE QUARTERLY  OF THE  TEXAS STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

Vol. VI. OCTOBER, 1902. No. 2.

The publication committee and the editor disclaim responsibility for views expressed by contributors to the Quarterly.

THE SOUTHWEST BOUNDARY OF TEXAS.

I. J. COX.

As no State of the American Union can compare with Texas in extent of territory, so no State has greater historical interest and importance attached to its boundaries. From the time when La Salle made his unfortunate landing upon its coast until the Supreme Court made its recent decision concerning Greer county, the limits of Texas have been unsettled. Disputes arising from this fact have been the cause of costly entradas, of interminable wrangling by colonial officials, of long and fruitless diplomatic correspondence terminating in unsatisfactory compromise, and of hostile expeditions ending in overwhelming defeat or inglorious victory. The intensity of feeling aroused by these disputes has threatened to disrupt the Union itself, and their solution has prefigured the destiny of the whole continent.

The most interesting and important of the boundaries of Texas is that on the southwest. Neither the eastern, the scene of a century's wrangle between Spanish and French, of the “neutral ground” agreement of 1806, and of the unsatisfactory treaty of 1819; nor the far northwestern, linked with memories of the illfated Santa Fé expedition and of the stirring days of the compromise of 1850, can compare with it in the number and variety of questions involved in their settlement. A direct, although possibly secondary, cause of the only war waged by the American people for territorial aggrandizement, ¹ it has marked for more than half a century the advance line of Anglo-Saxon domination upon this continent. In view of its past importance and of its present significance, a survey of its development, from a somewhat different standpoint than the usual one, may be not only admissible, but profitable.

For this survey, it must be acknowledged that the documents are neither so numerous nor so weighty as would be desirable; nor is the reason for this hard to discover. Previous to the revolt of Mexico from Spain the frontier settlements were so widely separated from each other that it was not necessary to limit strictly the boundaries of the provinces in which they were established. Nevertheless, there was a sort of delimitation in every case, and it is the aim of the writer to trace briefly this delimitation, in order to show its bearing upon subsequent boundary claims.

By the end of the seventeenth century the northeastern provinces of Nueva España were Nuevo Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya (Chihuahua), Nueva Estremadura (Coahuila), and Nuevo Reino de Leon. Texas had been visited and portions of it traversed by exploring parties during the two previous centuries; and more recently, during the closing years of the seventeenth century, it had been the scene of three entradas, which mark the true beginning of Texas history. But a quarter century was to elapse before the territory should be raised to the dignity of a compound name and of a separate provincial government. A half century was to pass, before the last of the provinces bordering on Texas, Nuevo Santander (Tamaulipas), was to be pacified and organized. The four provinces first named at that time constituted the frontier buffer provinces, opposing the tribes of savages then wandering at will over the territory of Nuevo Santander and Texas.

Of the rivers destined to play an important part in the ultimate settlement of the boundaries of these provinces, the most important is the Rio Grande. This river rises in Colorado and flows south-ward through New Mexico, where it bore, in the days when the Spanish first became familiar with it, the name of “Rio del Norte.” In its middle course it was called the “Rio Grande”; while further towards its mouth, where it flowed through the country inhabited wholly by wild Indians (Indios bravos), it took the name of “Rio Bravo,” or sometimes, doubtless from color of its water, that of “Rio Turbio.” ² The second of these rivers in importance is the Nueces, crossed and named in the entrada of General Alonzo de Leon in 1689. ³ Two years later, at the time of the entrada of Domingo Teran, the name of the river was changed to San Diego. ⁴ By the time of Ramon's expedition, in 1716, the name of Rio de las Nueces ⁵ had been restored, and it remained thenceforth the designation of the stream. The third most important river, the Medina, was also named during the expedition of Alonzo de Leon. The day before the arrival of his command at the Nueces, he makes mention of an “Arte de Navegar,” which was written by “el Maestro Medina.” ⁶ Whether there was any connection between the name of the master navigator and that of the river is uncertain; but, at any rate, the river was named during this expedition. Of the three, the Medina is the smallest, and yet for more than a century it was designated as the official boundary between Texas and Coahuila, while the one next in importance, the Nueces, was to answer the same purpose for the provinces of Nuevo Santander and Texas. The largest of the three, the Rio Grande, plays no part in the determination of boundaries, so long as Spanish or Mexican authorities control the limits of the provinces concerned. To one familiar with the natural advantages of the Rio Grande as a boundary, it must seem strange that it was not at once selected as the divisional line between Texas and its southern neighbors. To this principle of the selection of natural delimitations, two things were opposed: first, the Spanish method of limiting frontier provinces; and, second, the conquest and pacification of Nuevo Santander, in 1748, by General José Escandón. The former affected the boundary with Coahuila, and the latter that with the newly pacified province.

When these new provinces were formed from territory formerly occupied by Indians, it seems to have been the policy of the authorities of Nueva España to limit in a general way the boundaries of each with its neighbors, on the south, west, and east, so far as it had neighbors, while on the north they indicated no more definite confines than those afforded by the “many barbarous nations,” or the “gentile Indians.” ⁷ Such we may conceive to have been the early method of designating the northern boundaries of Nueva Vizcaya and Nueva Estremadura. From the former province the line of growth to the north led by way of the Rio Grande valley. From the latter the march of Spanish civilization moved across the Rio Grande, the Nueces, the Medina, and so on towards the east. As the province of Nueva Vizaya became too extended for a single government, a new one, Nuevo Mexico, was formed; and, likewise, with the extension of Coahuila, Texas assumed the dignity of a separate province under military rule. The question of the southern boundary of each of these new provinces was easily determined. The southernmost garrison of Nuevo Mexico was that of the royal presidio of the Pass (El Paso). This was immediately upon the Rio Grande del Norte; therefore, that river, as it begins to turn towards the east at that point, should constitute the boundary between Nuevo Mexico and Nueva Vizcaya. For the time it would be unnecessary to define the boundaries at any other point, because the only settlements were in the Rio Grande valley, around the rude civilization of which stretched a desert, not merely of sand, but also of savagery.

The settlement of the new province of Texas or Nuevas Filipinas ⁸ nearest the City of Mexico was the presidio of San Antonio de Bexar, founded in 1718, ⁹ as a protection to the mission on the San Antonio river. The small garrison at this point could control, in a fairly satisfactory manner, the country as far west as the next important natural dividing line, the Medina river. This, accordingly, would be taken as the southwest boundary of the new province. By 1700 Coahuila had extended her military posts near to the right bank of the Rio Grande, where the presidio of San Juan Bautista was established. A few years later her missions were also established upon the left bank. ¹⁰ Thus both banks of the Rio Grande belonged to Coahuila by right of actual settlement, and the unoccupied territory between the Rio Grande and the Medina seems to have been transferred to her bodily, as being the older province. The Medina is distinctly called the boundary line between the two provinces, April 4, 1721, by the Marqués de Aguayo. Very likely it had been so designated previous to his journey, or this would not have been stated so simply, without some word of explanation; as, to quote his words, “entering the province of the Texas, Nuevas Filipinas, which the river Medina divides from the province of Coahuila, Nueva Estremadura.” ¹¹ Such a statement from the man who was governor of both provinces may be regarded as both disinterested and official. In a similar manner, doubtless by right of previous independent organization, Nueva Vizcaya and Nuevo Mexico extended their territory far east of the Rio Grande, and for more than a century and a quarter their claims were recognized by the Spanish authorities of Texas, as well as those of the other immediate provinces and of the general government. Thus Texas was to remain shut away from the upper Rio Grande, until a force stronger than documentary evidence should enter into the solution of the question.

The fact has been mentioned that the Medina was called the boundary between Texas and Coahuila by the Marqués de Aguayo in the account of his expedition in 1721. Other writers bear similar testimony during this early period. The evidence they present is of two kinds; that the Medina is the boundary between the two provinces in question, and that the Rio Grande flows through territory wholly within other provinces than Texas. In speaking of the province of Coahuila, the Marqués de Altamira says, ¹² “Next to Nuevo Reino de Leon comes the province and subject people [governacion] of Coahuila or Nueva Estremadura, in length from south to north more than a hundred and twenty leagues, to the river of Medina, where begins the adjacent last province and subject people [governacion] of ours of Texas or Nuevas Filipinas.” In speaking of the territory between the Rio Grande and the San Antonio, he says, ¹³ “From the said presidio of San Juan Bautista of the Rio Grande to that of San Antonio de Bejar or Valero (which latter is six leagues within the province of Texas), there intervene another seventy leagues without a single settlement in all their circumference.” The distance from the Medina to the presidio of San Antonio is uniformly given as six leagues; thus it will be observed that sixty-four leagues, or a full half of the length of Coahuila, lay on the left side of the Rio Grande. Again, in describing Texas itself, he says, ¹⁴ “From the said river of Medina at which begins the said province of Texas to the presidio de los Adays at which it ends, its length from south to north is about two hundred and forty leagues, and its width from the west to the Mexican Gulf about eighty.” Thus he makes three different statements about the boundary of Texas and in all of them the Medina is expressly mentioned.

In describing the course of the Rio Grande he shows with equal clearness that no part of it touches territory belonging to Texas. His description of the course of the river is interesting. ¹⁵ “From this province of Nuevo Mexico descends the river named del Norte, which, coming directly towards the south, runs close to the said capital of Santa Fé, and to the royal presidio of the Pass, which has been mentioned. Afterwards it turns to the east and cuts off a portion of Nueva Vizcaya, whence it receives the Concho river. It traverses then the middle portion of the province of Coahuila, passing three leagues beyond its presidio of San Juan Bautista, called from it that of the Rio Grande. ¹⁶ * * * It continues still to the east, crossing twenty leagues beyond the frontier of the said Nuevo Reino, and from its presidio of Serralvo, it discharges its waters with the name of Rio Bravo, through lands of gentile Indians unknown to us.” This description was written four years before the pacification of Nuevo Santander began. It will be observed that the Rio Grande, under its various names, is represented as passing through Nuevo Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Coahuila, while it is twenty leagues distant from the nearest presidio of Nuevo Leon, the smallest of these provinces, with a length of one hundred leagues and a width of about twenty. This fact is important in determining the later boundaries of this province, after the conquests of Escandón in Nuevo Santander. Nuevo Leon, today, remains shut off from the Rio Grande by its neighbors, Coahuila and Tamaulipas, while Texas, then in the same condition, has acquired nearly all of the left bank of that river, and has received more than an equitable compensation for the remainder.

The authorities already quoted seem of sufficient official weight to form the basis for a tolerably certain opinion; but, in addition, it is possible to quote the testimony of the cosmographer of the Kingdom of New Spain. His utterances concerning the boundaries of Texas and Coahuila are equally as definite as those above quoted. “This extensive country [Texas] ¹⁷ has its beginning from the river of Medina, which is the dividing line between the province of Coahuila and the former, which extends between the north and east, in the direction of northeast, for more than two hundred and twenty leagues in length, and more than seventy in width.” * * * Nueva Estremadura follows to the north-northwest of Nuevo Reino de Leon, and its boundaries run to the river of Medina, which is its terminus for the north.” ¹⁸

By comparing the dimensions of Texas, as given above, with thost previously given for Coahuila and Nuevo Leon, it will be seen that they are far broader. Nueva Vizcaya at the same time had a length of about one hundred and eighty leagues, while the distance from the royal presidio of El Paso to Santa Fé allowed a length of about one hundred and thirty leagues only for New Mexico, ¹⁹ the scattered settlements of which were hemmed in by unsubdued Indians. Although the extensive province of Texas at that time contained only four widely scattered settlements, ²⁰ all writers agree in stating that its resources were sufficient to maintain a vast population. So it follows that, even if restricted to the Medina as its western boundary, it possessed more territory, and territory of a greater value, than any of its neighbors.

From the above excerpts it will be seen that three Spanish officials, high in authority, had in the course of twenty-five years previous to 1748, made separate statements concerning the southwest boundary of Texas, and that all had concurred in placing it at the Medina. It seems only reasonable to say that we are justified in assuming that this river was the officially recognized boundary, at that time, between Texas and Coahuila, and that this delimitation was commonly accepted by the people of the two provinces. ²¹ It remains only to fix the boundaries of Texas below the province of Coahuila. This question was settled by the pacification of the savage Indians of the coast, by General José Escandón, between the years 1748 and 1755. Texas acquired a new neighbor, Nuevo Santander; a new limit in that quarter, the Nueces; and her western boundary, at least for a Spanish province, may be regarded as fairly complete.

The junta general of war and finance had authorized Escandón to conquer “a hundred leagues or more from south to north and about seventy or eighty from east to west on the coast of the Mexican Gulf, occupied by the many barbarous, gentile, and apostate nations.” Possibly these dimensions were not to be closely adhered to, and, indeed, it is doubtful if the government authorities in Mexico knew precisely what territory the above distances would include. In order to make the matter more certain they defined the limits of the new province by means of those already existing. On the north the territory to be conquered by Escandón was to be limited “by the kingdom of the aforesaid government of Coahuila and the beginning of the province of Texas.” ²²

In December, 1748, Escandón left Querétaro to accomplish his mission, with a force of seven hundred and fifty, afterwards increased to twenty-five hundred by levies from various parts of Nueva España, including Nuevo Leon and Coahuila. His expedition was not wholly warlike, for he was to found missions and villages, wherever the situation or the people promised success to the venture. Before starting out he had selected such places as he could from the data in his possession, and had marked them on a map. This map was approved by the authorities who had authorized his expedition, and it worth while to note that a place for a settlement had been designated on the left bank of both the Nueces and the San Antonio. Thus it was clearly implied that in order to extend his territory to the confines of Texas, he must conquer the territory beyond the Rio Grande. ²³

A very important reason for the extension of Escandón's conquests beyond the Rio Grande was the fact that a strip of territory about two hundred leagues wide, through which the river ran, was the favorite hunting ground of the Apaches and Lipans, forming “a pouch (bolsa) of land between New Mexico, Texas, and Coahuila” ²⁴ and extending nearly to the mouth of the Rio Grande. The authorities of Nuevo Leon and Coahuila either could not subdue these savages, or else had not taken the trouble to do so. Escandón's expedition offered a fitting opportunity to accomplish this necessary preliminary to the settlement of this vast region. In his first plan for the conquest of Nuevo Santander, he had proposed the founding of fourteen settlements, three of which were to be beyond the Rio Grande. The royal audiencia of the City of Mexico approved of his plans, amplified his powers, and gave him permission to found the new settlements. ²⁵ Already, in 1749, he had sent a detachment of his forces from Coahuila across the Rio Bravo at San Juan Bautista, with orders to proceed to the mouth of the Nueces and the bay of Espíritu Santo. He also gave orders to Captain Basterra, then in command of the troops at that point, to proceed to form a settlement at a suitable place on the left bank of the Nueces. ²⁶ He also proposed to remove the presidio from the bay of Espíritu Santo near to Camargo, where it would be more useful against the warlike Lipans and Apaches. By the next year, however, Escandón learned that the place selected on the Nueces was not suitable for a settlement, and after eight months of hardships, the prospective settlers were located below the Rio Bravo, where they formed the villa of Soto la Marina. ²⁷

In sending this expedition beyond the Rio Grande, Escandón had, in a measure, exercised control over the territory crossed, and with the approval of the Mexican authorities, although not to the extent of actual settlement. The latter was accomplished indirectly by him through private enterprise. In 1750 there was established, on the left bank of the Rio Grande, a hacienda of considerable importance, called Dolores. The founder of this, Don José Vasquez Borrego, on learning of Escandón's conquests and that his settlement was within the limits assigned the latter, presented himself to that leader in the villa Santander and offered his co-operation in subduing the territory on the far side of the Bravo. Escandón accepted his offer, appointed him captain and administrator of that portion of the colony, and gave him fifty sitios of land for pasturage. Four years later the settlement, Dolores, had a population of a hundred and twenty-five. ²⁸

Towards the end of 1754, another hacendado of Coahuila, Don Tomás Sánchez by name, crossed the Bravo and established himself about ten leagues to the north of Dolores. Sánchez also proposed to Escandón to found a new pueblo on the left bank of that river, in a place he had selected. Escandón agreed to this, but as he had previously attempted a settlement on the Nueces, he wished Sánchez first to undertake one there. Sánchez visited the Nueces, but returning reported to Borrego, at Dolores, that he could not find a suitable place for a settlement, and that unless he could form his settlement on the Bravo, he should desist entirely from the enterprise. Borrego, to whom Escandón had left the ultimate decision, then permitted Sánchez to form his settlement in the desired locality. Thus, May 15, 1755, was founded the villa of Laredo, ten leagues from Dolores. ²⁹

In this manner was accomplished the pacification and settlement of the colony of Nuevo Santander. In 1755 Escandón retired to Querétaro, there to make out a statistical report of all that he had done and of the places founded by him. ³⁰ By his vigorous work he had extended his conquests, not only along the coast of the gulf of Mexico, but also up both banks of the Bravo, so that the limits of his colony touched Coahuila on the west, near the villa of Laredo, and Texas on the north, with the Nueces as the accepted boundary line, officially established by a royal cédula of 1805. By extending his conquests into the Apache country, although by no means entirely subduing the Indians, together with the founding of the settlements mentioned above, he had effectually deprived Nuevo Leon of territory bordering on the Rio Grande, and had made one less neighbor for Texas on the southwest.

The remaining years of Spanish domination brought no special changes in the boundaries of Texas, the documentary evidence of this period simply confirming the limits already roughly laid down. A letter of 1762 thus describes them: “This vast province of Texas is found at a distance of three hundred and sixty leagues, more or less, from the City of Mexico, on a line drawn to the north-northeast; it borders on the south the colony of the Mexican Gulf, although there remains on this and other boundaries much uninhabited land. On the west-southwest [it borders] the province of Coahuila; on the west-northwest, Sonora [Chihuahua?]; on the northwest, Nuevo Mexico. On the north it is not found to have other confines than those of the many barbarous nations.” ³¹

In 1767 and 1768 Fr. Gaspar José de Solis made a visita to the missions of the province of Texas. In the course of his travels along the Rio Grande he had occasion to send some Indians who were without instruction in the holy faith to the curate of the villa of Laredo. On the following day he arrived at the hacienda Dolores of Don Joseph Borrego, on the bank of the Rio del Norte, which hacienda “belongs to the government of Nuevo Santander of the Mexican Gulf.” ³² At the time of a later visit to the Rio Grande, the same year, 1768, he speaks of Laredo as a “foundation of Colonel Don Joseph Escandón, belonging to the government of Nuevo Santander.”

The Breve Compendio of Bonilla is justly regarded as one of the best authorities upon the early history of Texas. In this work the Medina is represented as the place where the government of Coahuila ends and that of Texas begins. The length of the latter province is given as about two hundred and forty leagues and its width as eighty. ³³

Another important work for early Texas history is Morfi's Memorias para la Historia de Tejas. In this the extent and boundaries of the province are thus given:

“It is distant from Mexico about three hundred and sixty leagues, more or less, to the north-northeast. On the south it begins at the bay of Espíritu Santo, which is, with little variation, in 33 degrees north latitude, and extends to the north as far as the town of San Teodoro de los Taovayas, occupying a space of more than two hundred and fifty leagues from north to south. It has the same or a little greater extent from east to west, from the river Medina, which separates it from Coahuila as far as the abandoned presidio de los Adaes, where it joins Louisiana. It is bounded on the south by the gulf of Mexico; on the east by Louisiana and English colonies; on the north, north-northwest, and northwest by Nuevo Mexico and unexplored lands; and on the west by the provinces of Coahuila, Nuevo Reino de Leon, and [the] colony of Santander.” ³⁴ In speaking of the rivers, Morfi says, “The river Medina, the dividing boundary between the provinces of Coahuila and Texas, has its source in the same direction. *** It runs twenty-seven leagues and unites with the San Antonio.” ³⁵

Father Morfi had gathered the material for his work upon Texas in the course of a tour of inspection in company with the commanding general of the recently created Provincias Internas. In the course of their journey, they cross the various rivers forming the boundaries of Texas, and he thus describes them:

“The river de las Nueces rises in the canyon of San Saba, runs north and south, with some inclination to the east, until it is united with the Frio river, in whose company it empties into the Mexican Gulf, about one hundred leagues from the mouth of the Rio Grande and twenty from that of the San Antonio, and scarcely touching the colony of Nuevo Santander. It forms the dividing line of that province and that of Texas. *** The founding of a settlement upon the banks of this river, in the most suitable place, would be a matter of great importance, equally for the correspondence of the provinces of Texas and Coahuila, situated as it is midway between them, as well as for impeding the Lipan and Comanche Indians from the free entrance which this desert country of eighty leagues offers them, to Nuevo Reino de Leon and the colony of Santander, where they have already committed various outrages.” ³⁶

The language of the above extract is rather ambiguous in one respect. In speaking of a new settlement on the Nueces does the worthy friar imply that he considered the Nueces a better boundary for Coahuila and Texas than the Medina, then recognized as such? At any rate he joins in with the others in giving the Medina as the boundary in the following words:

“At half-past one we arrived at the river of Medina, the divisional line of the provinces of Coahuila and Texas.” ³⁷

The comandante general of the Provincias Internas, the Caballero de Croix, thus expresses himself concerning the Nueces boundary:

“The presidio of Bahía del Espíritu Santo with the mission of the same name, and that of Rosario constitute the second jurisdiction of this province [Texas], which is found upon the coast of the Mexican Gulf [extending] from the mouth of the river Nueces, which separates it from the colony of Nuevo Santander.” ³⁸

As both of these provinces were in the jurisdiction of the comandante, he could have no motive for extending or retrenching the boundaries of either. His testimony, therefore, would be even stronger than that of Father Morfi and other writers wholly unconnected with the provinces.

