THE QUARTERLY  OF THE  TEXAS STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.

Vol. VI. OCTOBER, 1902. No. 2.

The publication committee and the editor disclaim responsibility for views expressed by contributors to the Quarterly.

THE SOUTHWEST BOUNDARY OF TEXAS.

I. J. COX.

As no State of the American Union can compare with Texas in extent of territory, so no State has greater historical interest and importance attached to its boundaries. From the time when La Salle made his unfortunate landing upon its coast until the Supreme Court made its recent decision concerning Greer county, the limits of Texas have been unsettled. Disputes arising from this fact have been the cause of costly entradas, of interminable wrangling by colonial officials, of long and fruitless diplomatic correspondence terminating in unsatisfactory compromise, and of hostile expeditions ending in overwhelming defeat or inglorious victory. The intensity of feeling aroused by these disputes has threatened to disrupt the Union itself, and their solution has prefigured the destiny of the whole continent.

The most interesting and important of the boundaries of Texas is that on the southwest. Neither the eastern, the scene of a century's wrangle between Spanish and French, of the “neutral ground” agreement of 1806, and of the unsatisfactory treaty of 1819; nor the far northwestern, linked with memories of the illfated Santa Fé expedition and of the stirring days of the compromise of 1850, can compare with it in the number and variety of questions involved in their settlement. A direct, although possibly secondary, cause of the only war waged by the American people for territorial aggrandizement,¹ it has marked for more than half a century the advance line of Anglo-Saxon domination upon this continent. In view of its past importance and of its present significance, a survey of its development, from a somewhat different standpoint than the usual one, may be not only admissible, but profitable.

For this survey, it must be acknowledged that the documents are neither so numerous nor so weighty as would be desirable; nor is the reason for this hard to discover. Previous to the revolt of Mexico from Spain the frontier settlements were so widely separated from each other that it was not necessary to limit strictly the boundaries of the provinces in which they were established. Nevertheless, there was a sort of delimitation in every case, and it is the aim of the writer to trace briefly this delimitation, in order to show its bearing upon subsequent boundary claims.

By the end of the seventeenth century the northeastern provinces of Nueva España were Nuevo Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya (Chihuahua), Nueva Estremadura (Coahuila), and Nuevo Reino de Leon. Texas had been visited and portions of it traversed by exploring parties during the two previous centuries; and more recently, during the closing years of the seventeenth century, it had been the scene of three entradas, which mark the true beginning of Texas history. But a quarter century was to elapse before the territory should be raised to the dignity of a compound name and of a separate provincial government. A half century was to pass, before the last of the provinces bordering on Texas, Nuevo Santander (Tamaulipas), was to be pacified and organized. The four provinces first named at that time constituted the frontier buffer provinces, opposing the tribes of savages then wandering at will over the territory of Nuevo Santander and Texas.

Of the rivers destined to play an important part in the ultimate settlement of the boundaries of these provinces, the most important is the Rio Grande. This river rises in Colorado and flows south-ward through New Mexico, where it bore, in the days when the Spanish first became familiar with it, the name of “Rio del Norte.” In its middle course it was called the “Rio Grande”; while further towards its mouth, where it flowed through the country inhabited wholly by wild Indians (Indios bravos), it took the name of “Rio Bravo,” or sometimes, doubtless from color of its water, that of “Rio Turbio.”² The second of these rivers in importance is the Nueces, crossed and named in the entrada of General Alonzo de Leon in 1689.³ Two years later, at the time of the entrada of Domingo Teran, the name of the river was changed to San Diego.⁴ By the time of Ramon's expedition, in 1716, the name of Rio de las Nueces⁵ had been restored, and it remained thenceforth the designation of the stream. The third most important river, the Medina, was also named during the expedition of Alonzo de Leon. The day before the arrival of his command at the Nueces, he makes mention of an “Arte de Navegar,” which was written by “el Maestro Medina.”⁶ Whether there was any connection between the name of the master navigator and that of the river is uncertain; but, at any rate, the river was named during this expedition. Of the three, the Medina is the smallest, and yet for more than a century it was designated as the official boundary between Texas and Coahuila, while the one next in importance, the Nueces, was to answer the same purpose for the provinces of Nuevo Santander and Texas. The largest of the three, the Rio Grande, plays no part in the determination of boundaries, so long as Spanish or Mexican authorities control the limits of the provinces concerned. To one familiar with the natural advantages of the Rio Grande as a boundary, it must seem strange that it was not at once selected as the divisional line between Texas and its southern neighbors. To this principle of the selection of natural delimitations, two things were opposed: first, the Spanish method of limiting frontier provinces; and, second, the conquest and pacification of Nuevo Santander, in 1748, by General José Escandón. The former affected the boundary with Coahuila, and the latter that with the newly pacified province.

When these new provinces were formed from territory formerly occupied by Indians, it seems to have been the policy of the authorities of Nueva España to limit in a general way the boundaries of each with its neighbors, on the south, west, and east, so far as it had neighbors, while on the north they indicated no more definite confines than those afforded by the “many barbarous nations,” or the “gentile Indians.”⁷ Such we may conceive to have been the early method of designating the northern boundaries of Nueva Vizcaya and Nueva Estremadura. From the former province the line of growth to the north led by way of the Rio Grande valley. From the latter the march of Spanish civilization moved across the Rio Grande, the Nueces, the Medina, and so on towards the east. As the province of Nueva Vizaya became too extended for a single government, a new one, Nuevo Mexico, was formed; and, likewise, with the extension of Coahuila, Texas assumed the dignity of a separate province under military rule. The question of the southern boundary of each of these new provinces was easily determined. The southernmost garrison of Nuevo Mexico was that of the royal presidio of the Pass (El Paso). This was immediately upon the Rio Grande del Norte; therefore, that river, as it begins to turn towards the east at that point, should constitute the boundary between Nuevo Mexico and Nueva Vizcaya. For the time it would be unnecessary to define the boundaries at any other point, because the only settlements were in the Rio Grande valley, around the rude civilization of which stretched a desert, not merely of sand, but also of savagery.

The settlement of the new province of Texas or Nuevas Filipinas⁸ nearest the City of Mexico was the presidio of San Antonio de Bexar, founded in 1718,⁹ as a protection to the mission on the San Antonio river. The small garrison at this point could control, in a fairly satisfactory manner, the country as far west as the next important natural dividing line, the Medina river. This, accordingly, would be taken as the southwest boundary of the new province. By 1700 Coahuila had extended her military posts near to the right bank of the Rio Grande, where the presidio of San Juan Bautista was established. A few years later her missions were also established upon the left bank.¹⁰ Thus both banks of the Rio Grande belonged to Coahuila by right of actual settlement, and the unoccupied territory between the Rio Grande and the Medina seems to have been transferred to her bodily, as being the older province. The Medina is distinctly called the boundary line between the two provinces, April 4, 1721, by the Marqués de Aguayo. Very likely it had been so designated previous to his journey, or this would not have been stated so simply, without some word of explanation; as, to quote his words, “entering the province of the Texas, Nuevas Filipinas, which the river Medina divides from the province of Coahuila, Nueva Estremadura.”¹¹ Such a statement from the man who was governor of both provinces may be regarded as both disinterested and official. In a similar manner, doubtless by right of previous independent organization, Nueva Vizcaya and Nuevo Mexico extended their territory far east of the Rio Grande, and for more than a century and a quarter their claims were recognized by the Spanish authorities of Texas, as well as those of the other immediate provinces and of the general government. Thus Texas was to remain shut away from the upper Rio Grande, until a force stronger than documentary evidence should enter into the solution of the question.

The fact has been mentioned that the Medina was called the boundary between Texas and Coahuila by the Marqués de Aguayo in the account of his expedition in 1721. Other writers bear similar testimony during this early period. The evidence they present is of two kinds; that the Medina is the boundary between the two provinces in question, and that the Rio Grande flows through territory wholly within other provinces than Texas. In speaking of the province of Coahuila, the Marqués de Altamira says,¹² “Next to Nuevo Reino de Leon comes the province and subject people [governacion] of Coahuila or Nueva Estremadura, in length from south to north more than a hundred and twenty leagues, to the river of Medina, where begins the adjacent last province and subject people [governacion] of ours of Texas or Nuevas Filipinas.” In speaking of the territory between the Rio Grande and the San Antonio, he says,¹³ “From the said presidio of San Juan Bautista of the Rio Grande to that of San Antonio de Bejar or Valero (which latter is six leagues within the province of Texas), there intervene another seventy leagues without a single settlement in all their circumference.” The distance from the Medina to the presidio of San Antonio is uniformly given as six leagues; thus it will be observed that sixty-four leagues, or a full half of the length of Coahuila, lay on the left side of the Rio Grande. Again, in describing Texas itself, he says,¹⁴ “From the said river of Medina at which begins the said province of Texas to the presidio de los Adays at which it ends, its length from south to north is about two hundred and forty leagues, and its width from the west to the Mexican Gulf about eighty.” Thus he makes three different statements about the boundary of Texas and in all of them the Medina is expressly mentioned.