In 1787 there came a report from an expedition sent to explore the coasts of Nuevo Santander. It recommended the establishment of a post at the mouth of the Rio Grande, for the encouragement of the settlement of that region. It mentions the fact that the expedition had visited Camargo, Laredo, and other towns in the colony of Nuevo Santander. ³⁹ The correspondent remits a map to the viceroy, but unfortunately this map, as is generally the case with those drawn to illustrate Spanish documents, does not, at the present time, accompany the report.

With so much external evidence concerning the boundaries of the province, it would be strange if none could be produced from within Texas itself. However, even this is not lacking. In 1770, the cabildo and residents of San Fernando (the nucleus of the modern San Antonio) made a representation of their grievous situation to Governor Ripperdá, in which appears the following statement:

“This province is composed of nine missions and four presidios *** whose jurisdiction starts from the river of Medina, which divides it from that of Coahuila, and runs more than two hundred leagues to the east, to the Adaes.” ⁴⁰

Later in the same document the statement is made concerning the uselessness of a new villa, not far from San Saba and San Javier, and under the dominion of Coahuila.

Seven years later Governor Ripperdá, in writing to de Croix about certain Indians speaks of them as inhabiting “other islands [extending] as far as the mouth of the Rio Grande del Norte in the colony of Nuevo Santander.” ⁴¹

Having in view this mass of testimony from the inhabitants of the province, and from its civil, military, and ecclesiastical authorities, one wonders at the statement of Bancroft ⁴² that Morfi is unsupported in giving the Medina as the boundary of Texas and Coahuila. If the friar is mistaken, he certainly errs with a goodly company. Bancroft further says that it is hard to determine why the Medina, rather than the Nueces or Hondo, is uniformly spoken of as the boundary of Texas. As we have already seen, it certainly is so mentioned, and uniformly, too, by every writer who speaks of the subject. And when we consider the Spanish method of beginning a new province with a natural boundary near its first settlement, it is not strange that the Medina and Nueces were thus selected for Texas; especially since, when thus restricted, it comprised more territory than any of its neighbors. It is true, in the early days, that the settlements of Coahuila and Nuevo Santander clung to the Rio Grande valley, while those of Texas remained above the Nueces and Medina, leaving the intervening space to the Lipans and Apaches. Thus there was little need for fixed boundaries, and yet these are always expressed in tolerably certain terms. By the close of the century, however, the prospect of clashing land grants bestirred the Spanish authorities to a more accurate delimitation of the three territories involved. By a royal cédula of 1805, “the western boundary of Texas began at the mouth of the Rio Nueces, thence up that river to its junction with Moros creek, thence in a northeasterly direction to near the Garza crossing of the Medina river, thence up that river to its source, thence in a direct line to the source of the San Saba river, thence northwesterly to the intersection of the 103rd meridian of west longitude and the 32nd parallel of north latitude, thence northeasterly to the intersection of the Red River by the 100th meridian, thence down said river.” ⁴³

In more carefully delimiting the western boundary of Texas, the Spanish authorities at Madrid were but following the general limits that had been recognized for nearly a century. Our old friends, the Medina and the Nueces are still much in evidence. A map by Humboldt, appearing about the same time and following the same general lines, was later used in the compromise of 1850.

By the transfer of Louisiana to the United States in 1803, a new factor was introduced into the solution of Texas boundary questions, and one destined seriously to change the royal utterance of 1805. The United States immediately set up the claim that Texas belonged to Louisiana—a claim, it is said, inspired by the wish of Jefferson to extend our frontier to include the site of La Salle's colony, “the cradle of Louisiana.” ⁴⁴ But, whatever may have been the source of the claim, it certainly was untenable, for it utterly ignored the Spanish right by virtue of the occupation of Texas from 1715 to 1762—a thing not done by the French, from whom we bought the territory. At any rate, Mr. J. Q. Adams, our secretary of state, was glad to resign vague claims to Texas in return for a more substantial title to the lands of Florida. What had been the subject of fruitless claim, the United States later tried to obtain by purchase from Mexico. Adams, when president, sent Poinsett with instructions to obtain as much of Texas as possible by proposing a series of boundaries of which the Rio Grande was the most westerly, thus passing greatly beyond the old limits of the province of Texas. ⁴⁵ His efforts, however, were unavailing. Jackson sent by the United States chargé d'affaires, Butler, an offer of an extra half million, if the boundary were extended to the Pacific. ⁴⁶ His labor was equally fruitless. The Mexican authorities were too proud to sell and too well versed in their own rights, derived from the Spanish occupation of the territory in question, to acknowledge the vague claims of the United States, based only on La Salle's luckless voyage. The claim of the United States, however, had succeeded in one great purpose, and that was in creating the impression amongst our own citizens that in the cession of our claims to Texas, we gave up something to which we were justly entitled. Certain public men gave utterance to this opinion, and their belief has survived even to our day. The proud persistence of the Mexican government in refusing any reasonable proposition for the purchase of this territory, tended to increase the intensity of this feeling.

While diplomacy, backed by untenable claims and boundless resources, was attempting its unfruitful task, a movement was taking shape that promised to result in a more definite and permanent solution of the whole question. It was the coming into Texas of the Anglo-American pioneers—the same stock that had crossed the Alleghanies, conquered the Northwest Territory, and made inevitable the sale of Louisiana by the United States. Flushed with these successes, they came to add, on the plains of southwest Texas, another chapter to the history of their romantic achievements.

In 1821 Mexico became an independent power, of which, under the Constitution of 1824, first Nuevo Leon, Coahuila, and Texas, and then Coahuila and Texas alone formed a single State. In this dual state the department of Bexar was to include the territory of the former province of Texas. ⁴⁷ The union of these provinces was a return to the historic connection that had existed between them previous to 1725, and was doubtless designed to neutralize the effects of the Anglo-American immigration, then beginning to make itself felt. Very likely it was thought that Coahuila, as the older and stronger of the two, would lead her sister province through the various processes of Spanish-American development into complete Mexican statehood. But in the department of Bexar there was now an element that strongly objected to leading of any sort, unless it were itself in the saddle, and facing toward the American Union.

For the most part there are but few references to boundary questions during the years from 1821 to 1836, but these uniformly follow the lines laid down during the previous century. In 1824 a proclamation concerning some stolen goods is issued for the information of the inhabitants of Laredo and other places belonging to the State of Tamaulipas (Nuevo Santander). ⁴⁸ The authorities of Bexar grant land and acknowledge sales on the Cíbolo, the Atascosa, and the Medina; but there is no record of such transactions being legalized beyond the Nueces. ⁴⁹ The alcabala records of the same period, and even up to the eve of the Texas Revolution, contain the names of residents of Laredo, in the State of Tamaulipas, who pay duties on goods introduced by them into the city of San Fernando. ⁵⁰ These few extracts will serve to show that the Mexican inhabitants of Bexar still recognized the claims of Tamaulipas to territory as far as the Nueces. Bustamente ⁵¹ says that few Anglo-American settlers did the same during this period. As a matter of fact none of their earlier grants, nor either of the departments largely settled by them, extended far enough to the west to make them interested in the matter.

In 1834 Colonel Juan N. Almonte was commissioned by Santa Anna to visit Texas and to report upon its readiness for statehood. In the description of his journey to Texas, he has occasion to say that “the most disagreeable part of the journey is the space that intervenes between the Rio Grande and Bexar,” still an unsettled wilderness—the roaming ground of the Lipans and Apaches—as had been reported a century before. But long ere another century should pass a far different report of this region could be given.

Almonte's utterance upon the boundary of Texas is interesting:

“Notwithstanding that up to the present it has been believed that the river of Nueces is the dividing line between Coahuila and Texas, for so it appears on the maps, I am informed by the government of the State, that in this an error has been committed by the geographers, and that the true boundary ought to commence at the mouth of the Aransas and follow it up to its source; and from there, it ought to continue in a straight line, until it meets with the river Medina, where it is joined to the San Antonio; following then by the eastern margin of the same Medina as far as its source, it ought to terminate in the boundaries of Chihuahua.” ⁵²

A point to note with reference to the above boundary, is that the information upon which it is based is obtained from the authorities of the State. At that time it was well known that Texas was anxious for separate statehood, and no Mexican authorities would be likely to extend her limits more widely than was absolutely necessary. Still it is well to observe that the boundary, as reported by Almonte, does not differ materially from that laid down in the royal cédula of 1805 and in other sources quoted.

During this period the attention of foreign writers is turned toward Texas, and a few make mention of its boundaries. Arthur Bertrand ⁵³ speaks of the Nueces as forming a part of the western boundary of Texas and of separating it from Coahuila. A French writer reviewing Mary Austin Holley's Observations quotes from that author the fact that Texas is bounded “on the west, by the river Nueces, which separates it from Tamaulipas and from Coahuila.” ⁵⁴ These excerpts, as well as the report of Almonte, seem to indicate that the Medina was gradually losing, at least in the popular mind, its distinction as the boundary line between Texas and Coahuila. The Nueces was beginning to serve as the northeast limit for both Tamaulipas and Coahuila. Later, in their contention with the American government, the Mexican authorities claimed only to this river.

From this time on the march of events is rapid. The early days of 1836 behold the declaration of independence by the Texans, the massacres of the Alamo and of Goliad, and the battle of San Jacinto. The Texan settlers had exercised the Anglo-Saxon privilege of revolting, and with an unusual measure of success. The victorious leaders took advantage of the presence of so important a captive as Santa Anna to exact conditions regarding the western boundary of Texas. The Mexican troops were to retire to the other side of the Rio Grande, beyond which the Texans agreed not to extend their western limit. ⁵⁵ On the 19th of the next December, the Texas legislature, at its first session, passed the following act:

“Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Republic of Texas in Congress assembled, That from and after the passing of this act, the civil and political jurisdiction of the Republic be, and is hereby, declared to extend to the following boundaries, towit: Beginning at the mouth of the Sabine river, and running west along the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, to the mouth of the Rio Grande, thence up the principal stream of said river to its source, thence due north to the 42nd degree of N. latitude, thence along the boundary line as defined in the treaty between the United States and Spain,” etc. ⁵⁶

Thus within a few short months the documentary testimony of more than a century was cast aside, and Texans made the first definite claim to territory bordering on the Rio Grande. In the conflict between stubborn adherence to authorities of the past and the manifest tendency of the present, the former had begun to give way. Within the limits given above were included portions of four Mexican provinces to which Texas did not have the shadow of a claim, for Santa Anna had promptly repudiated his agreement with Burnet, as soon as set at liberty, while the Mexican government had never recognized it. The Texans might, with as great a show of justice, have extended their boundary much further to the south and west, as they did after the ill-fated Santa Fé expedition. For the present, however, they contented themselves with claiming all the territory as far as the river that offered the best line of demarkation for all this vast region.

During the nine years that followed neither side did much to make good its claim to the disputed strip of territory. There were border raids back and forth, such as the Santa Fé and Mier expeditions and the Mexican occupation of San Antonio in the winter of 1842-43. But these served only to continue the question as an open one. During the decade the only Texas settlement across the Nueces was “a little ranch, inhabited by Mr. Kyney and Mr. Aubri,” who acted as double spies for both Texans and Mexicans. The territory between the Nueces “neither by act nor by right could be included in Texas.” ⁵⁷ However, a French writer of this period, Frederic Le Clerc, gives the boundaries of Texas as laid down by the Texan Congress, and severely criticises Mexico for stubbornly refusing to recognize the young Republic. He also criticises sharply the colonization methods of the United States and its modest assumption that its citizens are but the chosen instruments of Providence in the settlement of this boundary dispute and the other questions involved. ⁵⁸

The manifest destiny of Texas was speedy union with the United States, and this event was consummated in 1845. The title of Texas to the territory that she claimed had been identified with her independence and when the United States had recognized this, it must recognize her title also. ⁵⁹ This fact had caused much bitter feeling on the part of Mexico towards the United States, which, upon the annexation of Texas, culminated in the severance of diplomatic relations between the two countries. War, however, can hardly be said to have commenced at that time. Some radical act of aggression must first be committed by one party towards the other, and that act the administration of Mr. Polk speedily committed. While any portion of Texas territory was in dispute good diplomacy, as well as international courtesy, should have prevented the sending of any troops into the portion in question. The Mexiican point of view upon this question seems very strong. The occupation of the disputed territory by the troops of General Taylor can only be explained by recurring to the idea that Texas owned the territory as far as the Rio Grande. This opinion was founded upon two distinct beginnings; one, the declaration of the Texas Congress in December, 1836; and the other, the contention that the Rio Grande was the original limit of Louisiana. The first, as an argument. was ridiculous, and the second untenable. Neither Texas nor Louisiana extended to the Rio Grande, as was evidenced by the undisputed documentary evidence of more than a century. ⁶⁰ Moreover, compare the conditions on the Texas border with those on the Canadian border a few years previous. Would not Great Britain have regarded the introduction of troops by the United States into the disputed region on the Maine border, while the boundary was still unsettled, as a deliberate act of war and have taken measures accordingly? ⁶¹

Surely, with so much of documentary evidence on their side, the Mexican writers have had ample justification for the above complaints. The territory was still in dispute and the United States should still longer have refrained from any hostile movement, such as its occupation by troops. Surely, with even a smaller favor than that afforded during the intervention of 1867, we could have obtained by purchase, from a grateful people, all the territory we now possess formerly belonging to Mexico. By the logic of events, however, we were forced into an unjust war, from which we were to emerge with a reputation for land-grabbing, destined seriously to interfere in all our subsequent relations with our Spanish-American neighbors. One would not willingly reverse the events of our history, still less would one wish to restore to Mexico the territory we then wrested from her; but this acquisition will remain in our history one that we may well wish to have been otherwise made. ⁶²

By this sketch the author, relying upon such documentary authorities as he has at his disposal, has hoped to trace the beginning and development of the southwest boundary of Texas, largely from a Spanish and Mexican point of view. In this manner he has tried to add some new features of interest to an old and time-worn subject. The problem of the boundary resulted in a contest between a weak power, relying upon documentary evidence, with a powerful neighbor engaged in blocking out its natural limits from ocean to ocean. Such a contest could have but one ending; but it is no more than just to admit that from a documentary point of view, the logic of Mexico's position was irrefutable.

SOME MATERIALS FOR SOUTHWESTERN HISTORY IN  THE ARCHIVO GENERAL DE MEXICO.

HERBERT EUGENE BOLTON.

A little more than a year ago there appeared in The Nation ⁶³ a description of the contents of the first thirty-two volumes of the history section of the Archivo General y Público de la Nación housed in the Palacio Nacional at the City of Mexico. The historical introduction to the article made it plain that these thirty-two volumes, known as the Colección de Memorias de Nueva España, far from being identical and co-extensive with the Archivo General, form only a small fraction ⁶⁴ of the great mass of manuscripts properly known by that name, and thus cleared up a point in bibliography upon which a prominent historian, if no one else, had fallen into confusion. During the past summer I examined thirty-one additional volumes, Nos. 33 to 62, inclusive, and No. 100, taken out of order, to ascertain their contents, and more especially to find what they contain bearing on the history of the Southwest. Some of the results in the latter particular, with the emphasis upon matter relating to Texas, will be stated here, those of a more general bearing being reserved for another place.

Owing partly to the different circumstances attending their collection, the general character of the introductory volumes of the Sección de Historia is somewhat different from that of those that follow. The first thirty-two are a systematic compilation, made for a definite purpose within a short space of time, and have a certain unity and completeness; succeeding volumes have accumulated gradually, in fulfillment of a more general purpose, and as a result are less organized and unified in character than the foregoing, manuscripts in them having very little relation to each other often being bound together. Some of the volumes are even fragmentary in make-up. A second difference, probably to be explained in the same way, is that the papers in the first volumes are, on the whole, of more general interest, though not necessarily of more value, than subsequent ones, which often are of local bearing. It is to be noted also, that whereas the first thirty-two volumes are composed entirely of copies, in those that follow a goodly portion of the manuscripts are original. Though not a little of the material is the same in both parts of the collection, probably many gaps left open by the earlier volumes are filled by the later ones.

More than half the volumes that I examined contain more or less material on Southwestern history, some original and much unprinted. It may be divided roughly into that bearing (1) on Texas and Louisiana, (2) on Nuevo Mexico, and (3) on the explorations and missionary work of the far Southwest. It will be convenient to consider these divisions in the order given.

Of the sources described in the article referred to a considerable part relate to the history of Texas, volumes 27 and 28, Documentos para la Historia Eclesiástica y Civil de la provincia de Texas, for example, being devoted exclusively to that subject, and containing papers of great importance. Examination proved that the succeeding volumes also contain material on Texas, equally extensive, and some of it of considerable value; though no additional sources were encountered of such general interest as some in the earlier numbers. Apart from the incidental references to Texas in the extensive material bearing on Nuevo Mexico and upon the Southwest as a whole, volume 51 deals exclusively with Texas, and 100 nearly so; 43 is devoted entirely to Texas and Louisiana; while a number of papers relating to Texas history are found scattered through other volumes. The most important groups of this material deal with the history of Bucareli (the settlement of which Nacogdoches was the continuation), the Texas-Louisiana boundary, commercial relations between Texas and Louisiana in the later eighteenth century, surveys made between Santa Fé and various Texas points in 1787-8, and the status of Laredo and Dolores in 1757, shortly after their foundation. While most of the papers are in the form of official copies, hence reasonably trustworthy,only a small part are original. Indeed, a much smaller portion of the material found on Texas is original than on a number of other subjects. The natural query is, Where are the originals? which is a hard question to answer, and for most of the papers it will probably remain unanswered; but the large number of copies made in Chihuahua afford at least a hint that possibly the archives of that city might be a fruitful field to search.