In describing the course of the Rio Grande he shows with equal clearness that no part of it touches territory belonging to Texas. His description of the course of the river is interesting.¹⁵ “From this province of Nuevo Mexico descends the river named del Norte, which, coming directly towards the south, runs close to the said capital of Santa Fé, and to the royal presidio of the Pass, which has been mentioned. Afterwards it turns to the east and cuts off a portion of Nueva Vizcaya, whence it receives the Concho river. It traverses then the middle portion of the province of Coahuila, passing three leagues beyond its presidio of San Juan Bautista, called from it that of the Rio Grande.¹⁶ * * * It continues still to the east, crossing twenty leagues beyond the frontier of the said Nuevo Reino, and from its presidio of Serralvo, it discharges its waters with the name of Rio Bravo, through lands of gentile Indians unknown to us.” This description was written four years before the pacification of Nuevo Santander began. It will be observed that the Rio Grande, under its various names, is represented as passing through Nuevo Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya, and Coahuila, while it is twenty leagues distant from the nearest presidio of Nuevo Leon, the smallest of these provinces, with a length of one hundred leagues and a width of about twenty. This fact is important in determining the later boundaries of this province, after the conquests of Escandón in Nuevo Santander. Nuevo Leon, today, remains shut off from the Rio Grande by its neighbors, Coahuila and Tamaulipas, while Texas, then in the same condition, has acquired nearly all of the left bank of that river, and has received more than an equitable compensation for the remainder.

The authorities already quoted seem of sufficient official weight to form the basis for a tolerably certain opinion; but, in addition, it is possible to quote the testimony of the cosmographer of the Kingdom of New Spain. His utterances concerning the boundaries of Texas and Coahuila are equally as definite as those above quoted. “This extensive country [Texas]¹⁷ has its beginning from the river of Medina, which is the dividing line between the province of Coahuila and the former, which extends between the north and east, in the direction of northeast, for more than two hundred and twenty leagues in length, and more than seventy in width.” * * * Nueva Estremadura follows to the north-northwest of Nuevo Reino de Leon, and its boundaries run to the river of Medina, which is its terminus for the north.”¹⁸

By comparing the dimensions of Texas, as given above, with thost previously given for Coahuila and Nuevo Leon, it will be seen that they are far broader. Nueva Vizcaya at the same time had a length of about one hundred and eighty leagues, while the distance from the royal presidio of El Paso to Santa Fé allowed a length of about one hundred and thirty leagues only for New Mexico,¹⁹ the scattered settlements of which were hemmed in by unsubdued Indians. Although the extensive province of Texas at that time contained only four widely scattered settlements,²⁰ all writers agree in stating that its resources were sufficient to maintain a vast population. So it follows that, even if restricted to the Medina as its western boundary, it possessed more territory, and territory of a greater value, than any of its neighbors.

From the above excerpts it will be seen that three Spanish officials, high in authority, had in the course of twenty-five years previous to 1748, made separate statements concerning the southwest boundary of Texas, and that all had concurred in placing it at the Medina. It seems only reasonable to say that we are justified in assuming that this river was the officially recognized boundary, at that time, between Texas and Coahuila, and that this delimitation was commonly accepted by the people of the two provinces.²¹ It remains only to fix the boundaries of Texas below the province of Coahuila. This question was settled by the pacification of the savage Indians of the coast, by General José Escandón, between the years 1748 and 1755. Texas acquired a new neighbor, Nuevo Santander; a new limit in that quarter, the Nueces; and her western boundary, at least for a Spanish province, may be regarded as fairly complete.

The junta general of war and finance had authorized Escandón to conquer “a hundred leagues or more from south to north and about seventy or eighty from east to west on the coast of the Mexican Gulf, occupied by the many barbarous, gentile, and apostate nations.” Possibly these dimensions were not to be closely adhered to, and, indeed, it is doubtful if the government authorities in Mexico knew precisely what territory the above distances would include. In order to make the matter more certain they defined the limits of the new province by means of those already existing. On the north the territory to be conquered by Escandón was to be limited “by the kingdom of the aforesaid government of Coahuila and the beginning of the province of Texas.”²²

In December, 1748, Escandón left Querétaro to accomplish his mission, with a force of seven hundred and fifty, afterwards increased to twenty-five hundred by levies from various parts of Nueva España, including Nuevo Leon and Coahuila. His expedition was not wholly warlike, for he was to found missions and villages, wherever the situation or the people promised success to the venture. Before starting out he had selected such places as he could from the data in his possession, and had marked them on a map. This map was approved by the authorities who had authorized his expedition, and it worth while to note that a place for a settlement had been designated on the left bank of both the Nueces and the San Antonio. Thus it was clearly implied that in order to extend his territory to the confines of Texas, he must conquer the territory beyond the Rio Grande.²³

A very important reason for the extension of Escandón's conquests beyond the Rio Grande was the fact that a strip of territory about two hundred leagues wide, through which the river ran, was the favorite hunting ground of the Apaches and Lipans, forming “a pouch (bolsa) of land between New Mexico, Texas, and Coahuila”²⁴ and extending nearly to the mouth of the Rio Grande. The authorities of Nuevo Leon and Coahuila either could not subdue these savages, or else had not taken the trouble to do so. Escandón's expedition offered a fitting opportunity to accomplish this necessary preliminary to the settlement of this vast region. In his first plan for the conquest of Nuevo Santander, he had proposed the founding of fourteen settlements, three of which were to be beyond the Rio Grande. The royal audiencia of the City of Mexico approved of his plans, amplified his powers, and gave him permission to found the new settlements.²⁵ Already, in 1749, he had sent a detachment of his forces from Coahuila across the Rio Bravo at San Juan Bautista, with orders to proceed to the mouth of the Nueces and the bay of Espíritu Santo. He also gave orders to Captain Basterra, then in command of the troops at that point, to proceed to form a settlement at a suitable place on the left bank of the Nueces.²⁶ He also proposed to remove the presidio from the bay of Espíritu Santo near to Camargo, where it would be more useful against the warlike Lipans and Apaches. By the next year, however, Escandón learned that the place selected on the Nueces was not suitable for a settlement, and after eight months of hardships, the prospective settlers were located below the Rio Bravo, where they formed the villa of Soto la Marina.²⁷

In sending this expedition beyond the Rio Grande, Escandón had, in a measure, exercised control over the territory crossed, and with the approval of the Mexican authorities, although not to the extent of actual settlement. The latter was accomplished indirectly by him through private enterprise. In 1750 there was established, on the left bank of the Rio Grande, a hacienda of considerable importance, called Dolores. The founder of this, Don José Vasquez Borrego, on learning of Escandón's conquests and that his settlement was within the limits assigned the latter, presented himself to that leader in the villa Santander and offered his co-operation in subduing the territory on the far side of the Bravo. Escandón accepted his offer, appointed him captain and administrator of that portion of the colony, and gave him fifty sitios of land for pasturage. Four years later the settlement, Dolores, had a population of a hundred and twenty-five.²⁸

Towards the end of 1754, another hacendado of Coahuila, Don Tomás Sánchez by name, crossed the Bravo and established himself about ten leagues to the north of Dolores. Sánchez also proposed to Escandón to found a new pueblo on the left bank of that river, in a place he had selected. Escandón agreed to this, but as he had previously attempted a settlement on the Nueces, he wished Sánchez first to undertake one there. Sánchez visited the Nueces, but returning reported to Borrego, at Dolores, that he could not find a suitable place for a settlement, and that unless he could form his settlement on the Bravo, he should desist entirely from the enterprise. Borrego, to whom Escandón had left the ultimate decision, then permitted Sánchez to form his settlement in the desired locality. Thus, May 15, 1755, was founded the villa of Laredo, ten leagues from Dolores.²⁹

In this manner was accomplished the pacification and settlement of the colony of Nuevo Santander. In 1755 Escandón retired to Querétaro, there to make out a statistical report of all that he had done and of the places founded by him.³⁰ By his vigorous work he had extended his conquests, not only along the coast of the gulf of Mexico, but also up both banks of the Bravo, so that the limits of his colony touched Coahuila on the west, near the villa of Laredo, and Texas on the north, with the Nueces as the accepted boundary line, officially established by a royal cédula of 1805. By extending his conquests into the Apache country, although by no means entirely subduing the Indians, together with the founding of the settlements mentioned above, he had effectually deprived Nuevo Leon of territory bordering on the Rio Grande, and had made one less neighbor for Texas on the southwest.