Coming now in some detail to individual sources, those in volume 51, which deals exclusively with Texas, may be put first. The volume is entitled Téjas, Varios Asuntos de esta Provincia, 1780 á 1807, and is made up of seven documents, some of which contain correspondence several years earlier than the dates in the title would indicate. The first paper ⁶⁵ relates to Indian affairs and the promotion of trade in 1776. The remaining six, comprising about two hundred folios written on both sides, relate to the establishment, progress, abandonment, and re-establishment of the pueblo de Nuestra Señora del Pilar de Bucareli. ⁶⁶ They contain much unused material on this important episode of Texas history. All of the papers in this volume were copied from official records in Chihuahua in 1807 by Fr. José María Rosas, a government secretary. For purposes of reference and more fully to indicate the character of the material they contain, I give in the notes the titles of the documents. ⁶⁷

Volume 43 is entitled Luisiana, but deals largely with Texas also. It consists of twenty-nine manuscripts, which may be put roughly into three groups, exclusive of one document that stands by itself. The first bears upon the boundaries of Louisiana, with special reference to that between Louisiana and Texas. In it are the papers, comprising the first seven numbers of the volume and occupying about 120 folios, collected by Melchor de Talamantes, while commissioner appointed by the viceroy, Yturrigaray, in January, 1807, to report upon this subject. The papers, grouped into eight opusculos, contain a great variety of material, such as correspondence between Talamantes and Yturrigaray; memoranda of archives and libraries to be consulted by the commissioner; and annotated extracts from Espinosa's Crónica Apostólica, Mezières's Cartas, royal cédulas, and letters patent. They contain, also, compilations by Talamantes based upon these and various other sources. Besides these papers of Talamantes, numbers 12 and 20-29, inclusive, bear upon the same subject. They consist of official carpetas, instructions to military commanders, historical essays, and geographical notes. Some of the papers in this group have very little value, but others are of more importance. The main interest in the collection made by Talamantes is in his own notes and correspondence, as his sources are for the most part well known and accessible. ⁶⁸ The collection as a whole would prove worthy of the attention of special students of Louisiana and Texas boundary questions. ⁶⁹

A second group of papers in volume 43, comprising numbers 8, 10, 11, and filling over two hundred folios, are expedientes and autos treating of commercial relations between the provinces of Texas and Louisiana during the period 1774-1790. Most of this group, like those of the foregoing, are certified by Antonio Bonilla, the author of the Breve Compendio. They contain a brief relación particular of each of the jurisdictions of Texas, ⁷⁰ official correspondence between Caballero de Croix and José de Galvez; ⁷¹ José de Galvez and the viceroy; Caballero de Croix and Antonio Flores; Luis de Unzaga y Amezaga and Baron Ripperdá; and Ripperdá and Bucareli. The subjects of correspondence are the possible industries of Texas, the existing trade in horses between that province and Louisiana; the advisability of extending trade relations between the two provinces ⁷² and of establishing a new commercial port and a new frontier; and complaints of the relations of the French and English to the Indians. A large part of this interesting material is apparently unpublished and unused. ⁷³ It would seem to be sufficient to form the basis for a good study on the period and topic with which it deals. ⁷⁴

The third class of documents, comprising numbers 13-19, consists of a number of diaries recording journeys made to survey the roads and ascertain the distances from Santa Fé to San Antonio de Béjar and other points to the east, in 1787-1788. There are copies of the instructions, diaries, and derroteros of Santiago Fernandez, José Mares Cabo Ymbalido, Francisco Xavier Fragoso, and Pedro Vial, all copied from official papers in Chihuahua in 1793-4 by Manuel Merino. If any of these have been printed, I do not know it.

Document No. 9 in the same volume is a copy of Bonilla's Breve Compendio, another copy of which is in volume 27. A comparison of a few pages of the two shows many differences, the cases of apparent omission and incompleteness usually being chargeable to the copy in volume 27. ⁷⁵ It is not altogether improbable that by a careful comparison of the several copies of this important work now known to exist, it could be determined which is nearest the original and all could be improved.

Volume 100, entitled Registro de varios espedientes y algunas acusaciones, 1788-1796, to which my attention was called by chance, also relates largely to Texas. It contains documents touching upon the state of several missions, accusations against Antonio Gil Ybarbo, Teniente de Gobernador at Nacogdoches, and other papers of varied character. ⁷⁶ Other papers on Texas history are scattered through the remaining volumes examined; for example, in No. 37, entitled Presidos [sic], Pagos de Soldados, is a collection of autos relating to the possession of churches and convents of the El Paso district just at the close of the eighteenth century; while in volumes 53-56, a series entitled Tamaulipas, are contained official descriptions of Dolores and Laredo in 1757, settlements in what was then Nuevo Santander. ⁷⁷ In volume 42, entitled Misiones, which is a report made in 1793 ⁷⁸ on the State of the missions, paragraphs 187-236, occupying ten folios, are on the missions of Texas.

What the remaining 273 volumes have of interest for students of Texas history can be learned only by patient investigation, but the amount is probably considerable. The interests of historical work on Texas would be greatly promoted were it possible to make some arrangement by which to systematically seek out, sift, copy, edit, and publish the more important sources of Texas history which this large collection contains.

On the history of Nuevo Mexico there is in these volumes a large amount of material, to a considerable extent original, and much of it unpublished. ⁷⁹ Three volumes (37, 38, 39) deal exclusively with that province during the years 1690-1697, the period occupied by Vargas's reconquest. Volume 37, Presidos, Pagos de Soldados, contains six numbers relative to Vargas's operations. ⁸⁰ Volume 38, Restauración de la Nueva Mexico, contains papers of the same general description. Conspicuous among them are fifteen orders of the superior government to Zapata. They are in the original, containing the signature of Conde de Galvez, and appear to be unpublished. ⁸¹ They cover the period from May 28, 1692, to July 29, 1695. A large part of the remainder of the volumes is occupied by a collection of original military documents covering the years 1693 and 1694. ⁸² Volume 39, on whose titlepage stands Reconquista del Reyno de la Nueva Mexico, por Dn. Diego Vargas Zapata, 1692-5, contains 471 folios of a character sufficiently well described by the title, part original, but more largely made up of copies. ⁸³ In volume 41, Documentos Colima, is a copy of Governor Concha's instructions to his successor in 1794, which throw light on the state of affairs in Nuevo Mexico during his administration. Volume 52, whose title appears farther on, contains miscellaneous papers on that province, dated in 1775 and 1776. ⁸⁴

Besides the sources already mentioned, another considerable group of materials on Southwestern history is that dealing with missionary work and explorations, particularly in the far Southwest. The most considerable of these encountered will be indicated here in a general way. Volume 41 contains a number of papers, some original, relative to the Gila, Colorado, and California missions in 1771-1772. Volume 52, entitled Expedientes relativos á reconocimientos en Rios del Norte, Conchos, Colorado, y Gila is devoted largely to explorations in those regions. It contains, among other things, an original, apparently unprinted, though not unused, diary of Berrotaran, recording a journey made in 1729 to the Rio del Norte, ⁸⁵ as well as copies of the diaries of Garcés, Escalante, and Dominguez. ⁸⁶ Two copies were found of Salvatierra's well-known Cartas. ⁸⁷

The above sketch is, of necessity, incomplete, and aims, particularly in the latter part, to be illustrative rather than exhaustive. But it may serve to indicate the nature of some of the apparently considerable material on Southwestern history, in the volumes examined, still largely unused.

REMINISCENCES OF C. C. COX.  I.

My parents begun houskeeping about the year 1812. they were both born in Ky. my maternal Grand Father emigrated to that state, from Maryland[.] He had served in the war of the Revolution, and moved to the “dark and bloody ground” in the days when it was neccessary to carry his Rifle to the field, so as to be always prepaired if a red man called[.] This Grand Father of mine lived to the age of 94 and died beloved of all men. I had the honor of inheriting his Christian name, but his virtues have fallen but lightly upon my shoulders. My dear mother however still lives....

My Fathers ancestors moved from the “Mother of States” with the early pioneers, who crossed the Ohio River. the earliest account I have of this Grand Father he was engaged in a large saddlery business in Lexington. My Father was brought up to that trade and followed it to his grave. His life was an eventful one, saddened by many misfortunes, but cheered also by happy surroundings, and his great loving heart, and genial disposition was a perpetual source of joy to him and pleasure to his friends. at 88 he crossed over the dark River—and memories most dear follow after the dear old man. Of brothers and sisters I will have occasion to speak hereafter, suffice it to say now that there were five of us in all. 3 sons and two daughters. the two last and the Elder brother have long since gone to the spirit land, the baby brother yet lives and dispenses hospitality at the old paternal Home and the other brother, well it is of him and his career that I am now attempting to write..... About the time mentioned, my parents transferrd their abode to the little town of Piqua in the state of Ohio. it was here that on the 8th day of Dec 1825 .....I am told that my eyes first opened to the light....

At the age of 5 years, I was so far developed mentally and physically, as to be able to accompany my parents on their return to their native State. From this time I can date my earliest recollections, and in the succeeding seven years are comprised the incidents and pleasures, of my school days, stick Horses, skating and first love, in looking back now over the lapse of 50 years—much of that part of my life is as vivid as the Occurrences of a much later period—Benedict Knott taught the school at the “Forks”. He was a “Tartar” among the boys. I donot remember to have ever seen him whip a girl, but he feasted on the boys. He was succeded in the School by a Mr Samuels, a much milder man, but pedagogics in those days were practiced from a different standpoint than prevails in the more modern schools. Dogmatic authority, and Apple tree coercion were the methods employed to develope the juvenile intellect and a comparison of that system, with the methods and discipline in vogue at the present day, with the fact in view, that children have been the same in all ages, is calculated to increase our respect for the primitive plan. I had to walk 3 miles to this school. I say walk, though I generally trotted or galloped—not astride of a real Horse, but straddle of a Stick Horse—and it seems to me now that the pleasure of that exercise is inferior to none that I ever experienced....

Our Home was situated upon a beautiful Hill overlooking Elkhorn creek. For a hundred years that has been the one home in our family—the Mecca to which children and grandchildren though scattered to the winds have periodically journeyed to recreate, to recuperate, and to enjoy the glad welcome of parental love and hospitality. I have wandered much over this fair land of Uncle Sams but I have never seen a spot in all its length and breadth, that was so beautifully possessed of all of natures Choicest gifts as the land of Boone....

My eldest sister.....had married Sidney Sherman some time in 1835. His history I need not give, for it is already written[.] It will be remembered that in this year began the struggle between Texas and Mexico—which culminated in the battle of San jacinto on the 21st of April 1836 and by that decisive blow the virtual independence of Texas. In the fall or winter of that year Col Sherman returnd to Ky for his wife and in the month of Dec following he moved to his adopted home, the lone star Republic. It was my fortune good or bad to constitute one of his family from that time. I was just 12 years of age. My school was ended—my home abandoned, and my future life and prospects in the bosom of Texas burried[.]

The journey to Texas was devoid of any special feature—except that to one so young, and who for the first time was viewing the busy world, the incidents and sceines encountered on the trip, was as novel and facinating as the shifting objects of a panorama. From Frankfort to Louisville we traveled by the pike, “the beautiful snow” falling thick and fast the day of our departure. At Louisville we embarked upon the splendid River Packet “Henry Clay”—commanded by our friend and neighbor Capt Jack Holton, one of the old time Ky gentlemen. Our company was augmented by a Mr. Humphries and his two sisters, also enroute for Texas. Mr H afterwards became a member of President Lamars Cabinet. In due course of time the Boat arrived at N. O. and there we transferrd to another Steamer, and proceeded up one of the small Bayous of La. as far as the said stream was navigable and here we disembarked, and thence completed the journey to Houston Texas overland. I say overland, but any one acquainted with Western La and Eastern Texas, in the winter season will know that we had as much water as land on that trip—and will also realize the fact that to ladies who were taking their first experience in camp life—and still tasting the comforts and good things, they had left behind the conditions which accompanied us throughout this part of the journey, were not calculated to reconcile them to the sacrifice they had made. However we were well prepared for traveling[.] Mr S had brought with Him a Comfortable Carriage and several fine Ky Mares and Horses—and Humphries also had a suitable outfit. To our party also belonged a very handy young Mexican, that the Col had kept with him in the Capacity of Servant since the battle of San jacinto[.] He called himself Francisco, and claimed to have been Santa Annas bugler. He remained with us several years and until an opportunity was offered to send him to his home in Youcatan.

Col S settled in San jacinto Bay at a point about midway between Galveston &Houston[.] This was near “Morgans pont” and about 7 miles below the battle ground. The first little place he occupied was called Mt Vernon, a very pretty site for a House being on a bluff overlooking the Bay. here we spent about a year, the House was built of logs and contained first one room—but that room was either very large or stood craming remarkably well, shortly after we had located, the family was increased by the arrival of an Aunt &Neice &Nephew of Mr S, and a little later on Mr Dana Sherman &wife arrived. with these accessions we had 9 in family besides, the cook. I dont know where she slept, but certainly not in the Kitchen, for that family convenience was just outside the door without other protection than a few brush overhead. I dont know why it is that everbody wants to keep a Hog[.] an old sow can do more mischief and cause a mans wife more unhappiness than all the other animals on the place that is if you have no yard fence and the Kitchen is not walled up. We had a sow and I have seen her take the lid off the oven and appropriate the contents when fire hot—and manifest not the slightest remorse at the freedom of the act or the least sensibility to the warmth of her repast. This was one skeleton in our house, but as there were no closets we had not room for many such. We had a dog also, but he was a noble fellow, a Newfoundland, loved the water as if his native element and if not a regular Nimrod, was certainly his shadow. Ducks &Geese and Swan almost litterly covered the waters. The deer came in sight of the house in droves—and fish at the bay shore in variety and abundance. Cattle were plenty and Cheap and we had Ky stock to ride, only one neighbor within 2 miles— this was as near as I can remember how matters stood with us the first winter in Tex....

It may be proper now, to say something of the personeel of the people who preceeded us to this part of Texas and who now constituted the citizenship of the Bay Country, for it must be remembered that Texas was very new, and at this time very sparsly settled and except the occasional settlements, the Country was in a state of nature. The Savages that erstwhile had held the land had been driven towards the frontier but there remained some remnants of the more peaceful tribes, to remind us of the late sovereignty of the Noble Red Man. The families settled along the Bay shore, on either side were mainly from the different southern States, and came in with Austins Colony—each head of a family having received a headright of one league and labor of land, being near 4600 acres. These families were generally living upon their own locations and consquently neighbors were usually 2 to 3 miles apart. However we had one near neighbor, say within a half mile, this was Enoch Brunson [Brinson], who had emigrated from La[.] There was always a mistery about this man, he had lost an eye and always wore a large tuft of hair over where the eye had been and always kept his hat on his head, even at meals........... At the time I write he was about 50 years of age. Mr B was a very social, hospitable man and an obliging neighbor,..........he was a hardshell Baptist of the ultra Kind—predestination and all. His wife was a good little woman and one of the sort that never tires. She usually milked 30 to 40 cows night and morning—and supplied the family, from Butter &cheeses &chickens &eggs that she marketed in Galveston—and here comes in another member of the family, though neither Kith nor Kin—but a sort of silent partner—who done all the chores and outside work and run the Boat that carried the surplus to the Island city. This was Mr Jno Imes [Iiams]—batchelor and friend of the House. John was a good honest fellow—and clever, handy, and full of fun on all occasions. Fortune had not blest this home with the prattle of little ones, When we first Knew them, but later on there came to them a Boy and girl...........Mrs B had a charming little niece, whose visits from across the bay were always much enjoyed by myself.

The next neighbor down the Bay Shore, was also a Batchelor—and more of a Character than the last. This was Genl Clopper but as we are shortly to be nearer neighbors to the Genl, I will reserve him for future mention. 2 miles further down the bay we come to Morgans point or New Washington, the home of Col James Morgan, a participant in the active scenes of the late unpleasantness with Mexico and at the time of the Battle of Sanjacinto was in command at Galveston Island[.] The col was the agent and active partner of northern Capitalists who had invested largely in Texas lands, under the name and style of the “New Washington Association”—and hence the name of the cols residence, which at that day was the most pretentious dwelling in all the land, and the situation was not only the most prominant but the most beautiful site on the Bay, being at the junction of Sanjacinto and Galveston Bays, it overlooked both waters for many miles, and though somewhat bleak in winter, it was a delightful location in Summer. This home was highly improved, and exceedingly attractive, the family cultivated and hospitality was spread with a lavish hand. The Cols wealth and social and political promance in the State his liberality, genial disposition, love of company and fine conversational powers made his home the resort of the stranger as well as friend. I have met at this house President Burnett, Genl Houston, Sidney Johnson Barnard E Bee, Dr Ashbel Smith, Mesely Baker Mr Anderson—the naturalist—the son and daughter of John Newland Maffit—Com Moore, and hundreds of other promanet citizens of the State &other States who came to this home to enjoy its comfort and hospitality. The old col has long since been geatherd to his Fathers.

I scarcely know how to write of the next ten years of my life, such a multitude of incidents crowd upon the memory that I know not which to speak of and which to pass by. Anyhow the Bay was home to me in all these years, but much of the time I was far away in body, though in spirit was roaming the beautiful prairies, or sailing upon the lovely waters. Only the 2d year of our residence on the Bay, death entered into our household and carried off both Mr Dana Sherman and his wife—they died the same day of yellow fever.....A beautiful little daughter was left us as a legacy.

About this time I was placed in a store at Houston, my brother in law thinking it would compensate me in the loss of other schooling—but the venture was not productive of any great amount of good. the Firm was about busted when I entered the store and in a few months, closed business. However I had some experiences which I can never forget. Mr Neighbors, afterwards Maj Neighbors Indian Agt, was a clerk in the House. he kindly took me to room with him or rather to sleep with him, for our quarters were in a loft in a building apart from the store, and our bed a few blankets on the floor, but such accommodations would have been satisfactory but for other company[.] The fleas were as thick as the sands of the sea[.] Our clothes were actually bloody, and our bodies freckled after a night of warfare with the Vermine. And the Rats, I cannot convey an idea of the multitude of Rats in Houston at that time. They were almost as large as Prairie dogs and when night came on, the streets and Houses were litterly alive with these animals. Such running and squealling throughout the night, to say nothing of the fear of losing a toe or your nose, if you chanced to fall asleep, created such an apprehension that together with the attention that had to be given our other Companions made sleep well nigh impossible. We boarded at a Hotel near the Bayou, and I can almost smell that dining room yet. In those days the markets didnot furnish fresh vegitables—but onions in Barrels and Boat loads were everywhere and in everything and the smell of Onions and the taste of Onions followed us day and night like a nightmare.

But I remember one pleasant dining during my short sojourn in Houston. I was loitering upon the street in the vicinity of the principal Hotel, When my hand was suddenly taken by Genl Sam Houston—and with gentle condecension, this wonderful man strode into the hotel, and reaching the dining table I found myself at once seated between the Ex President, and the then President of the Republic of Texas, Genl Maribaeu B Lamar. It seemed to be a special dining as the company was numerous and select. And to say that I was stuned and almost paralized by this presence, would not do justice to my feelings. It seemed to me that the company regarded me as the distinguished guest. I felt that all eyes were upon me—and the shots continually fired at the Genl and his protegee, covered me with confusion. The wine flowed freely, and when a toast was drank, my glass had to go up with the rest. In this way I suppose I gained my self possession. At any rate I left the company with a feeling of enjoyment—and the memory of that little compliment from so distinguished a source has always been a pleasant remembrance.

When I returned to the Bay Mr Sherman had removed his residence to “Crescent Place”—a point on the Bay two miles above New Washington. This was in 1839. In that year the wheel of fate made another revolution on my account. My Bro &sister ever anxious about my educational necessities, thought they saw a solution of the matter, in the opportunities offered in the Texas Navy. Accordingly an appointment was obtained for me as midshipman, and orders furnished me to report to the Commanding officer at Galveston.

Now at this time the city of Galveston was not the attractive place that it is 50 years later. The population probably didnt exceed 2000, the Houses were plain wooden structures ranging from the little 10×12 shanty to the somewhat pretentious, storehouse, and here &there a respectable looking dwelling and of course the indipensible Hotels, which were ample for the needs of Town. The wharves which in later years have formed a bulwark for the city from the storms and waves that come down from the North, .....had not been built—and on the occasion of my first visit, the steamer ran head on to the shore—or as near as the water would allow and the passengers disembarked on staging from the Boat to the Shore. The storm which had swept over the Island in 37, had left many reminders of the visit. One schooner was imbeded in the sand just where we landed. I saw another at the Sand Hills over on the Gulf side of the Island. But our new Navy rode at anchor in the harbor and made cheerful the otherwise gloomy prospect.

The Brig Wharton, &Schooners San Jacinto San Bernard &San Antonio were in port when I went down. my orders were to report on Board the Wharton, which vessel was under sailing orders for New York, but when I presented my papers, the Wharton already had her complement of middys—and I was assigned to the Schooner San jacinto.

And now began an experience and mode of life for which I soon discovered I was not intended. Our Liut Commanding was a man by the name of Gibbons the most tiranical officer that I have ever Known either in the navy or army. Some of our men were real land lubbers—and of course had to be drilled in the duties of the ship—but to run up the rigging and out on the yard arms, and swing yourself like a monkey by one hand or balance yourself on a foot rope 40 feet in the air and furl and unfurl sails like an old Tar was just what the recruit could not do, but the Liut had great faith in the “Colt” and for every blunder, poor Jack would have to come down—and lay himself across the gun and receive a dozen from the Boatswains mate.

Well it was not long after I went on board until, our vessel was appointed to service. A Schooner loaded with army supplies was ready to sail from Galveston to Velasco at the mouth of the Brazos—and our man of war was ordered to convoy the Schooner down. So one bright sunshiny morning, Our Schooner was taken in tow by a steamer and carried outside the Galveston Bar, to there await the sailing of the Merchant Schooner. But for some purpose not now recollected two small boats belonging to our Vessel, were left behind with orders to follow on later in the day &join the ship outside. each boat was manned with 4 men with a midshipman in charge[.] I was in charge of one of the Boats. Now as evry one may not understand the Iron rules of the naval service, the relations of Officers and men, and thediscipline that is observed on shipboard Let it be understood that here was a boy not yet 14 years of age, who had never tasted of salt water, without judgment or experience, suddenly clothed with the dignity and authority of a commander—a mere infant in intelligence but a very Titan in Authority. And now after all these years, in pening these recollections I am oppressed with shame and mortification at the abuse of the position I occupied—and the want of consideration and respect for the feelings and gray hairs of the old tars that composed my crew. I was but an infant upon the waters—they were veterans of the deep—but then I was a little officer, they were the machinery that propeled my boat.

Well as I have said the morning was beautiful the Bay as smooth as a lake, and scarcely a breath of air to be felt. About 10 Oc I pulled out from the city, and a few minutes later—the other Boat followed. We were not long in reaching the East end of the Island and on turning the point and heading for the Bar, we soon encountered a heavy sea coming in from the gulf. And now too a dence fog settled upon the waters. Still we kept on, out upon the Bar the seas rolled not “mountain high” but so high that our little Boat danced among the waves like a toy. The men said it was madness to go on, that we would be swamped—and we had best go back and wait for the fog to clear away and the sea abate. The other Boat did go back, but I had orders to join the ship without delay, and I had not the courage to disobey any order of Liut Gibbons. So we pulled ahead—head on, to evry wave, the spray dashing over us with every pitch of the Boat and without compass or objects to guide us.

It is now about 12 Oc a very little breeze is springing up, and right ahead not 50 paces distant we descry a vessel under full sail outward bound. A few lusty pulls brought us alongside the stranger and no boarding party ever reached the decks of an enemy with more alacrity than myself &men were on the deck of that vessel. The capt treated me Kindly. He was bound for Mobile. He refused to lay-to until the fog cleared away—but fired off his gun and blew his horn, to attract our vessel if in hearing distance—but no answer came. In the meantime the Vessel was slowly going seaward. The Capt said I could stick to him or take to my Boat again—but now his dinner was announced and he invited me into the Cabin. I thought I was hungry and took my seat at the Table with great willingness. Pork &beans occupied the center of the Table, or that dish seemed to have more prominence than all the rest. my plate was helped and I got a peice of the pork in my mouth—but just then I found difficulty in swallowing—the Cabin seemed too Close, a cold sweat began to break out on me, and excusing myself to the Capt I returned to the deck in double quick time, and there delivered my first tribute to old Ocean. I was dreadful sick.....But I had not long to indulge this weakness[.] Our friend the schooner was gliding along lazily in the Fog—and about 1 P. M. we hove in sight of a vessel at anchor. this was a Brig loaded for Galveston. being now out over the Bar the sea was not so rough &thanking our friends of the schooner for their hospitality—we reentered our little Boat and pulled for the Brig. About 3 Oc the fog cleared off, and enabled us to see the San jacinto about two miles off in the direction of the Island. I pulled alongside about 4, Oc. and mounting to the deck and touching my Cap to the Lieut. I briefly explained the cause of my delay and was rewarded by a reprimand for my temerity in pulling out to sea in a fog.

The following morning found us riding quietly at anchor, ready for sea, but waiting for a breeze, the sea was almost smooth and not a breath of air astir. The crew was practised at putting on and taking off sail &other maneuvers in handling the ship—and at 12 Oc when all hands were piped to dinner, the Sails were left spread, and a peaceful stillness pervaded the vessel—When a visitor Came upon us with such suddeness force and fury that before the Capt or rather Liut comdg, could get on deck, the schooner was lying on her starboard side with the foresail and mainsail in the water. The Capt shouted let go the Sheets, let go the hallyards, but the men seemed paralized and only after repeated orders and by his own efforts, were the sails so lowered and shifted as to be relieved of the force of the wind—and then slowly the schooner righted, and faced to the Wind—the sails were rapidly taken in the anchor weighed and we drifted off before the Storm. The Norther was a terrific one, we lost our convoy, and on the fifth day pulled up at the mouth of the Brassos—&discovered that she was already safe inside the harbour. In a few days we were again lying in the harbour at Galveston.

I have been somewhat tedious about this my first trip to sea, simply because it was my first. It was a very short expedition—and without incident except the storm—but it gave me a foretaste of sailor life and being seasick the greater part of the time my first impressions of riding upon the “deep blue sea” were not the most agreeable.

I will not undertake to follow the daily events of my brief service in the Navy—but will give the prominent features in a few words. From the San jacinto I was transfered to the Steam Ship of war Zavalla, Capt Lathrop Commanding. this vessel carried about 10 guns and was a well equiped manofwar. When the ship left Galveston she proceeded to N. O. here we remained a short time, enlisting men and taking in supplies. Thence we proceeded on a cruise in the gulf and after some days anchored at the Arcos Islands—not far off the Coast of Yucatan. Among the recruits who joined us at New Orleans, was a young midshipman, I have forgotten his name, who had contracted yellow fever &was taken down soon after coming on board. I donot know if I took the fever from him, but I do recollect that I was sick, and that we lay together in the saloon of the steamer, and that the young man died at my side.

I donot remember the time we spent at the Islands—perhaps a month or two[.] But in course of time our vessel appeared off the mouth of the Tobasco River and came to Anchor about Sundown one evening it being then too late to cross the Bar. The sea was quite smooth the sky clear and not a breath of wind. Very soon a heavy sea came rolling in from the Gulf. the strong current from the River which after entering the gulf took a course along the land made the ship ride in the trough of the sea, and she rolled from side to side like a great log. Orders were at once given to weigh Anchor &get under way but before that could be done a huge wave carried away our rudder. this rendered us helpless &the order to get up Anchor was countermanded—and now commenced an experience the like of which I expect few sailors ever witnessed. We lay in this position 5 days—no wind but the waves rolling in mountain high[.] We were about 2 miles off shore, our anchors draged some, and the vessel sometimes gave a heavy thump on the bottom[.] To lighten the ship, our guns, one after another went overboard—the shot had gone over first. we cut away the masts, that the ship would not be so topheavy. Our Coal gave out, for we had steam up all the time—and all the bulkheads and available parts of the interior of the ship was cut out to make fuel—in all these days &nights the vessel rolled like a log—first one Wheelhouse, then the other under water, it was unsafe to be on deck without fastening yourself to something. every moment it looked as if the next would upset the ship or nock her to pieces. I was dreadful sea sick and felt quite indifferent to the danger[.] The morning of the 5th day the Sea subsided. We got up anchor &with an improvised rudder steamed over the Bar and up the River 5 miles to the Town of Frontera. Our handsome steamer was almost a wreck.

Youcatan at that time was at war with the Central Govt of Mexico[.] Texas &Youcatan were in alliance, and our fleet was ordered there to aid in an expidition against the Central troops who were in possession of the city of Tobasco about 80 miles up the River. We were the recipients of much attention while at Frontera—the Zavalla was the first steam manofwar ever seen in that River—hundreds of people Ladies &Gentlemen came down from Merida, the Capitol of the State to visit the ship. Here I was taken with the scurvy and had a lingering spell of sickness. As soon as I could be moved I was taken on shore &nursed by a good lady of the place. Other vessels for the expedition shortly appeared—and the fleet steamed up the River in tow of the Zavalla and all under the command of Com Moore, whose flag Ship was the Sloop of war Austin. But we had no fight. The enemy evacuated the town before we reached it—and after one night stay we again droppd down the River—but a good many bags of silver were taken on Board our vessel at Tobasco and a portion at least of the same was distributed among the officers and men of the fleet as prize money. I think eight dollars was the share I got.

This about ended my active service in the Navy—on the return of our vessels to “Arcos Islands” I was transfered to the sloop of war Austin and after a short cruz in the gulf she entered the harbor of Galveston—and now after something over 2 years service in the Navy—with no prospect of active service in the future and finding that I had neither taste nor fitness for the life, I resigned my commission and returned to the home on the Bay.

But before taking a final idieu of this period of my youth I must indulge in some other reminiscences of the time and incidents connected with my sojourn in the Navy. The life is a hard one, the disciplin rigid, a boy of the age 14 &15 has not physical capacity to perform the regular watch on shipboard—4 hours on duty and eight off—with 2 “dog watches”—4 to 6 &6 to 8, P. M. each day is put in to alternate the watches. In case of dirilection of duty the usual punishment for an under officer is double duty—that is 4 hours on &4 off. On one occasion tired nature dropped me into the arm of Morphius—when I should have been walking the deck— this was death by the regulations— Liut Gibbons commuted the punishment to double duty for 2 weeks— In discharging the sentence I forfeited my life several times—but as it was necessary to discover the offence before inflicting the punishment I escaped hanging, always by timely warning. On each of the vessels that served—I was favoured and befriended by the Lieut in whose watch I was placed. I must ever feel grateful for the Kindness and generosity of Lieut Tennison, of the San jacinto, Lieut Segars of the Austin and sailing master Baker of the Zavalla. they treated me like older brothers.

But when one of the seamen committed an offence or violated an order the punishment was frightful. Flogging with the “Colt” was a common pastime, a daily occurance, a sort of misdmeanor penalty— but graver offenses were rewarded with the “Cat of 9 tails”. 3 doz licks on the bare back, was the usual dose, the culprit stood at the gangway, with his hands lashed to the rigging, his feet fastened to a grating on which he stood—the man striped to the waist—all hands on deck to witness the scene, the articles of war read, the ship Physician on one side and the Boatswain on the other. When all was ready, the flaying commenced. At each stroke of the lash the solemn count, 1-2-3 &so on was proclaimed aloud and the poor criminal would stringe &grunt at every blow—by the time the 3 doz, the usual compliment, were given, the fellows back back was varagated with the colors red black blue &white—and the blood running in little rivers at his feet. It is gratifying to know that this barbarous practice has been abolished by most of the nations of the earth.

Burrials at sea are attended with the same solemn character as the interment of the dead on shore—but the proceedure is different. The corpse after being dressed is then sewed up in canvass, with 2 round shot at the feet—and then placed on a plank reaching out over the side of the vessel. The entire ships crew are piped on deck, the burial service is read and then the end of the plank is raised and the departed goes off into the sea feet foremost. The same rites are given the criminal who is hung at the yard arm[.]

I saw a sailor pitched from the yard arm into the sea one night in a storm. No succor was possible. The storm was violent and the ship drifting before the fury of the wind.

Texas was poor in that day and could not furnish her pantrys with many delicasys. Salt Beef, Salt pork Beans Tea and “hard tack” were the staples. Our crackers were nearly always old musty and full of worms. The worms were easily disposed of by heating the bread and then knocking them out—or soaking the crackers in hot tea, they are easy Killed and I never discovered any difference in the taste of the worms and the Bread. On one Occasion Our Vessel was furnished with a lot of Chockolate beans purchased at Campeachy—which we roasted, ground &used as a substitute for coffee.

The daily life on a ship is monotonous, but the sailors have their pastimes—&employments when off duty. they wash, mend and often make their clothing—especially hats. I made myself a straw hat—and one pair of pants while in the service &had my arms tatooed as all old sailors do. Our vessel the Zavalla, laid at the Port of Sisal a good long time. It was here I think instead of Frontera as before stated, that so many ladies came to visit the ship. I thought the Mexican girls beautiful. they all smoked, each carried a little bunch of cigaritas, the etiquete was to placed a cigarita in the mouth light it and then hand to the other party. This temptation very few young men can resist....

If I could do justice to the subject I would like to tell more of the Arcos Islands. As well as I remember there are three small Islands, set in a triangular position, with a small but beautiful body of water in the centre—&which affords a safe harbor for vessels drawing 20 to 30 feet. We anchored in about 3 fathoms water, probably 200 yds from shore. the water is very clear—objects on the bottom being distinctly seen. here we had fine fishing and a species of Fish abounded that I have never seen elsewhere called the Panot Fish—the head &half the body was a bright green, the balance of the fish the usual color[.] Some were quite large, weighing 10 &12 pounds. Along the shore sharks were numerous, but we saw none out at the vessel— The Islands furnish many varietys of shells—and we collected beautiful specimens of coral. It was delightful bathing in this salt water lake. Com Moore was the best swimmer that I ever saw. He could float like a feather on the water—and swim on his back as fast as most men can the ordinary way. I have seen him leap from the top of the wheel house of the Zavalla, some 20 feet above the water and go to the bottom, a run of about 40 feet. There are no trees and almost no vegitation on the Islands—but they are a great resort for the birds of the Ocean and we captured a great many eggs and young birds to eat. but now I have done with the sea and for some years to come will be found growing and ruralizing at Crescent Place, San jacinto Bay....

Our neighbors were not numerous but what we had were of the original stock of Texians—and else that term may not be sufficiently descriptive I will say that the latch string could always be found on the Outside, and that hospitality and good cheer, with a love for social and neighborly intercourse was the rule &practice of the Bay people. I have already named some of these good people, I have yet to introduce—the Morris household—the Harriss, White, Le Port—Beasley and Dobies and on the North side of the Bay, Dr Smith Mosely Baker, Judge Burnett, Scott, Spillman &others. Well these families, with the Shermans, Morgans, Brinsons &Clopper constituted the circle of neighborhood visiting and friendships at the time....

Not very long after my return from the Sea, there was an entertainment at neighbor Brinsons—an old fashioned country quilting, and as this is one of the bygone customs—I feel inclined to revist the pleasant circle that assembled on that occasion. I need not give names, but the order of exercises, and somewhat of the modus operandi. The quilt was stretched in the primitive way, that is between 4 slats and drawn out to the full size of the quilt—and the 4 corners each suspended by a rope to the cieling—in the best room. Now all the ladies are expected to come early as the Quilt has to be finished before the real fun begins. The Quilters soon take their places—and the work begins on all sides. The gents on the ground are expected to roll up the sides as fast as needed. to pass the thread and scissors—and with anecdotes and small talk to entertain the workers. In the meantime things are getting hot in the Kitchen, the biggest Turkey on the place is basting his back before a huge log fire. A little porker had folded his feet under him and laid down in the bottom of a great Oven, and with dressings of parsely and pepper and other accessions is enjoying the warmth of a covering of Coals. Pies and Cakes of all sizes and makes mingle their perfume with the odor that arises from every part of the preparations. Chickens, Eggs, Butter, Milk Preserves, &c &c all geather in and take their place—while the busy hostess flits in and out, now with a word to the needlers and a look of gratified pleasure and pride, and then back to the regime in which all hearts are centered. At last the wonderful quilt is finished— the frames are removed, the Table spread, the Company all in, and joy unconfined rules the hour— but the 3d act is yet in store for us. The shades of night have setteld upon the scene, ere the fragments of the feast are all cleared away— but the sound of the violin expidites further preparations— and now change your partners and “well all dance a reel”....

At last the morning dawned, the fiddler fled, and after coffee and cake all round, with reluctant partings, the company scattered, and this one event, like all earthly things passed into oblivion....

We had a small farm and some stock, and except one hired man, my services were very generally in demand. We never had much success in farming— the ground was very tough &hard to cultivate—and the seasons seldom favorable[.] But Tom Turner and myself done considerable hard work. We broke the land in the Spring with 2 yoke of oxen. I usually held the plough and let Tom drive, for he could manage the Oxen better than I could, but Oxen are very exasperating at times to the best of drivers— the off ox is never contented to walk in the furrow[.] When the necks get sore, they want to lag back or lay down, and if it is hot they will run off to get to the shade....

Col Morgan was the largest stock owner on the Bay. he had a very inteligent negro man, called Turner—the same Turner mentioned in Thralls History as being in charge of the Boat load of provisions—sent by Santa Anna from New Washington &which fell into the hands of the Texians at Lynchburg[.] Well Turner was the Cols right hand man and was general Overseer &manager about home &had entire controle of the stock. So Turner was always boss of the cow crowds in hunting and geathering the stocks of the neighborhood— it was under this Capporal that I took my early lessons in the cow business. Morriss cove, Gankers Cove, Middle Bayou, and the Battle ground were the ranges that we had to hunt over away from home.

Towards the latter part of my sojourn on the Bay other cow men became prominent and influential in the range, notably Mr Dell—F R Lubbock and the Dobie brothers—Sterling &Robert. These pioneer cattle men have all passed away, save one who for many years now has gaurded our State Treasury. Col Morgan introduced the first Durham Bull, that I ever saw in the state. Mr. Sherman brought on some fine Horse stock—but that part of the state was not favorable to the propigation of fine stock—too many Ticks flies and musquitoes— the grass is coarse, and fresh water often scarce....

About this time, say 1841, my sister made a visit to Ky—and on her return, brought with her our Sister Caroline....

Nations are sometimes brought into friendlier and closer relations by matrimonial alliances, so in time the Houses of Morgan and Sherman were united by the union of this Sister with Mr Kas Morgan, only son of the Col. Mr Kas was a college graduate, a very fine performer of the Piano, a genial pleasant gentleman, and fond of society and its pleasures—and a devotee of the water, either as sailing upon its bosom—or hunting the feathered tribes along its margin.

I remember one diversion we had during a Sept gale. A steamer loaded with cotton was sunk near Red Fish Bar— the Cargo was set afloat on the Bay—and a great many Bales drifted up on the Beach just South of the Cols place. Mr Kas and myself rescued a lot of those Bales from their watery berth—and thereby made a good many dollars as salvage.

A great many interesting and amusing incidents Occurred during all these years of my life on the Bay, but I cannot pretend to anything like a general history of those times and I am at a loss for method to just summarize the whole.

Spillmans Island was just in front of our place. It was the home of an old sea Captain from whom the Island took its name. It was a landing place for steamers passing up &down between Houston and Galveston. It was a famous hunting ground for Ducks &geese in the winter, the place was also an occasional resort for “Old Sam”—as he was at that time familiarly called....

The Bay had some rare characters. This Capt Spillman, Dave Harris and John Morris, these 3 entered into a compact that when one died the other two should gather around his bier, and with music &wine, sing “Old Rosin the Bow”—and drink and make glad the exit of the departed. Capt Hannah was the Chesterfield of the neighborhood. He was the only man among us who wore store clothes all the time. He was a relative and sort of honory member of the Harris family....

The wheel of fortune made another revolution and our family was transported from the Bay country to the Town of Harrisburg, on Buffalo Bayou[.] This was in the spring of 1847.

In June of that year I made a visit to Ky. My mother, Bro an aunt &cousin had come out on a visit the year previous—and now my mother and cousin returning to their home, I went with them—and it was a sad year for these dear relations that they spent in Texas. We had much sickness in the family. My aunt died[.] Two little boys, the first born of my sister Caroline had died the year previous—and though surrounded with loving children and friends, I think my mother experience in Texas was such as to make her glad to get back to her old Ky home....

Mr Clinton Harris followed this cousin of mine to Ky, married her and brought her back to Harrisburg....

I ought in justice to history and to the departed spirits that had their mortal coil shuffled off in that Bay country, to pay a fitting tribute to the two M. D. who generally figured at the bedside of the few stricken. The pair were very unlike and yet alike in many respects. Dr A. ⁸⁸ was a venerable batchelor without any distinguishing characteristics, save a little native brogue, a very ruddy complexion, a rough brusk voice and manner and a sort of common appearance generally. In some manner he became domiciled at Col Morgans, and made that his home for a number of years. The other Dr. B. lived across the Bay and was a man of family. He was a kind man and a good nurse—and he loved to linger where the coffee pot boiled the strongest. Now the similarity of these gentlemen consisted in the great amount of medical skill of which they were both ignorant—the uniform medicines and methods employed by both, the same course of treatment in all cases and a mutual jelousy and antagonism. I saw a little child die, whose tongue and cheek were rotted from the effect of calomel. This was B's patient. Another, a little brother, shortly died from the same disease and similar treatment. I saw a girl with brain fever rolling and screaming and frantic with pain, and burning with thirst—and begging with almost her last breath for a drink of water, and her prayer was unanswered— this was one of Dr A's subjects. In another family the mother &daughter were stricken with fever and the daughter died under similar circumstances—the mother burning with fever and thirst and when no friendly hand would give her a drop of water she watched an opportunity &when her stern sentinel was out, she beged her little child to bring her a gourd of water— that saved her life. Alas What multitudes have been sent to untimely graves from the use and abuse of mercury and the ignorance of natural law....