The remaining years of Spanish domination brought no special changes in the boundaries of Texas, the documentary evidence of this period simply confirming the limits already roughly laid down. A letter of 1762 thus describes them: “This vast province of Texas is found at a distance of three hundred and sixty leagues, more or less, from the City of Mexico, on a line drawn to the north-northeast; it borders on the south the colony of the Mexican Gulf, although there remains on this and other boundaries much uninhabited land. On the west-southwest [it borders] the province of Coahuila; on the west-northwest, Sonora [Chihuahua?]; on the northwest, Nuevo Mexico. On the north it is not found to have other confines than those of the many barbarous nations.”³¹

In 1767 and 1768 Fr. Gaspar José de Solis made a visita to the missions of the province of Texas. In the course of his travels along the Rio Grande he had occasion to send some Indians who were without instruction in the holy faith to the curate of the villa of Laredo. On the following day he arrived at the hacienda Dolores of Don Joseph Borrego, on the bank of the Rio del Norte, which hacienda “belongs to the government of Nuevo Santander of the Mexican Gulf.”³² At the time of a later visit to the Rio Grande, the same year, 1768, he speaks of Laredo as a “foundation of Colonel Don Joseph Escandón, belonging to the government of Nuevo Santander.”

The Breve Compendio of Bonilla is justly regarded as one of the best authorities upon the early history of Texas. In this work the Medina is represented as the place where the government of Coahuila ends and that of Texas begins. The length of the latter province is given as about two hundred and forty leagues and its width as eighty.³³

Another important work for early Texas history is Morfi's Memorias para la Historia de Tejas. In this the extent and boundaries of the province are thus given:

“It is distant from Mexico about three hundred and sixty leagues, more or less, to the north-northeast. On the south it begins at the bay of Espíritu Santo, which is, with little variation, in 33 degrees north latitude, and extends to the north as far as the town of San Teodoro de los Taovayas, occupying a space of more than two hundred and fifty leagues from north to south. It has the same or a little greater extent from east to west, from the river Medina, which separates it from Coahuila as far as the abandoned presidio de los Adaes, where it joins Louisiana. It is bounded on the south by the gulf of Mexico; on the east by Louisiana and English colonies; on the north, north-northwest, and northwest by Nuevo Mexico and unexplored lands; and on the west by the provinces of Coahuila, Nuevo Reino de Leon, and [the] colony of Santander.”³⁴ In speaking of the rivers, Morfi says, “The river Medina, the dividing boundary between the provinces of Coahuila and Texas, has its source in the same direction. *** It runs twenty-seven leagues and unites with the San Antonio.”³⁵

Father Morfi had gathered the material for his work upon Texas in the course of a tour of inspection in company with the commanding general of the recently created Provincias Internas. In the course of their journey, they cross the various rivers forming the boundaries of Texas, and he thus describes them:

“The river de las Nueces rises in the canyon of San Saba, runs north and south, with some inclination to the east, until it is united with the Frio river, in whose company it empties into the Mexican Gulf, about one hundred leagues from the mouth of the Rio Grande and twenty from that of the San Antonio, and scarcely touching the colony of Nuevo Santander. It forms the dividing line of that province and that of Texas. *** The founding of a settlement upon the banks of this river, in the most suitable place, would be a matter of great importance, equally for the correspondence of the provinces of Texas and Coahuila, situated as it is midway between them, as well as for impeding the Lipan and Comanche Indians from the free entrance which this desert country of eighty leagues offers them, to Nuevo Reino de Leon and the colony of Santander, where they have already committed various outrages.”³⁶

The language of the above extract is rather ambiguous in one respect. In speaking of a new settlement on the Nueces does the worthy friar imply that he considered the Nueces a better boundary for Coahuila and Texas than the Medina, then recognized as such? At any rate he joins in with the others in giving the Medina as the boundary in the following words:

“At half-past one we arrived at the river of Medina, the divisional line of the provinces of Coahuila and Texas.”³⁷

The comandante general of the Provincias Internas, the Caballero de Croix, thus expresses himself concerning the Nueces boundary:

“The presidio of Bahía del Espíritu Santo with the mission of the same name, and that of Rosario constitute the second jurisdiction of this province [Texas], which is found upon the coast of the Mexican Gulf [extending] from the mouth of the river Nueces, which separates it from the colony of Nuevo Santander.”³⁸

As both of these provinces were in the jurisdiction of the comandante, he could have no motive for extending or retrenching the boundaries of either. His testimony, therefore, would be even stronger than that of Father Morfi and other writers wholly unconnected with the provinces.