I left Harrisburg in April 1849 in Company with Mr L B Harris, &wife. Harris had a wagon fitted up specially for this expedition, the bed or boddy of the wagon was built in the shape of a scow boat—both ends turned up and constructed so as to be water tight. Oars were carried on the sides and when we reached a River too deep to ford—Our Boat was placed in the water and everything ferried to the opposite shore.

Texas at that date was a vast desolate prairie from Fredricksburg to Elpasso—and from Elpasso to California. We encountered but one settlement—the Mexican town of Sante Cruix, about 200 hundred miles from the Rio Grande, and also a small village of friendly Indians on the Gila River. At the mouth of said River there was stationed a company of U S troops. Now this was a long stretch of country to pass over and we consumed nearly six months in making the trip. I will not dwell upon the many interesting incidents of this journey across the plains—for the reason that I have heretofore written of this expedition, and given the particulars of my California trip. Suffice it to say that my companions were congenial in every way, our outfit perfect in its appointments—and though our route lay through a wild waste of country more than 1200 miles in extent, the travel tedious, and many difficulties and dangers encountered—still we enjoyed the life and the varying scenes &incidents by the way—and altogether had a jolly time while making this overland trip[.]

We arrived at Los Angeles California California about the first of Sept 1849. In January I reached Stockton and thence went to Woods Creek, near Sonoro in what was called the Southern mines. Now Stockton was the entrepot, emporium, or source of supply for all that country lying south of the Calevaras River—and which comprised the mining regions of the Stanislaus, Tuolumne, and Mercedes Rivers. Everything was new when I got there, the season was a very wet one, the roads new, and travel very difficult. Stockton was a town of Tents and canvass houses and had then a population of only a few hundred— but everything was alive and full of life and hope. Gold was more plentiful than provisions, and here and in the mines for that year at least, the spirit of Religion in its earthly application held full sway. Every man was a brother, all were honest, for their was no temptation to steal, a cornucopia hung in every tent, the spirit of enterprise, of manhood, generous self denial, human sympathy, kindness and hospitality, seemed to pervade all classes and the novelty of the new life, the abundance of wealth, and the far away homesick feeling that softens the roughest parts of our nature—made a common brotherhood of the early California miners.

On Woods Creek there were not more than 50 persons when I got there and they were scattered along the creek for a mile or two. I had two companions or partners—Swearingen &Elkins, both from Eastern Texas. We had traveled by way of Stockton, to lay in a supply of provisions. We had a wagon and were enabled to replenish our purses by hauling an old German woman, her bed &other plunder and the bagage of a lot of sailors all of whom were destined for the nearest mines—about 1000 pounds at 75 cents pr pound—which was just one cent pr pound pr mile, for this load of freight.

We reached the mines in Feby— soon had our claims staked off. built us a log Cabin—and in a few days were busy digging and washing out the gold. Elkins kept the wagon running hauling freight. We soon had several thousand dollars ahead. Summer came on, the streams got low—and although we were making $10 pr day each—we thought to do better on the River bars—and jumped our woods creek claims and moved to the Tuoulumne Rivr.

This proved a bad venture, we failed to find the precious gold in any paying quantity. So now in July my firm decided to employ our time and talents in quite another direction. We started down the country to buy beef cattle. In the vicinity of San Beniventura we purchased about 200 head of splendid cattle at $18 pr head. These cattle we took to the mines &sold out the greater part of the lot at $50 to $60 pr head— the remnant I took to French Camp &started a Butchery. This did not succeed well. I formed a partnership with a Dr Earl—who one night disappeared with the profits.

My two partners were each running a freight wagon. Swearingen had had a 6 mule Team and Elkins 3 yoke of Oxen. But they were not doing any better than myself. Freight had gotten down to about 10c pr lb. Feed was high and the mule team eat up the profits of the Ox wagon. Swearingen wanted to go home, so we sold the mules, divided up and Swearingen left us.

This was in 51. Elkins &I now tried farming bought a small place near French Camp and put in a crop of Barley paid 20c pr pound for seed— had a bad year, made a poor crop and sold it in the mines at 10c[.]

We now made another diversion, moved to the mines again and spent the summer &fall in Quartz mining but this also proved unprofitable, and of course I began to cast about me for a new adventure or experiment.

Just here the wheel of fortune made another turn for me—and I must change the scene from the southern to the northern division of the state—to Sacramento That city being the Emporium of the Northern Mines—while Stockton is the emporium of the Southern Mines— but I was done with the mines, I had discovered that “all was not gold that glitters”—and I also had a sensible appreciation of the fact that I had failed to profit by the golden opportunities that surrounded me in the earlier period of my acquaintance with the mines and that money getting even in California was by this time divested of much of the promise and facination, even excitement that existed in the earlier development of the country—the cream had already been skimed off—and the prospects for rich finds and turning up hugh nugets and stumbling on fortunes were reduced to a minimum of expectation. Change however—and adventure—were distinctive features of California life &their seductive whisperings, beconed me away to other fields[.] So I regretfully parted with good friends and pleasant associations of the past—and taking passage on the Stockton &Sacramento stage journeyed to the latter city.

Through the kindness of my friend Mr Harris—the then county clerk, I was at once installed as deputy in his office at the salary of $200 per month. This seemed like very fair pay for the kind of service—but the position proved not to be a bonanza. City life was expensive—with board at $60 pr mo—washing $3 pr Doz. and everything else in proportion, and with moderate indulgence in the pleasures and temptations—that filled the very atmosphere of social and society life in Sacramento I could not increase my Bank account as rapidly as I wished— but I saved something and with buying county scrip, at a discount and making small loans—my financial condition improved during my sojourn in Sacramento. Money loaned at 12 pr ct pr mo and the laws of California were exceedingly summary and favorable to creditors.

The courts did an immense business. The Dist Court at Sacramento held six terms a year &there was rare ever an interval of a week between terms. Hon Jno Munsen Occupied the bench during the 3 years that I served as clerk in that court. The Bar represented the finest legal talent of the state—some of whom I remember as my personal &particular friends. Lewis Sanders, Tod Robinson J. W. Winans, Jas Haggin, and Jim Hardy our Dist atty—are names that have stamped upon the records of the civil and criminal jurisprudence of the county of Sacramento the impress of brilliant and profound legal ability.

I cannot remember the population of the city at this date, say from 1853 to 1855—but certainly not less than 5 or 6 thousand. After the removal of the seat of Government to Sacramento the city grew rapidly. during my 3 years residence—I witnessed a disastrous fire which destroyed the greater part of the City including the Court House. A flood from the sacramento River—inundated a great part of the city also an earthquake which caused the houses to rock and tremble as if in a storm at sea—but California and California life was illustrated in all its phazes in Sacramento. J street was the main business thoroughfare and also presented the greatest attraction to sightseers and visitors. The Gods of Bachus—of Terpischore and of Mamon—possessed the city by night—and made glorious &brilliant and enchanting with music and wine and piles upon piles of gold dust and glittering coins the numerous saloons that studded the street—with this alluring temptation always in sight an with Theater going, and the many novelties and special entertainments, and the freedom and liberality of social customs that prevailed in those days—it will be seen that a young man dependent upon a clerks salary, had to be possessed of most exemplary habits—or fail in the accumulation of much wealth.

I had the pleasure of seeing &hearing most of the Dramatic Stars of that day—Forrest—Booth Murdock and many others of lesser note— also Lola Montes the famous danseuse—and Ole Bull the Violinist. I was a member of the “Suter Rifles—Volunteer company the pride of the city &also a member of the Pioneer club of Sacramento city, &during these years witnessed the rise and fall of the Know Nothing party in California....

I had many good friends in Sacramento—and my attachments were so strong, my surroundings so pleasant and my appreciation of the country so great—that I found it a great trial after six years of California life to bring myself to the determination to return to Texas—but a constant longing for the loved ones at home—and the persistent entreaties of my friend and room mate—whoes term of Office expired in the fall of 1855—turned the scale and in Oct of that year I bade adiew to California and all its pleasant associations.

But this diary would be an unfaithful record of my California experience were I to omit some mention of an old friend, from whom and from whose family—I received so much Kindness—Col James Lansing. ⁸⁹ At one time [he] owned the Sulphur Springs on the Cibolo—in western Texas—and tried to make the Place a health resort— the venture not succeeding or the California fever having gotten the better of him, to use a common expression “he pulled up stakes”[.] he moved with his family to the golden state and settled at a place called French camp 5 miles from Stockton[.] the family consisted of his wife and daughters[.] The Col kept tavern or a way side inn and the wife and daughters did the honors as well as most of the work of the house— Mrs. L was an English lady and very refined and cultivated and the daughters were brought up under the strickest discipline. I had the pleasure to enjoy the confidence &friendship of this excelent family. It may be that I owe my life to their kind &watchful attention when I was sick unto death with measles....

In Oct 1855 as I have said we turned our faces homeward and a few hours run on the water brought us to San Francisco—now grown to the dimensions of a city indeed. So rapid and wonderful had been the improvement in the place since my visit in 49 that no possible stretch of the imagination could have prepared me for the change. Instead of a few hundred canvass houses and tents resembling a miners camp on the diggings—now I meandered the streets of a city of stone &brick and iron fronts—and many storys—and paved sidewalks—and every appliance, convenience and embelishment of the modern emporium—but the history and praises of San Francisco are too well Known at this day and time to invite a description of its character &reputation from me[.]

Leaving the shores of California through the “Golden Gate” On the fine pacific Steamer “Golden city” we had a most pleasant trip down the coast to Panama, touching only at Acapulco On the way— this place affords probably the best harbor on the pacific coast except San Francisco—a small Mexican town on the Edge of the Bay just within the entrance to the harbor—is all there is of Acapulco—except always about a hundred........natives male &female of all ages and sizes that sport in the beautiful waters like the otters along the Ocean beach.

At Panama we disembarked from the good ship and entered the cars of the Panama R. R. and in about 3 hours reached Aspinwall—distance from Ocean to Ocean about 60 miles— Panama is just a little north of the Equator—and apparently much nearer the infernal regions. I dont remember the temperature of the istmus—but the heat was very oppressive. My companions, ever thoughtful of mans comfort and physical wants—had secured a big bucket of ice water—and various bottles of the ice cold drinks—palm leaf Fans, and the indespensable Havana accompanament—and with the novelty of the trip—the wonderful scenery, the Flora and Fauna that abounded on all sides and the frolicsome little Apes that sported among the trees—and the marvellous luxuriance of this equitorial region—all tended to make this passage across the continent pleasant &interesting[.]

Aspinwall seemed to be a very neat and considerably Americanized [town] Only a few hundred population &the business of the place—as far as I could see was confined the R R and steam-ship traffic—and the eating houses and saloons that are always present where people congregate.

The steam ship Potomac—not the good ship Potomac—but the old &rickety Ship Potomac, was here ready to receive the passengers of the Pacific steamer—and in a few hours we were all on board and away for New York[.] The voyage was without incident except that when we reach the gulf stream off the coast of Florida where I believe it is nearly always rough sailing on account of the prevailing wind running counter to the course of the gulf stream—the old Potomac rolled and tumbled and labored and groaned as if she had a bad attack of the Botts. The water in the hold would slosh from side to side as the vessel careened this way or that—and I was reminded of my experience in the war ship Zavalla, when off the coast of Yucatan in 1839. But we reach our destination in safety—and therefore I apologize to the dear old ship for any insinuation that may be infered as to her character and reputation, on this our last water voyage— The fare on both vessels was good the weather for the most part pleasant—fare from San Francisco to N Y—$250. Senator Gwyn of California—&Col Jack Hays &family—Jack Hays of Texas our Ranger Capt Jack Hays were Companions de voyage[.]....

Well we are in the great city of New York—took rooms at the St Nicholas....

The weather was cold and I saw but little of the city[.] Dont remember what I did see[.] It was a great big city then, it is a great big city now—it controles the wealth of the Nation and all the People of this great Country are but “hewers of wood and drawers of water” [for] the great Metropolis of the North.

A ride from N Y to Ky is not devoid of interest, albeit it is the dead of winter and [the] face of the earth covered with snow[.] to One unaccustomed to R. R. travel the breakneck speed of the cars and the eternal screaming and whistling of the Engine—the grinding of the breaks, and slowing up of the train every few minutes as if about to collide with another train or to jump into or over a stream or some imminent peril Kept your nerves at tension—and your anxiety at highest pitch—and with the halting and jerking of the Cars you are in as much danger of losing your seat, as if On the back of a Texas broncho[.] But there is some Compensation, the scenery is as changeable as a Kaleidoscope[.] Hills and Vales and Rivers and Mountains—Towns, Farm houses and stock in endless Variety all these passed and passed again in rapid succession, gives interest and zest to your ride and in some way smothers the fear you feel for your life[.]

We laid Over One day in Philadelphia[.] It was Sunday and a bright lovely day and every body was out to enjoy it. The population seemed chiefly females[.] In N Y—the streets were crowded mainly with men—here the women had the right of way and appeared to the greatest advantage. I thought I had never seen so many pretty women in my life. We had some fair specimens in Sacramento—but nothing in my imagination could equal the beauty of these Quaker girls—and while feasting upon their pretty faces my mind ran back to my friend the village blacksmith at French Camp, who entreated me to come with him to his home in Penna promising me the greatest honors and most delightful pleasures that society, friends and lovely girls could give. I have Often wondered if the half he told me could be true—but as I cannot vouch for him I will not quote him....

My stay in Ky this time was brief, and yet longer than any subsequent visit being as I remember about two months....

The Stedman paper mill was in full blast at that time—quite a village had grown up around the Mill....

And so after spending a pleasant visit of a few months at the old home—I again said Good Bye to the loved ones—and turned my steps for Texas—going by way of North Carolina to visit my sick Sister—Mrs Morgan who with her husband were sojourning in that state. The weather was intensely cold, deep snow on the ground—and the rivers frozen Over—but the iron horse ploughed its way along, crossed the Mountains to Washington city, thence to Baltimore—where leaving the cars I took passage on a Steamer, down the Chesapeek to Norfolk—crossed over to Portsmouth and thence by rail again to the little town of Murfreesborough N. C., my destination.

I found my sister Convalescing, but I remained with her two weeks—and then resumed my journey southward, passing through Atlanta Montgomery &Mobile to N. O. and thence by Steamer to Galveston[.] Once again on Texas soil, the very fact possessed me with a homelike feeling—here were the scenes of much of my Midshipman experience and the ties which severed me from loved Ones at Harrisburg in April 1849 were here reunited in the family of Genl Sherman—who had moved to Galveston and at this time was Keeping the Island city Hotel.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO. ⁹⁰

JAMES WASHINGTON WINTERS.

I was born in Giles county, Tennessee, January 21, 1817. I came to Texas from Memphis, Tennessee, with my father and all his family. Mr. Bankhead and his family came with us. We came through Arkansas on the Trammell's Trace. In Arkansas Mr. Geo. Lamb, who was on horseback, joined us, and remained with us all the time, even after reaching Texas. Bankhead never obtained any lands, but just rented. He was taken sick and died soon after his arrival. Lamb eventually married Bankhead's widow.

My father's family located in the “Big Thicket,” between the eastern and western prongs of the San Jacinto river. When we heard of Cos's entry into Texas we were among the volunteers who started out to repel him. When my father, my brothers, and I reached San Felipe, on the Brazos, we heard that Cos had already been whipped out of the State. We met Sam Houston, who told us to go back home and make all the corn we could, for in the spring would come the clash. This was late in the fall, about December, 1835. I was then about eighteen years of age.

On March 12, 1836, about eighteen of us organized a company on the San Bernard; we chose William Ware captain, Job Collard first lieutenant, George Lamb second lieutenant, Albert Gallatin first sergeant, William Winters second sergeant. We went to Denese crossing on the Colorado with the intention of keeping the Mexicans from crossing. We acted independently, without instructions from any one. Houston, at Beason's on the Colorado, sent orders for us to fall back. We did so, marching to the prairie between the Colorado and the San Bernard. Here we joined Houston, our company by this time being composed of from 100 to 200 men. From here we marched to San Felipe, thence to Groce's. I do not remember seeing Moseley Baker; do not think he came to the army.

At Groce's the artillery was sent for—two iron 6-pounders. We remained in the bottom until they arrived. The steamer Yellow-stone was in waiting, and Houston crossed his army on this. We camped on the other side and worked all night preparing cartridges for the cannon.

Early next morning we received orders to commence a forced march in the direction of Harrisburg. Our next camp was at Donohue's. Our march was continued the following morning, and the next stop was at McCurley's. The weather was very bad all the time. We now stopped in succession at Cypress creek, at the head of a little bayou, and opposite Harrisburg. A little after 12 a. m. Deaf Smith crossed over to the last named place and captured Santa Anna's courier with valuable papers containing information as to the route of the Mexican army. We were then ordered forward with all the speed possible that we might intercept Santa Anna at Lynch's ferry. I never heard any talk as to Houston's not designing to fight; or of officers or men insisting on his taking the road to Harrisburg; or of any one doubting his intention to do so. We went as straight as we could go towards Harrisburg. Mrs. Mann did take her oxen from the ammunition wagon before we got to camp at McCurley's. She needed them herself. They had been pressed into service by our wagon master. Mrs. Mann went after them herself and took them from the wagon. The boys had a good joke on the wagon master, and they did not forget to use it.

The wagons were left at Harrisburg. I saw men pulling the cannon there. There may have been horses there, but I don't remember seeing any. Roer [Rohrer] was wagon master.

We crossed the bayou about two miles below Harrisburg, just below Sims' bayou. We fixed up the old ferry boat with flooring from Mrs. Batterson's house and some new lumber which we found there, and took over the cannon. It took all day to cross.

We lost no time after crossing in taking up our forced march, and never halted until late that night, between two o'clock and day-light. Houston ordered a halt that the men might get a little rest, as they had been working and marching through mud and water for several days. I did not get to rest as I was on guard duty.

It was Houston's intention to try to head off the Mexican army at Lynch's ferry, and he was in such haste that we had no time to prepare meals or to eat them. On the morning of April 20, as soon as we could see we set out for the ferry. Immediately after arriving there, one of our spies came running in with the information that Santa Anna was near us. Houston immediately ordered his men to turn and march back to a small grove of timber, distributing them along the bank for protection. We no sooner got settled in our positions than the Mexicans opened fire on us with their artillery. There was more or less skirmishing all day. I never heard of any talk of the Texans building a bridge for retreat. Houston intended to fight and fight to a finish.

After the first onslaught the Mexicans fell back, and we got our breakfast.

When we first reached Lynch's ferry we saw a sail coming up the bayou. Houston ordered a squad of men to see what it was and capture it. I heard the reports of firing as we continued our march. It was a ferry flat which Santa Anna had previously captured. It was loaded with flour and supplies, and was also intended to transport Santa Anna and his army across the bayou. The supplies were very timely for the Texans.

Sherman was in command of the infantry, but with Houston's approval and permission he called for volunteers, who could obtain horses to attempt the capture of the Mexican artillery. Houston sent out Burleson's men to support Sherman and cover his retreat if necessary. The attempt was not successful. Two men were wounded, one of whom afterwards died.

The next morning, April 21, a council of war was held. Sometime before noon, Houston passed around among the men gathered at the campfires and asked us if we wanted to fight. We replied with a shout that we were most anxious to do so. Then Houston replied, “Very well, get your dinners and I will lead you into the fight, and if you whip them every one of you shall be a captain”.

There had been so many “split ups” and differences that Houston preferred the opinions of the men themselves, feeling that before hazarding battle he must find whether they would enter the engagement with a will. For the men had marched so long without food or rest that, perhaps, they might not be physically prepared.

I never heard orders given as to Vince's bridge. I heard that Deaf Smith had asked permission to cut it down. I never heard that Vince's bridge was mentioned in any address to the army, or any prominence given to the fact that it had been destroyed.

After leaving Harrisburg, I saw no wagon transports. We packed all there was on our backs.

After dinner the men were ready for battle. I was in Sherman's division—left wing of attack—but under my own captain, Wm. Ware. Rusk started out with us, but turned and went with the artillery. When we ran over the ridge we lost sight of the rest. On beginning the battle, before we got in sight of the Mexicans, they began firing at us. They were lying down in the grass. We examined the places where many had been, and found as many as five ends of cartridges where each Mexican lay, so supposed that each man had fired at us as many as five times before we reached them. Their breastworks were composed of baggage, saddle bags, and brush, in all about four or five feet high. There was a gap eight or ten feet wide through which they fired the cannon. I saw Houston in the midst of the enemy's tents near the first regiment to the right. A Mexican officer tried to rally his men, but was soon dispatched by a rifle ball and fell from his horse. Our regiment passed beyond the Mexican's breastworks before we knew it, while our other two regiments came up in front of them, so then we did them up in short order. I never heard any halt ordered. We never halted. The battle was won in fifteen or eighteen minutes. The Mexican cavalry broke in disorder, while ours was hotly pursuing them. Houston had two horses killed from under him, and was on his third one before he passed the Mexican's works. We ran and fought fully two miles.

After the fight was ended Houston gave orders to form in line and march back to camp, but we payed no attention to him, as we were all shaking hands and rejoicing over the victory. Houston gave the order three times and still the men payed no attention to him. And he turned his horse around and said “Men, I can gain victories with you, but damn your manners,” and rode on to camp.

Joel Robinson and Sylvester brought in Santa Anna. I was there when he was brought in; was digging the grave to bury our eight men. They passed by us and halted at our guard lines. The Mexican prisoners clapped their hands, and gave other signs of joy, shouting, “Santa Anna, Santa Anna!” I dropped my tools and followed after them to Houston, who was lying on his cot at the camp near the bayou. Santa Anna introduced himself, and they began to talk.

I do not know who captured Cos, but he was the most frightened man I ever saw. He covered his head with a blanket. I could see it tremble twenty feet off.

The greatest slaughter in the battle occurred between the breastworks and the lake; here the Mexicans and horses killed made a bridge across the bayou.

General Wharton tried to get us to cease and grabbed a Mexican and pulled him up behind him on his horse, saying that was his Mexican, but Jim Curtis shot the Mexican. The Mexican infantry near the lake would jump in occasionally and would dive to get away from our shots, but the minute they would raise their heads they were picked off by our men.

Only a few followed the flying Mexicans to Vince's bayou; the Mexicans finding the bridge burned, tried to cross, but their horses bogged. Only one of those trying to cross there got away—all the others were shot.

When Santa Anna was brought into camp some called out “Shoot him, hang him!” General Houston ordered the men who made these threats taken away. Next day after the battle, finding that many Mexicans were hidden in the marsh grass, some one set fire to the grass and burned or smoked them out. In this way about forty were captured. One who tried to run was shot. The same day I found a dead Mexican who had silver in his belt—about ten dollars. The money had slipped out when he was shot. Orders were given that all money found be brought in to headquarters. I turned this in. Money so captured was distributed to the soldiers, the amount so distributed averaging almost $11 per man. Santa Anna's handsomely ornamented saddle was held up and the men voted that it should be given to General Houston. Other officers' saddles were sold. One brought as high as $300.

I certify that the above statement is correct, or as nearly correct as I can remember.

J. W. Winters.

THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE IN TEXAS. ⁹¹

EUGENE C. BARKER.

In its fourfold character of Spanish territory, Mexican province, independent republic, and State of the Union, Texas has a most dramatic history, not the least interesting phase of which is the trace of the African slave trade running dimly through each period of its evolution—even the last, it seems probable. The beginnings of the traffic here take one back to the days when Napoleon, just through juggling with the map of Europe, had begun his weary imprisonment in St. Helena, and Ferdinand VII. was vainly trying to re-establish the shattered authority of Spain over his revolting American subjects.

In Mexico the Spanish cause was staunchly upheld by a strong party of royalists, and as vigorously contested by enthusiastic republicans. During a temporary ascendency of the latter in 1813, a declaration of independence was issued, and two years later Manuel Herrera was appointed minister to the United States—where he received, of course, no official attention. His government being soon eclipsed by the royalists, he took up his residence in New Orleans, which warmly sympathized with the Mexican rebels, and rallied around him all of his countrymen who had fled from Mexico, as well as a considerable number of adventurous Americans. With these he determined to wrest at least a foothold from the tottering Bourbon empire, and chose that hold to be in Texas. In the fall of 1816, therefore, with some twelve or fifteen small vessels, of the self-styled republics of Mexico, Venezuela, La Plata, and New Granada, he sailed to the island of Galveston and by the authority of his office as plenipotentiary of the Mexican republic, set up a government, in which Louis de Aury, a Frenchman, sometime commandant-general of the naval forces of New Granada, was appointed governor, commander of the fleet, and judge of the court of admiralty. ⁹²

This extraordinary combination of powers De Aury wielded with the greatest facility and convenience: as governor of the province, he issued privateering commissions to his flotilla; swept the Gulf for Spanish merchantmen, as commodore of the Mexican navy; and adjudicated the prizes in his own court of admiralty. He plied a brisk business, and among the vessels captured off the coasts of the West Indies were many fully laden slavers. The disposition of these unfortunate cargoes became an urgent problem; for at Galveston there was no need of them, and throughout the rest of Texas, inhabited as it then was, chiefly by Indians, there was no better market. The difficulty was settled by some of De Aury's recruits from the United States, who smuggled the negroes into Louisiana and sold them even in the suburbs of New Orleans. Thus Texas began her novitiate in the traffic as a kind of supply house for Louisiana. Other than human merchandise, too, was introduced in this way; and perhaps there was collusion between De Aury's men and the revenue officers. At any rate, on August 1, 1817, the collector of customs at New Orleans, in a report to the secretary of state, admitted his impotence to remedy “the most shameful violations of the slave act, as well as our revenue laws, . . . by a motley mixture of freebooters and smugglers, at Galveston, under the Mexican flag.” ⁹³

But, when De Aury abandoned the island in the summer of 1817 to join Mina's filibustering expedition against Soto la Marina, and Jean Lafitte pounced upon it for his own headquarters, ⁹⁴ the smuggling of Africans began in earnest. This remarkable man had already acquired experience and much notoriety as chief of the piratical establishment of Barrataria, on the Island of Grand Terre, some sixty miles west of the Mississippi delta. Beginning his operations there in the early days of Jefferson's embargo against Great Britain and France, he maintained himself for seven years, despite the repeated efforts of the Louisiana government to dislodge him. And it was not until the aid of the United States was invoked and Commodore Patterson was sent against him in the summer of 1814 with a little fleet of gunboats that the bandits were dispersed. ⁹⁵ Some of the largest merchants of Louisiana were Lafitte's factors, and his goods were handled almost openly in the streets of New Orleans. ⁹⁶

When Lafitte resumed at Galveston, therefore, in 1817, the industry which the United States had interrupted in 1814 and the British investment of New Orleans had entirely crushed in 1815, his old commercial affiliations were revived, and his intimate knowledge of the bays and bayous of the Louisiana coast enabled him to defy the custom officers. Taking the cue from his predecessor, however, he thought it prudent to fortify his establishment with at least the semblance of legitimacy; wherefore the island was again declared a republican province, a full corps of officers was elected, and allegiance vowed to Mexico. Not deterred by the trifling circumstance that no qualified representative of that government was present to administer the oath, citizen Luis Iturribarria swore Governor Louis Derieux, and the rest of the cabinet then took the oath to the governor. ⁹⁷ A frank avowal of their purpose subsequently made by John Ducoing, their judge of admiralty, was that of “capturing Spanish property under what they called the Mexican flag, but without any idea of aiding the revolution in Mexico, or that of any of the revolted Spanish colonies.” ⁹⁸

Probably Lafitte took the trouble to procure letters of marque against Spain from one of the infantine Latin republics—possibly from two or three of them—but this, like his government at Galveston, was the merest formality, and practically it mattered little to him and his desperate followers whether the vessels they captured were Spanish or not, so their cargoes were heavy and their guns light. As with De Aury, the bulk of his prizes were intercepted off the West Indies, and a fair proportion of them being slavers, Galveston Island would quickly have assumed in population the appearance of a miniature Guinea coast, had not the buccaneers manifested considerable ingenuity in hurrying their blacks on to the United States, and by judicious advertising and discriminating canvassing maintained an approximate equilibrium between the demand and the supply.

Probably most of the purchasing in Louisiana was done from agents who transmitted the orders to Galveston and contracted for the delivery of the negroes at specified places. The most popular of these depots were at the mouths of the Sabine, Calcasieu, and Bayou Lafourche, or in some of the numerous inlets of Barrataria Bay. But occasionally careful individuals who preferred to buy only upon personal inspection went to Galveston and selected their negroes, afterwards paying for them upon delivery at one of the sub-depositories. ⁹⁹

Perhaps the most successful salesmen of Lafitte's plant were the three Bowie brothers, Resin P., James, and John J. By the account of the last, which there seems little reason to doubt, their profits in this trade from 1818 to 1820 were $65,000. ¹⁰⁰ And when he tells us that the price of negroes at Galveston was a dollar a pound, or an average of a hundred and forty dollars per man, some idea may be obtained of the magnitude of this branch of Lafitte's business. Upon one occasion, says his brother, while James Bowie was convoying alone a lot of slaves through the wilds of Eastern Texas, they escaped from him as he slept and were captured by a wandering band of Comanches. He followed them as far as the head of the Colorado river, but was forced to give up the pursuit there and abandon his property. It is not likely that the unfortunate negroes profited greatly by their change of masters, though the historian Thrall is authority for the statement that in the early days many Indians of Western Texas wore decidedly negroid countenances. ¹⁰¹

One of Bowie's statements, bearing all the ear-marks of truth, casts an interesting light upon the defectiveness of congressional legislation against the importation of slaves. It will be remembered that the bill which President Jefferson approved on March 2, 1807, to prohibit the slave trade after January 1 of the following year—the earliest date possible under the Constitution—was, like most laws dealing with slavery, the result of a compromise. The committee which reported the bill had a great deal of difficulty in deciding upon the disposition of negroes smuggled in contrary to the law and apprehended by the customs officers Chairman Early, of Georgia, proposed that they be sold at auction, and likened such treatment to the sale of “demijohns of brandy confiscated under the revenue laws.” One of the members recommended that they be freed, and another that they be returned to Africa; ¹⁰² but the last proposition being clearly impracticable, and the other two bitterly objectionable to sectional partisans, the committee finally agreed to recommend that the settlement of the question be left to the separate States—which, in effect, of course, was an acceptance of Early's proposal. And so the law was passed. Observe its workings: most of the Southern States, presumably, passed laws authorizing the sale of the captives. And Bowie avers that he often sold his negroes to Louisiana slave companies, who, wishing to validate their titles to them that they might safely ship them up the Mississippi, where a slave brought an average price of $1000, surrendered them to customs officers who, according to the law, resold them as “imported slaves.” The companies always bought them back and received, as informers, a rebate of half their purchase money. ¹⁰³

At last, in 1821, Lafitte, grown too bold in his privateering, was compelled by the United States to evacuate Galveston, and with his departure ceased for a dozen years the pernicious traffic which he had maintained. That he was so long left there unmolested was due to the protests of the Spanish minister as often as the United States had threatened action against him. For, though Spain was always the chief sufferer in his depredations, she feared relief which could only come as the result of foreign interference in territory which she claimed as her own. ¹⁰⁴

When the next cargo of Africans was landed at Galveston, a market had been created for them in Texas. For Mexico established her independence in 1821, and confirmed to Stephen F. Austin the grant previously made to his father by the Spanish authorities to settle three hundred families in Texas. So much success attended this undertaking that during the five years following 1825 grants were made to a dozen or more individuals, each of whom contracted to settle from two hundred to eight hundred families. And, though none of these empresarios save Austin quite fulfilled his contract, the number of immigrants introduced by 1830 reached perhaps 20,000. ¹⁰⁵ After that date Mexico became alarmed for her province, and sought to discourage immigration, but despite her efforts the Anglo-American population rapidly increased. But in Mexico, where a system of peonage obtained which allowed employers all the conveniences with none of the attendant disadvantages and odium of slave-holding, sentiment opposed slavery. A decree of the constituent congress, issued July 13, 1824, prohibited the slave trade, domestic or foreign, in the most emphatic terms, and the constitution of Coahuila and Texas, promulgated in 1827, forbade, after six months, the further introduction of slaves into its territory, and provided for the general emancipation of those already in. The Mexicans objected to the name rather than the institution, however, and when immigrants devised the ingenious scheme of converting their blacks into servants indented for life, the Legislature gave the subterfuge legal sanction. ¹⁰⁶ And when President Guerrero, in 1829, by virtue of the extraordinary power with which he had been invested issued a decree emancipating the slaves throughout the republic, he made special exception of those in Texas. ¹⁰⁷

Indeed, under some name, negro slavery, it may be said, was absolutely essential to the development of Texas. The land was a wilderness upon which single laborers could make but hopelessly little impression, and free labor was not available, even had the colonists possessed the money to pay for it. Moreover, the most fertile soil lay in the bottoms of the Brazos, Colorado, and Trinity—where, to this day, the virulent malaria necessitates almost exclusive use of negro labor—and thus another argument, if such were needed, was furnished for the use of slaves. Even such men as Stephen F. Austin, who were personally opposed to the institution, recognized and bowed to the necessity.

It is not surprising, therefore, that a few of the colonists with neither negroes nor the means to buy them at the current price in the United States succumbed to the temptation of importing the equally efficient but cheaper commodity new from Africa, by way of Cuba. But that this practice was condemned by the bulk of the colonists is evident from a set of resolution passed by the convention which met at San Felipe de Austin in April, 1833, to memoralize the Mexican Congress for the separation of Texas from her overbearing yokefellow, Coahuila. Being informed that a vessel had just arrived in Galveston Bay, “direct from the Island of Cuba, laden with negroes recently from the African coast,” the convention resolved that, “we do hold in utter abhorrence all participation, whether direct or indirect, in the African Slave Trade; that we do concur in the general indignation which has been manifested throughout the civilized world against that inhuman and unprincipled traffic; and we do therefore earnestly recommend to our constituents, the good people of Texas, that they will not only abstain from all concern in that abominable traffic, but that they will unite their efforts to prevent the evil from polluting our shores; and will aid and sustain the civil authorities in detecting and punishing any similar attempt for the future.” The framers of the resolution expressed a “proud satisfaction in the belief that the late shameful violation of law . . . was perpetrated by transient foreign adventurers,” and by way of advertising their abiding disapproval of such commerce, it was ordered that the resolution be published in the Texas Advocate, the sole newspaper of Texas, in the press of New Orleans, and in the various papers “throughout the Mexican republic.” Their moral “abhorrence,” too, was diplomatically deepened by the political conviction that trade of any sort, as they naively expressed it, with Cuba, which was a Spanish possession, was treason to Mexico. ¹⁰⁸

Nevertheless, within ten months of the issuance of this official protest, three prominent citizens braved public opinion by landing at Galveston a full cargo of blacks that they had obtained from Cuban traders. The story as I have it is from Mr. W. P. Zuber, of Iola, Texas. ¹⁰⁹ They found, on reaching Cuba, that the coast was patrolled by a United States frigate, and adopted an ingenious way of outwitting her commander. Haranguing several hundred negroes through an interpreter, the leader described Texas as a country greatly superior to Cuba, and asked them to go there with him voluntarily. In return for their passage they were to serve him three years, and were then to receive their freedom with the means necessary for supporting themselves. For such as volunteered he paid the dealer, and, after they had duly signed with their marks the contracts of indenture, embarked them, and cleared from Havana with a cargo of free colored emigrants. Thus they could not technically be seized as imported slaves, and proceeded to Texas without molestation. Before landing, however, the partners had their emigrants sign another paper, which abrogated the previous contract, and bound them to serve their masters for ninety-nine years.

It is also said ¹¹⁰ that J. W. Fannin brought a hundred Africans to Texas in 1835. Certain it is that he had a number of slaves, for on November 6, 1835, while engaged in the siege of San Antonio, he wrote to the President of the Convention, at San Felipe, and offered to empower that body “to sell, hypothecate, or otherwise dispose of all my property in Texas, consisting of thirty-six negroes now on Caney creek and Brazos river to meet the purchase of” war material. ¹¹¹

It was during this period, too, that Monroe Edwards began to import negroes. The only reference which I have found to his operations at this time, however, is contained in a letter from Retson Morris to the Alcalde at Nacogdoches, advancing his claim to two Africans that had been rescued there from a man named Blunt. Morris says that they, “together with 120 more,” were left in his charge by Monroe Edwards, and that they escaped from him during the Mexican invasion of Texas. ¹¹²

The war of the Texas revolution began in the fall of 1835, and on March 2, 1836, became a war of independence. The resulting disorganization of the government, Edwards and others found particularly favorable to the introduction of considerable numbers of slaves, as is shown by a letter dated March 2, 1836, from William S. Fisher, collector for the port of Velasco, to Provisional Governor Henry Smith. He writes: “The schooner Shenandoah entered this port on the 28th ult. and proceeded up the river, without reporting. I immediately pursued her. . . . We overhauled the vessel that night, and found that the negroes had been landed—the negroes were, however, found during the night. The negroes I have given up to Mr. Edwards (the owner) on his giving bond and security to the amount of their value, to be held subject to the decision of the government. Sterling McNeil landed a cargo of negroes (Africans) on the coast. I endeavored to seize the vessel, but was unsuccessful—This traffic in African negroes is increasing daily, and as no law has emanated directly from the Council in relation to this matter, I am very much in need of instruction. The number of negroes landed from the Shenandoah is 171.” ¹¹³

This letter was referred to the Committee on Naval Affairs, who refused to recommend any action concerning it, on the ground that “said letter is of such a nature as to involve several important legal questions which your committee do not consider come under the sphere of their duties; inasmuch as the private rights of several of our valued and respected citizens are therein involved. Yet,” they continue, “your committee have no hesitancy in reporting their views and belief of the extreme impolicy of either covertly or indirectly countenancing a traffic which has called forth the indignation of nearly the whole civilized world.” ¹¹⁴

It seems likely, however, that Fisher's letter did not pass altogether without effect; for in the first constitution of the republic of Texas, adopted by the convention just a fortnight later, the “importation or admission of Africans or negroes into this republic, excepting from the United States of America, is forever prohibited and declared to be piracy.” The President ad interim. David G. Burnet, as soon as possible after the removal of the government to Harrisburg issued a proclamation—on April 3, 1836—calling attention to this constitutional prohibition, and “commanding and requiring all officers, Naval and Military, and all collectors and other Functionaries of the Government, to be vigilant and active in detecting and defeating any attempt to violate said article, and to seize . . . any persons . . . or Vessels, with their equipment, tackle, &c. . . . on board of which any Africans or Negroes, so attempted to be imported may be found.” ¹¹⁵

After the successful termination of the war with Mexico, Texas naturally entered upon a period of very rapid development and the temptation to import slaves became correspondingly greater. The subject came to the attention of the government again in December, 1836, and Stephen F. Austin, Secretary of State, wrote to William H. Wharton, Minister to the United States, and instructed him to ask the co-operation of that government in crushing the traffic. He said:

“It has lately come to the knowledge of this Gov't. through the channel of common rumor, sustained by the statements of several persons of known veracity, that extensive projects are in contemplation to introduce African negro slaves into this country by citizens of the United States in a manner that will equally violate the laws of the United States and the constitutional provisions of this Republic on the subject.

“It is intended, as we have been informed, to land said African slaves on the sea shore, east of the Sabine river, or on the east bank of the Sabine within the limits of the United States and then reship them to this country, and thus attempt to bring such introduction of slaves under that clause of our constitution which admits them from the United States exclusively.

“This attempt to evade the prohibition of the African slave trade, contained in our constitution certainly will not be sustained by the tribunals of this Republic, but it is also desirable that the Gov't. of the United States should be apprised of such attempts to carry on a piratical commerce by her own citizens through her territory and in American vessels.” ¹¹⁶

Whether Wharton ever succeeded in getting this information before the United States government is unknown, but the first Congress of Texas, which was still in session, took up the matter, and enacted that, any person convicted of introducing African negroes from any foreign country, except the United States, should suffer death without benefit of clergy. In order that no technical loophole might be afforded for the evasion of the law, it was at the same time provided that such slaves as were brought from the United States must previously have been legally held there. ¹¹⁷

This law was passed in the beginning of the first administration of Sam Houston, who displaced President Burnet in October, 1836, but in his message to the special session of Congress, in May, 1837, Houston thought it necessary to again advert to the subject. He said: “It cannot be disbelieved that thousands of Africans have lately been imported to the Island of Cuba, with the design to transport a large portion of them into this Republic. This unholy and cruel traffic has called down the reprobation of the humane and just of all civilized nations. Our abhorrence to it is clearly expressed in our constitution and laws. Nor has it rested alone upon the declaration of our policy, but has long since been a subject of representation to the Government of the United States, our ministers apprising it of every fact which would enable it to devise such means as would prevent either the landing or introduction of Africans into our country.

“The naval force of Texas not being in a situation to be diverted from our immediate defence, will be a sufficient reason why the Government of the United States and England should employ such a portion of their forces in the Gulf as will at once arrest the accursed trade, and redeem this Republic from the suspicion of connivance, which would be as detrimental to its character as the practice is repugnant to the feelings of its citizens. Should the traffic continue, the odium cannot rest upon us, but will remain a blot upon the escutcheon of nations who have power, and withhold their hand from the work of humanity.” ¹¹⁸

In consonance with the President's message, General Memucan Hunt, Texan envoy to the United States, was instructed by a dispatch, dated May 25, 1837, to inform the State Department of another scheme to introduce slaves identical with that reported by Austin the preceding December. This he did in a formal note to Secretary Forsyth, on July 18. Mr. Forsyth replied immediately, asking for more definite information: “What grounds has Texas for believing the undertaking is to be attempted? Who are the actors? When and where are the negroes to be landed?” One cannot but applaud the Texan's slightly sarcastic and entirely self-respecting answer that, “the precise time at which it is to be done, and who they are proposing or intending to do this was not communicated” to him, but that “should the government of Texas ascertain where and at what time this or any other company may intend to land negroes from Cuba near Texas, as limited as is her naval force, it is considered as sufficient to make it unnecessary to desire the aid of the United States for so specific a service.” He gave it as his opinion that the constant attention of an ample naval force would be necessary to permanently suppress the trade, “for the reason that slaves in Cuba do not sell there generally for more than half what they are worth in the United States.” ¹¹⁹ Mr. Forsyth replied to this on July 31, saying that vessels had been ordered by the secretary of the navy to cruise off the mouth of the Sabine, and that a military post would be established on that river.

It does not appear likely that many of these rumored importations ever materialized. I can learn of only three or four that were made during the existence of Texas as a republic—from 1836 to 1845—and the whole number of slaves so introduced was perhaps not more than six or seven hundred, certainly it did not exceed a thousand. One of these expeditions was conducted by a man named Shepard, of whom nothing else is known. “The people of Texas,” says Captain R. M. Potter, U. S. A., a writer well acquainted with early Texas, “though not zealous against the practice, were not in favor of it.” ¹²⁰

Though there is no available documentary evidence that this desultory traffic continued after annexation, many old Texans remember that Africans were frequently sold in the State, even down to the late fifties. The best authenticated—and perhaps the last tradition of importation during this period occurred in 1856. In the spring of that year the United States War Department began some experiments to test the efficiency of camels as pack-animals for posts on the southwestern frontiers, and a small cargo were landed at Indianola, Texas, for service at Camp Verde, about sixty miles northwest of San Antonio. Shortly after this, another ship appeared at Indianola, claiming to have on board a lot of camels for sale to private individuals; but it is asserted that interested parties were aware that the cargo really consisted of Africans. I have talked with men who claim to have seen some of the negroes that were purchased from this vessel. The camel ruse seems to have been pretty well understood in Texas, and the people probably expected similar ventures to follow; for ex-Governor F. R. Lubbock tells us in his “Memoirs” that in 1858 two ships anchored at Galveston under suspicious circumstances, and were at first “thought to be slavers watching for an opportunity of secretly landing their human freight. But they turned out to be laden only with camels; at least no evidence appeared that they had any African negroes aboard to sell as slaves.” ¹²¹

The subject threatened to become a platform issue with the democratic party in 1859, as is evident from a circular published by Hon. John H. Reagan, in April of that year. ¹²² He had learned that an effort was making “to interpolate on our platform of principles declarations in favor of filibustering and the reopening of the slave trade,” and that an attempt would be made to defeat him in his candidacy for Congress, on account of his opposition to these two propositions. Defending himself, he said: “In reference to the reopening of the African slave trade, it is simply ridiculous to talk of doing it in the Union, unless it be ascertained that Congress has not authority to legislate on the subject.” A resolution recommending a thorough canvassing of the constitutional rights of Congress in regard to slavery legislation really was introduced by G. W. Chilton in the democratic convention held at Houston in May, 1859, but it was overwhelmingly voted down. Nevertheless, the opposition throughout the campaign charged the democrats with the intention of reopening the slave trade, and as a result succeeded in electing their entire ticket with Sam Houston at its head as governor. Thus the question rested in Texas, when secession settled it forever.

Some of the Africans who were brought in during the period of the republic are still living—in fact, along the coast from Matagorda to Velasco and along the banks of the Brazos and Colorado rivers they are not at all uncommon.

BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTICES.

In the July Out West is the fifth and concluding installment of the translation of Junípero Serra's Diary.

The American Historical Review for July contains Robert le Bougre and the Beginnings of the Inquisition in Northern France, II, by Charles H. Haskins; European Archives, by George L. Burr; The Place of Nathaniel Macon in Southern History, by William E. Dodd; John Quincy Adams and the Monroe Doctrine, I, by Worthington C. Ford; and Ramsay as a Plagiarist, by Orin Grant Libby. Two sets of documents are printed, namely, A Letter of Alexander von Humboldt, 1845, and English Policy Toward America in 1790-1791, I, with an introduction by Frederick J. Turner.

The Gulf States Historical Magazine is a new publication which made its first appearance in July, 1902. It is edited by Mr. Thomas M. Owen, of Montgomery, Ala., and is issued bi-monthly. As announced by the editor, its principal object is “the exploitation of the history, literature, and antiquities of the region known geographically as the Gulf States. It will, however, embrace much valuable material bearing upon the history of the adjacent States.” Of some interest to Texas students are, “The Beginnings of French Settlement of the Mississippi Valley,” by Peter J. Hamilton, and “Texas Newspaper Files in the Library of Congress.” Number 1 contains 80 pages, 50 of which are given to the publication of articles and historical documents. The remaining 30 pages are divided among the departments of “Minor Topics,” “Notes and Queries,” “Historical News,” and “Book Notes and Reviews.”

The September issue (Vol. VI., No. 5) of Publications of the Southern History Association contains one article, entitled “General Sumter and his Neighbors” (to be continued), by Kate Furman. The remainder of the number consists of documents: W. H. C. Whiting's “Dairy of a Texas March,” and the “Journal of Charles Porterfield” are concluded; “Early Quaker Records in Virginia” is continued; and new documents appear under the titles of “Calhoun and Secession,” “The Hero of the Alamo,” and “Reasons Against the Trial of Jefferson Davis.” The first of these new documents is a letter from Calhoun to Judge Collin S. Tarpley, of Mississippi, dated July 9, 1849; under the second title the editor has grouped several letters concerning the expulsion of the Mexican garrison from Anahuac in the summer of 1835 by W. B. Travis; and the third takes the form of a letter from Hon. John H. Reagan to Maj. Geo. W. White, dated November 8, 1865.

Year Book for Texas, 1901. Compiled by C. W. Raines, State Librarian. Austin: Gammel Book Company. 1902. 8vo, pp. 436, illustrated; cloth.

To convey a comprehensive idea of this book would necessitate the reprinting of its index. A sub-title, however, gives a general classification of its subjects into, “Public Officials and Departments under the Republic and State, Institutions, Important Events, Obituaries of Distinguished Dead, Industrial Development, Statistics, Biographical Sketches, and History never before Published.” All the matter is arranged alphabetically, so that it is easily accessible, and Judge Raines's name on the title page is sufficient guarantee of the painstaking care with which the data have been prepared. In this connection it should be noted that all of his departmental, institutional, and statistical sketches have been compiled directly from the official records, filed in the various State departments. Succeeding issues of the Year Book will not contain so much departmental and institutional history, and it is expected that the space thus gained will be given to the publication of rare documents on Texas history.

NOTES AND FRAGMENTS.

Orders for Government Supplies.—The following are printed from copies, kindly furnished by Mr. Phil C. Tucker, of Austin, of originals in his possession:

Quartermaster's Office,  Houston, Dec'r 27, 1838.  To Quartermaster P. Caldwell.

Sir: You will proceed to New Orleans, and purchase the following articles for % of the Government of Texas.

You are requested to purchase them of good quality and at the lowest market price in Texas promissory notes.

Forward Invoices with the goods to the Quartermaster General at this place, care of the collector of the District of Galveston, and draw on this department for the amount:

• 112 saddles, short and suitable for Spanish horses with girths, etc.

• 112 circingles. Very strong.

• 112 Bridles double reins—with strong heavy bitts.

• 112 Pr. Spurs, very heavy and strong in the shank.

• 6 Plain field Bugles.

• 2 Tons Pig Lead.

• 50,000 musket flints, best quality.

I have the honor to be  Your obt sert  Wm G Cooke,  Q. M. G. T. A.

Dept of State  Washington Oct 4th 1843

Dear Sir: I have time only to remind you of your promise to procure for this Department a copy of Websters Dictionary—and to request that you will not delay ordering it. The work that we want is the abridgment “(large octavo) from the quarto edition of the author” and contains “a synopsis of words differently pronounced by different Ortheopists.”

I have the honor to be  Yr very obt servt John Hall,  Chief Clerk.  To  Wm Bryan Esq  Galveston

The First Newspaper in Texas.—Texans who have read Yoakum and Brown have always felt a degree of pride in the statement that, as early as 1819, a newspaper was published and printed at Nacogdoches. These writers have not preserved for us the name nor the exact date of the appearance nor the characteristics of this pioneer in Texas journalism. Yet every one voluntarily accords it a place of honor and doubts not that it was creditable to its publishers and exceedingly interesting to its readers, and he silently regrets that apparently not a single copy escaped destruction. Any authentic information concerning the Texas Republican (for that was its name) will, therefore, be welcome news; the more, perhaps, since the latest writer on the subject flatly denies that it ever existed. ¹²³

The St. Louis Enquirer of Saturday, September 25, 1819, contains the following notice of the first number of the Republican:

“THE TEXAS REPUBLICAN. ¹²⁴

“We received by the last mail a newspaper under the above title, the first Number dated Nacogdoches, August 14th, ¹²⁵ 1819. In the first year of the Republic of Texas.

“It is principally occupied with the military and political operations going on in that quarter.

“We observe however some advertisements which display a disposition to improve the condition of the country. One which requests the citizens of the town and neighborhood to meet at the house of Mr. Cargill to choose trustees of a seminary of learning; another which shows that a Mr. Madden has engaged in building a grist and saw mill.

“These are strange things to be seen in a Spanish town; a newspaper called Republican; the citizens attending to the establishment of a school; mills building.—We wish they may go on, that the revolution may triumph, and all traces of an odious and contemptible government disappear from our continent.”

The St. Louis Enquirer for September 29, 1819, quotes the following article from the first number of the Republican:

“Nacogdoches, August 14.

“An express arrived from Colonel Robinson, ¹²⁶ who commands the detachment reconnoitering on the Brazos, informing that the party were all well; that two negro men (runaways from the United States) and one white man had gone to Labadie. ¹²⁷ The Indian tribes in that quarter are all friendly and warm for our cause. It is expected that the party will intercept some contraband traders from St. Antonio.

“We daily expect to hear from our friends who have gone to Galveston for the purpose of opening a port of entry, and establishing a court of admiralty, at that place. ¹²⁸ As that is an excellent port, with a good harbor, and lying so near New Orleans, we promise ourselves many facilities in procuring such articles of provision, which we would find difficulty in getting transported any other way. We also hope through this channel to keep up a friendly commercial intercourse with all nations, particularly with the United States; a government to which we are all attached, and have long hoped that we would one day or other be governed by its laws; this hope having from recent evils vanished, we will now try to govern ourselves, and to have laws as nearly assimilated to them as possible.

“By the arrival of five deserters from St. Antonio, we learn that there are not more than two hundred troops in that place, and about eighty in Labadie. These deserters say that if we go in considerable force, the royalists will not fight, but, together with the inhabitants, throw themselves on our protection. Their situation at this time is truly deplorable—a person cannot venture one mile from the city without a strong guard, on account of the hostile conduct of the Indians who are continually hovering around them. We hope soon to protect them from the Indians as well as the royalists.

“We hear of large quantities of wild cattle in the vicinity of Labadie, which will support our army on its march.

“We understand that strong settlements are forming at Picond Point, on Red River. The lands there are of the best quality, and enough of provisions have been made there this year to supply four times the number of inhabitants that now reside there.

“We are authorized to state that an act has passed the Council, giving private soldiers, who serve during the war, 6400 acres of land, which is to be of good quality, and to be laid off in tracts of six hundred and forty acres. A diminution of 1280 in that bounty will take place on October next, and continue to decrease that quantity every two months, until it is reduced to 640 acres only. Besides this bounty, a private receives thirteen dollars per month, a corporal 16, and a sergeant 20. Officers will receive pay in proportion to their rank.

“It is expected that the forces will move from this place in a very short time for St. Antonio and Labadie. From intelligence received this day from the latter place, we are informed that there are not more than forty men at most, posted there. We firmly believe that by the last of October, there will not be a royal Spaniard on this side of the Rio Grande.”

E. W. Winkler.

QUERIES AND ANSWERS.

Palestine, Texas, August 11, 1902.

In the July number of The Quarterly, page 73, the Hon. George C. Pendleton asks the following questions in relation to Ellis Bean, viz.: 1.

“Was he in sympathy with the Texas revolution?”

2.

“When did he leave Texas, and under what circumstances?”

I became acquainted with Peter E. Bean, who in Yoakum's History and other publications is called Ellis P. Bean, in the summer of 1839, at his home in what was then Nacogdoches County, but is now Cherokee, near where the town of Alto stands. I knew him well from that time until he left Texas to return to the Mexican Republic.

I make the following statement, which will give the answer to these questions:

He was the military commandant and Indian agent for the Republic of Mexico for the State of Coahuila and Texas, when the revolution which separated Texas from Mexico occurred. He raised a family of three children where he then lived. The year the war of the Revolution broke out he went to General Thomas J. Rusk and received his parole as a Mexican prisoner. He remained at his home in Texas until about 1844 or 1845 (I am not certain as to the date). His oldest two children were then grown, his third a large boy. His only daughter, a very worthy young lady, was married to a respectable citizen. He made his will, disposing of his property to these three children, making Dr. Jesse Bean the executor. He then went to New Orleans and from there via Vera Cruz to where his former wife lived near Jalapa, Mexico. Some trouble arose about his estate, and Dr. Jesse Bean went to Mexico to see him about it, going by way of New Orleans, with passport as a citizen of the United States, and found him with his former wife at Jalapa, living in comfort and ease.

While in Texas, he took out a headright certificate for a league and labor of land which was located in what is now Kaufman county, presumably as a citizen of Texas.

Soon after I became acquainted with Colonel Bean he showed me his autobiography, and we read it together—a fair sized volume in manuscript. He requested me to edit and publish it. This I was in no condition to do. Afterwards he requested me to go to Mexico for him, and take letters to the government officials, complaining of their leaving him in prison so long, and demanding the payment to him of about twenty thousand dollars, which he said was due him from the government for his services, and also to take letters to his wife at Jalapa. This I declined to do.

While I knew him he lived on terms of amity with his neighbors, apparently as much as any other Texan.

I ought probably to mention that, though a native of the United States, he had become an officer of prominence in the Mexican army, and was on duty in Coahuila and Texas when the Revolution broke out. While in Mexico, he married a sister of one of the Mexican generals. She had a fine estate near Jalapa, and it was to her he returned after leaving Texas.

The acceptance of a parole from an officer of Texas, as a Mexican prisoner, and his purpose to require Mexico to pay for his services, indicate that he was not in sympathy with the Texas Revolution. His living in Texas so long during and after the Revolution, in amity with the people, and his obtaining a headright for land as a citizen of Texas, would tend to a different conclusion.

John H. Reagan,  Palestine, Texas.

AFFAIRS OF THE ASSOCIATION.

The Association has received from Mr. Ingham S. Roberts, of Houston, a copy of the Proceedings of the Grand Lodge of Texas for 1900 and four photographs of the masonic monument taken under his supervision in 1898.

Mr. G. Duvernoy, also of Houston, sends two specially interesting and valuable additions to the collection. One is a hand bill containing a proclamation issued by Lieutenant Governor Joel W. Robinson February 12, 1836, explaining to the people of Texas the conduct of the Council in its quarrel with Governor Henry Smith. The other is a rare pamphlet entitled Apuntes Históricos Interesantes de San Antonio de Bexar, written by José Antonio Navarro in 1853, and published by certain of his friends in 1869. It deals with some aspects of the Mexican War of Independence, and particularly with the campaign of 1813 in Texas. It contains, also, a few pages of supplementary matter.

Such documents are always thankfully received and will be carefully preserved.

FOOTNOTES

1. With this statement and others of similar drift in this article the reader should compare the argument of Judge Fulmore in The Annexation of Texas and the Mexican War, The Quarterly, V 28-48.—Editor Quarterly.

2. Altamira, Testimonio de un Parecer, in Yoakum's History of Texas, I 385. Discovery of the Bay of Espiritu Santo, The Quarterly, II 254.
3. Derrotero de Alonzo de Leon, 3 vta., in Colección de Memorias de Nueva España, 27
4. Teran, Descripcion y Diaria Demarcacion, etc., 26 vta., ibid.
5. Ynforme de Domingo Ramon, 144, ibid.
6. See note 2. Also No. 28088, Bulletin Trimestriel, No. 27, Juin-Juillet 1901. Librarie Ch. Chadenat, Paris.
7. The former is the designation for the northern limit of Texas, in Memorias de Nueva España, 28 162 vta., and the latter for the western, northern, and eastern of Nuevo Mexico, in Altamira's Testimonio de un Parecer. See Yoakum, I 385.
8. The double name appears February 9, 1716, in Relacion del Sargento Mayor Don Martin de Alarcon, Memorias de Nueva España, 27 444 vta. In Representacion hecha por los R. R. Pads Misioneros, July 22, 1716, Memorias de Nueva España, 27 163 vta., occurs this expression, “We have conceived, most excellent Sir, great hopes that this province will be a New Philippine (Nueva Filipina.).”
9. Talamantes, Historia .... de Texas hasta el año de 1730, Par. 22. Historia 43, Archivo General.
10. This was the case of Mision de San Francisco Solano, afterwards transferred to the San Antonio and renamed Mision de San Antonio de Valero. Talamantes, Par. 22. Portilla: Apuntes para la Historia Antiqua de Coahuila y Texas, 292 et seq.
11. Diario del Viaje de Marqués de San Miguel de Aguayo in Memorias de Nueva España, 28 11. It is interesting to note how the simpler native name of the province has survived in each of these two cases, as well as in most of the others.
12. Testimonio de un Parecer, Yoakum, I 384.
13. Ibid., 387.
14. Ibid., 389.
15. Ibid., 385.
16. See note 2, p. 86.
17. D. Joseph Antonio de Villa Señor y Sanchez, Theatro Americano, II 320. The author is described as “Contador General de la Real Contaduria de Azogues, y Cosmographo de este Reyno,” and the work was written by order of the viceroy, Fuen-Clara. The first volume appeared in 1746, and the second two years later. (See Cavo, Tres Siglos de Mexico.)
18. Theatro Americano, II 306.
19. Altamira, Yoakum, I 384.
20. Theatro Americano, II 320.
21. Yoakum, I 77, says, “At this period the Medina seems to be well understood as the western limit of Texas.”
22. Prieto, Historia, Geografica y Estadistica del Estado de Tamaulipas, 40. The author says that the above extracts were taken from Colección de Memorias de Nueva España, 29.
23. Ibid., 135 note.
24. Carta of Ximenes, Colección de Memorias de Nueva España, 28 199.
25. Prieto, 160, 161.
26. Ibid., 135.
27. Ibid., 167.
28. Ibid., 175.
29. Prieto, 188.
30. Ibid., 189. This report is found in Sección de Historia, 55, Archivo General, City of Mexico.
31. Carta de Fr. Francisco Xavier Ortiz, 1762, Memorias de Nueva España, 162 vta.
32. See his Diario, Historia, 27 253 and vta., also 295.
33. Breve Compendio, Par. 1, Historia, 27 1 and vta.
34. Bk. I, Par. 2. This work has never been published.
35. Ibid. The mistake of the worthy Father in saying that Nuevo Leon touched the western boundary of Texas is a natural one for a traveler to make in considering the relative position of these provinces as viewed from the South. It has already been explained why Nuevo Leon did not extend to the Texas border.
36. Morfi, Viaje de Indios y Diario del Nuevo Mexico, 452, in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, 2nd series, vol. I.
37. Morfi, Viaje de Indios y Diario del Nuevo Mexico, 457.
38. Report of de Croix, Chihuahua, September 23, 1778, in Expediente Sobre Comercio, Historia 43, Archivo General.
39. El Conde de la Sierra Gorda to Viceroy Flores, June 19, 1787, Historia 43, Archivo General.
40. Representación to Ripperdá, July 7, 1770, Historia 28, Archivo General.
41. Ripperdá to de Croix, April 27, 1777. Historia 28, Archivo General.
42. North American States and Texas, I 604.
43. The Quarterly, I 14.
44. Jefferson to M. Bowdoin, July 10, 1806. Quoted in Mexique et le Texas.
45. Von Holst, Constitutional History of the United States, 1828-46, 553-554. Bancroft, Mexico, V 322.
46. Von Holst, ibid., 566.
47. Constitution of Coahuila and Texas, Art. 7.
48. Proclamation of Gasper Flores, first alcalde of San Fernando, September 20, 1824. It should be noted that since the independence of Mexico several of the new States have dropped the names formerly imposed by their Spanish conquerors.
49. Bexar Archives. Petition of Francisco Ricardo, July 30, 1833 and alcabala records for 1833 and 1834.
50. Bexar Archives. Entries for José Basilio Benavides, September 24, 1834; Gregorio García, January 13, 1835; Lorenzo Benavides, March 31, 1835.
51. El Nuevo Bernal Diaz del Castillo, I 11.
52. Documentos Para la Historia de Mejico, 4th series, V 22. When one remembers that, at that time, Chihuahua extended far to the east of the Rio Grande, there is nothing peculiar in the terminus of the above boundary.
53. Bulletin de la Société de Geographie, vol. 8, Paris, 1827. Printed in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, 1st series, vol. I.
54. Ibid., 1833, in Documentos, etc., 2nd series, vol. VI.
55. Agreement between Santa Anna and President D. G. Burnet, Art. 3rd; also secret treaty of same date, May 14, 1836.
56. Act approved by President Houston December 19, 1836. Kennedy, Texas, I 10.
57. Bustamente, El Nuevo Bernal Diaz del Castillo, I 11.
58. LeClerc, Le Texas et sa Revolution, 9, 26, 50. Reprinted from Revue de Deux Mondes in Mexique et le Texas. Kennedy (I 8) takes a much stronger view in saying, “But these vague authorities [Mrs. Holley and Almonte] are now obsolete with regard to the limits of Texas, which no longer politically united to Mexico, has claimed for itself new, more ample, and more natural boundaries.”
59. Bancroft, Mexico, V 325.
60. Guerra entre Mexico y los Estados Unidos, passim.
61. Bustamente: El Nuevo Bernal Diaz del Castillo, I 11.
62. See note 1, p. 81.—Editor Quarterly.
63. May 30, 1901. An article by Professor George P. Garrison, entitled “The Archivo General de Mexico.”
64. The Sección de Historia, only one of the smaller of about twenty branches of the Archivo General, alone contains 335 bound volumes of manuscripts.
65. Expediente Sobre Proposiciones del Governador de Texas, Baron de Ripperda, para erección de un nuevo Presidio, y Emprehender una Cruda Guerra contra los Apaches, Lipanes, haciendo Alianza con los Naciones del Norte, 104 folios, dated 1776. Most of the material relates to 1772-3. Titles given here are, in all but one instance, taken from the documents themselves, instead of from the “indices” at the beginnings of the volumes, which are rather descriptions than titles of the documents.
66. For references on Bucareli see Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, I 631; Raines, A Bibliography of Texas, 264.
67. 2. (Numbered continuously with the document named in note 1 above.) Expediente Sobre el Establecimiento del Pueblo de Nuestra Señora del Pilar de Bucareli, su abandono, comercio con los Indios Gentiles del Nortte, y destino de los Vecinos del Extinguido Presidio de los Adaes, 73 folios, 1774. 3. Expediente Sobre que al Vecindario del Pueblo de Ntra. Señora del Pilar de Bucarely se le destine, Parroco, por cuenta de la Real Hacienda, 21 folios, 1779. 4. Los Vecinos del Extinguido Presidio, y Poblacion de los Adaes, hasta el Numero de sesenta y tres, que sin establecimiento alguno se hallan agregados al de San Antonio de Bexar, y Villa de San Fernando; sobre que atendiendo al infeliz estado, en que han quedado, por haver abandonado sus cosas y Tierras; y á la felicidad con que han servido, y estan prontos, a continuar sirviendo a S. M. en aquella Frontera, se les conceda por el Senor Governador el Jefe, y Comandante General, algun establecimiento para que quedan Subsistir con sus Familias, 32 folios, dated 1783, but containing earlier correspondence. 5. Representación de la Justicia de la Poblacion de Nuestra Señora del Pilar de Bucareli; sobre livertad de Diezmos para aquellos Moradores, 10 folios, covering 1777-1779. 6. Expediente Sobre el abandono del Pueblo de Nuestra Señora del Pilar de Bucareli, Quaderno 5, 53 folios, 1778-1780. 7. Expediente Sobre el abandono del Pueblo de Bucareli y establecer Comercio con los Indios Gentiles del Norte, Quaderno 6, 1780-1781.
68. The titles of the Talamantes papers are as follows: 1. Límites y extension de la Louisiana. Discurso publicado en dha. Provincia en la Gazeta de Natchez del Martes 23 de Diciembre de 1806. Copiado, traducido, y anotado por Fr. Melchor de Talamantes, en Mayo de 1808. The article copied occupies 10 folios and Talamantes' Notas fill 14. In this number is also contained his correspondence with Yturrigaray, 18 folios. 2. Historia del Descubrimiento y población de la Provincia de Tejas hasta al año de 1730. Escrito por el Pe. Fr. Melchor de Talamantes, 16 folios. This is made up of 32 paragraphs extracted from Espinosa's Crónica Apostólica. 3. Extracto de las cartas de Dn. Atanasio de Mezières, formado por el....Dn. Fr. Melchor de Talamantes, 6 folios. 4. Breve extracto histórico de la Conquista de la Luisiana por los Franceses, taken from M. Richer's Histoire Moderne, 8 folios, annotated. 5. Extracts from Le Clerq's Histoire des Colonies Françaises (Paris, 1692) followed by eight folios of “Observaciones” by Talamantes. No title given. 6. Reflexiones sobre la Real Cédula del Señor Dn. Carlos II Dirigida al Virrey de Nueva España relative to settlement of Espíritu Santo Bay. It also contains reflections on Louis XIV's letters patent to La Salle. 7. Plan de la Obra que se esta preparada en desempeño de la comisión sobre investigarlos verdaderas limites occidentales de la Provincia de la Luisiana, by Talamantes, together with others of his notes and correspondence, 15 folios. Of the other papers on Louisiana No. 25 is entitled Representación hecha a su Magd. sobre limites de la Luisiana con motivo de haber pedido un socorro el Governador del Nuevo Orleans, 7 folios, 1756 or 1757, by Angel Martos de Navarrete, governor of Coahuila.
69. They have already been used to some extent. See the article by Mr. I. J. Cox in this number.—Editor Quarterly.
70. Dated at Chihuahua in 1778.
71. Much of it based on Mezières's Cartas.
72. Croix's three plans are discussed.
73. Some, but by no means all, of this correspondence may be included in the papers of Bucareli, Flores, Galvez, and Ripperdá cited by Bancroft (of which little has been printed). Most of that cited refers to dates earlier than this. See North Mexican States and Texas, I xxii, xxviii, xxix, xli; Mexico, I xxxii, xcvi.
74. The titles of these documents are: 8. Expediente Sobre Comercio reciproco entre las Provincias de la Louisiana y Texas; Havilitacion de un Puesto en la costa de esta; ampliación de limites de la primera; extendiendo los hasta el Rio de Sabinas, y otras puntos incidentes, 142 folios. 10. Expediente sobre comercio recíproco entre las Provincias de la Luisiana y Tejas, dated January 10, 1776, folios 19. 11. Esplicasión. Para el reconosimiento de la costa de Sotavento desde la pasa del Sur-oeste del Rio Misicipi asta la Bahia de San Bernardo, etc., 40 folios.
75. The copy is in the same hand as the documents certified by Antonio Bonilla, but this one is not certified, and the date of making the copy is not given. It is annotated by Pe. Fr. Manuel Vega.
76. This volume was not examined as carefully as the others, nor were titles copied.
77. In March, 1757, Don Joseph Tienda de Cuervo, captain of dragoons at Vera Cruz, and Don Agustín Lopez, lieutenant-colonel of the royal cavalry, and an engineer, were commissioned to make a survey of the colony of Nuevo Santander. The original results of the surveys or “Inspecciones” are contained in volumes 55 and 56; vol. 54 is made up of Cuervo's summary report to the viceroy; while No. 53 contains the report of Lopez, entitled Descripción General. All these are original. A copy was made of those relating to Laredo. They may be translated and published in the future.
78. December 27. A report made in consequence of a royal order of January, 1784, to the viceroy. This report has been printed entire in Diccionario Universal de Historia y de Geografía. Mexico, 1853-56. 4to. 10 vols.
79. Of the first thirty-two volumes, 2, 3, and 25 relate to Nuevo Mexico. The material in volumes 2 and 3 is printed in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, 3d series, IV 113-208. A copy of the same, Bancroft cites as the Archivo de Nuevo Mexico. See his Arizona and New Mexico, 20, 197.
80. Testim'o de difer'tes Recados Sobre la paga de 22,500 p's, being correspondence between Don Diego de Vargas Zapata and Don Pedro Rodriguez Cubero, referring to payment of soldiers at El Paso and Santa Fé, 38 folios. 2. Autos sobre la Union de Armas de las Prov's de Sinaloa, Sonora y Paso del Rio del Norte, by Don Juan Fernandez de la Fuente, 46 folios. This document begins with the date 26 May, 1691. Some of the papers are signed in the hand of Vargas. 3. Auttos y diligenzias que en Cumplimiento de la Carta Original que en ellas Consta del Exmo. Señor Virrey Conde de Galvez, hizó.....el Govern'r y Capp'an General del R'no de la Nueva Mex'co por su Magestad, 1691, folios 134, mostly original. Signed by Vargas, Galvez, and others. 4. Autos de Posess'n de las yglesias y Conv'tos asi en este Pue'o del passo del rrio del norte Como en los demas de su distrito pedidos por el M. R'do Pe. Fr. Fran'o de Vargas.....en el mes de Ag'to de 1691. 71 folios. This contains mainly original papers of the years 1691-2. 5. Auttos de Guerra de la Camp'a y Conq'to del R'no de la nu'a Mexico que mediantte el favor Divino y a su Costa a Conseguido Don Diego de Vargas Zapata, 1692.....folios 169. About one-fourth of this is made up of original papers. 6. Testim'o de la Visita y Lista personal de los vec'os que para Pobladodes del Reyno nuevamentte Conquistado de la nu'a Mexico y su Villa de Santa Feé se hallan Vivir en este Pueblo del Passo del Rio del norte y su distrito Hho para Remitir al Ex'mo S'or Virrey Conde de Galvez per Don Diego de Vargas Zapatta, 1693, folios 35.....This and many of the other papers in this volume are in the hand of Alphonso Rael de Aguilar, secretario de Govierno y Guerra.
In printing the above titles it has been impossible to reproduce in type the exact form of the manuscript. The apostrophes here used to indicate omissions did not occur in the original. In each word containing an apostrophe, the letters following it were written in small hand and some distance above the line, as in the following example: Sor.—Editor Quarterly.
81. Quince Mandamientos de este Superior Govierno Dirigidos para la Restauración del Reyno de la Nueva Mexico fha. por Dn. Diego de Vargas Zapata y Lujan, 68 folios.
82. Testimonios de las Guerras de la Reconquista del Reyno y Provincia de la Nueva Mejico, hecho por el gral D. Diego Vargas Zapata, 165 folios. Some of the papers are signed by Vargas.
83. Bancroft (Arizona and New Mexico, I 198, note) mentions a manuscript volume by nearly the same name in the archives at Santa Fé. This volume, like the one he cites, is divided (partly, at least) into quadernos, but appears to be incomplete. It may be that they contain the same materials.
84. Papers signed by Brigadier Dn. Pedro F. de Mendinueta, Miguel Constansó, Hugo Oconór, Sylvestre Velez de Escalante, and others.
85. Other original papers are “Quaderno 3° pertteneziente á la expedición de la Junta de los Rios del Norte y Conchos, dated 1748, and a diary of Dn. Jermin de Vidaure, 1747-1757.
86. Bancroft (Arizona and New Mexico, 262) mentions Diario y Derrotero, by Dominguez and Escalante, as printed in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, series ii, I 377 et seq. Another copy of Garcés's diary was found in volume 34. These copies are probably the same as his Diario y Derrotero, printed in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, series ii, I 225, et seq.
87. In volumes 34 and 36. They are printed in Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, series ii, I 103-157.
88. The designations A. and B. are substituted for the names given in the manuscript.—Editor Quarterly.
89. The words, “Probably well remembered in Western Texas,” are interlined towards the end of this sentence without indicating exactly where they belong.—Editor Quarterly.
90. Contributed by Mrs. A. B. Looscan, historian of the Daughters of the Republic. The narrative of Mr. Winters was recounted at the residence of Mrs. M. J. Briscoe in Houston, June 7, 1901, in the presence of Mrs. Briscoe, Mrs. Looscan, Miss Belle Fenn, Miss Adina de Zavala, Mr. P. Briscoe—part of the time—and Mr. Winters's son.
Mr. Winters had just been serving as the appointee of the Texas Veterans' Association to assist in designating important localities on the San Jacinto battle ground, which were marked by the San Jacinto Chapter of the Daughters of the Republic of Texas.
The narrative which follows is the result of what might be termed an interview, different members of the party asking questions, and the answers being written down by Miss de Zavala and Mrs. Looscan, the whole afterwards being read to and certified by Mr. Winters. Though the circumstances of its construction have given the narrative some irregularities, it has been thought best to retain them.—Editor Quarterly.
91. It may be as well to say at once that the African slave trade never reached any considerable proportions in Texas. That it did not was due in part, no doubt, to the law-abiding character of most of the population; but chiefly, perhaps, to the fact that Texas did not begin her great development until after the activity of the United States and England had given the traffic its death-blow. Such as it was, however, it was interesting, and that is this paper's sole raison d'être. The scanty documentary material upon the subject I have gathered from time to time while collecting matter on the Texas revolution.
92. Yoakum, History of Texas, I 181.
93. Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, II 36, note 4.
94. Yoakum, History of Texas, I 190.
95. Barbé-Marbois, Histoire de la Louisiane, 414.
96. De Bow's Review, July, 1851.
97. Yoakum, History of Texas, I 453.
98. Ibid., 455.
99. Yoakum, History of Texas, I 183-4.
100. De Bow's Review, XIII 381.
101. Thrall, Pictorial History of Texas, 129.
102. Abridgement of the Debates of Congress, 1806-1807, passim.
103. De Bow's Review, XIII 381.
104. Yoakum, History of Texas, I 195.
105. Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, II 76.
106. Laws and Decrees of Coahuila and Texas, 103.
107. Political Science Quarterly, XIII 655-656.
108. Clipping from The Texas Republican, June, 1835.—Austin Papers.
109. Mr. Zuber is a member of the Texas Veterans' Association, and came to Texas several years prior to the revolution. I have corresponded with all the members of the association—numbering about fifty,—and though most of them remember in a general way that the African slave trade was carried on, I found only six who could give me particular information. It is thought best to withhold the names of those who engaged in this expedition.
110. By Mr. Zuber and another of my correspondents, B. F. Highsmith, of Utopia, Texas.
111. Archives of Texas, File 6, No. 559, Diplomatic Correspondence. See, also, Thrall, Pictorial History of Texas, 532.
112. Retson Morris to George Pollitt, July 26, 1836.—Archives of Texas, File 13, No. 1275, Diplomatic Correspondence.
113. William S. Fisher to Henry Smith, March 2, 1836.—Archives of Texas, File 6, No. 567, Diplomatic Correspondence. Edwards says (Life and Adventures of Col. Monroe Edwards, p. 31) that his cargo numbered 185 when he left Cuba. Edwards had as a silent partner in this expedition a man named Dart, of Natchez, Mississippi. Dart furnished the money for the purchase of the negroes and he and Edwards were to share the profits equally. As we have seen, Edwards retained all the negroes in Texas, pending their sale, and eventually forged Dart's name to a bill of sale conveying the latter's share to himself. Of this and other forgeries he was finally convicted and sent to Sing Sing.—Life and Adventures of Col. Monroe Edwards, 36-53.
114. Report of Committee to whom was referred letter of W. S. Fisher.—Archives of Texas, File 6, No. 566, Diplomatic Correspondence.
115. Telegraph and Texas Register, August 16, 1836.
116. Austin to Wharton, December 16, 1836.—Archives of Texas, File 1, No. 66, Diplomatic Correspondence.
117. Act of December 21, 1836, Gammel's Laws of Texas, I 1257-58.
118. Crane, Life and Select Literary Remains of Sam Houston, 285-86.
119. Report of Memucan Hunt to Secretary of State of the Republic of Texas.—Archives of Texas, File 8, No. 726, Diplomatic Correspondence.
120. Magazine of American History, VIII 161-62.
121. Lubbock, Six Decades in Texas, 238. The italics are mine.
122. Texas Republican, April 22, 1859.
123. Mr. A. C. Gray (Comprehensive History of Texas, II 368, 369, 378, 423), speaking of General Long's printing press, says, “the day of the newspaper in Texas had not then come”; again, that “it was at San Felipe that the first regular newspaper of which there is authentic information had its birth.”
124. Mr. Horatio Bigelow, a member of the Supreme Council of the Provisional Government, was editor of the Republican. See Comprehensive History of Texas, I 97.
125. Supposing that the paper was a weekly and issued regularly, nine or ten numbers may have appeared. Colonel Perez attacked Johnson at the Falls of the Brazos October 11th, Walker at the La Bahia crossing on the Brazos October 15th, and then advanced on David Long, who occupied a station on the upper Trinity. The news of David Long's defeat caused the abandonment of Nacogdoches. Ibid., I 98.
126. Robinson is not mentioned by Yoakum, Brown, or Thrall. Perhaps it is Capt. Andrew Robinson, member of the Magee-Guiterrez Expedition, referred to by Daniel Shipman in his Frontier Life, 21.
127. This is the interpretation the Anglo-American ear gave to the Mexican pronunciation of La Bahia, and in this instance refers to the former name of Goliad. Compare also Daniel Shipman's Frontier Life, 20, where, speaking of the La Bahia road, after having passed through Nacogdoches and arrived at Robbins's ferry on the Trinity, he says, “Here the road forked—the right hand was known as the old `San Antonio' road, and the left was called the Labahia (Laberdee) road; * * *.” Likewise, La Bahia prairie and La Bahia school and postoffice near the western boundary of Washington county are spoken of as “Labadie” prairie, school, etc., by people who have a more vivid recollection of the pronunciation than of the spelling of the name. The latter, so far as the writer has been able to ascertain, are the only places in Texas that perpetuate this name, which is so intimately connected with the beginnings of the history of our State.
128. It is interesting in this connection to note the prominence given to the port of Galveston, as well as the absence of any direct reference to Lafitte, the enlistment of whose services historians hitherto have made the sole object of this visit.


How to cite:
"Issue View", Volume 006, Number 2, Southwestern Historical Quarterly Online. http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/publications/journals/shq/online/v006/n2/issue.html
[Accessed Sun Nov 8 18:25:14 CST 2009]