In 1787 there came a report from an expedition sent to explore the coasts of Nuevo Santander. It recommended the establishment of a post at the mouth of the Rio Grande, for the encouragement of the settlement of that region. It mentions the fact that the expedition had visited Camargo, Laredo, and other towns in the colony of Nuevo Santander.³⁹ The correspondent remits a map to the viceroy, but unfortunately this map, as is generally the case with those drawn to illustrate Spanish documents, does not, at the present time, accompany the report.

With so much external evidence concerning the boundaries of the province, it would be strange if none could be produced from within Texas itself. However, even this is not lacking. In 1770, the cabildo and residents of San Fernando (the nucleus of the modern San Antonio) made a representation of their grievous situation to Governor Ripperdá, in which appears the following statement:

“This province is composed of nine missions and four presidios *** whose jurisdiction starts from the river of Medina, which divides it from that of Coahuila, and runs more than two hundred leagues to the east, to the Adaes.”⁴⁰

Later in the same document the statement is made concerning the uselessness of a new villa, not far from San Saba and San Javier, and under the dominion of Coahuila.

Seven years later Governor Ripperdá, in writing to de Croix about certain Indians speaks of them as inhabiting “other islands [extending] as far as the mouth of the Rio Grande del Norte in the colony of Nuevo Santander.”⁴¹

Having in view this mass of testimony from the inhabitants of the province, and from its civil, military, and ecclesiastical authorities, one wonders at the statement of Bancroft⁴² that Morfi is unsupported in giving the Medina as the boundary of Texas and Coahuila. If the friar is mistaken, he certainly errs with a goodly company. Bancroft further says that it is hard to determine why the Medina, rather than the Nueces or Hondo, is uniformly spoken of as the boundary of Texas. As we have already seen, it certainly is so mentioned, and uniformly, too, by every writer who speaks of the subject. And when we consider the Spanish method of beginning a new province with a natural boundary near its first settlement, it is not strange that the Medina and Nueces were thus selected for Texas; especially since, when thus restricted, it comprised more territory than any of its neighbors. It is true, in the early days, that the settlements of Coahuila and Nuevo Santander clung to the Rio Grande valley, while those of Texas remained above the Nueces and Medina, leaving the intervening space to the Lipans and Apaches. Thus there was little need for fixed boundaries, and yet these are always expressed in tolerably certain terms. By the close of the century, however, the prospect of clashing land grants bestirred the Spanish authorities to a more accurate delimitation of the three territories involved. By a royal cédula of 1805, “the western boundary of Texas began at the mouth of the Rio Nueces, thence up that river to its junction with Moros creek, thence in a northeasterly direction to near the Garza crossing of the Medina river, thence up that river to its source, thence in a direct line to the source of the San Saba river, thence northwesterly to the intersection of the 103rd meridian of west longitude and the 32nd parallel of north latitude, thence northeasterly to the intersection of the Red River by the 100th meridian, thence down said river.”⁴³

In more carefully delimiting the western boundary of Texas, the Spanish authorities at Madrid were but following the general limits that had been recognized for nearly a century. Our old friends, the Medina and the Nueces are still much in evidence. A map by Humboldt, appearing about the same time and following the same general lines, was later used in the compromise of 1850.

By the transfer of Louisiana to the United States in 1803, a new factor was introduced into the solution of Texas boundary questions, and one destined seriously to change the royal utterance of 1805. The United States immediately set up the claim that Texas belonged to Louisiana—a claim, it is said, inspired by the wish of Jefferson to extend our frontier to include the site of La Salle's colony, “the cradle of Louisiana.”⁴⁴ But, whatever may have been the source of the claim, it certainly was untenable, for it utterly ignored the Spanish right by virtue of the occupation of Texas from 1715 to 1762—a thing not done by the French, from whom we bought the territory. At any rate, Mr. J. Q. Adams, our secretary of state, was glad to resign vague claims to Texas in return for a more substantial title to the lands of Florida. What had been the subject of fruitless claim, the United States later tried to obtain by purchase from Mexico. Adams, when president, sent Poinsett with instructions to obtain as much of Texas as possible by proposing a series of boundaries of which the Rio Grande was the most westerly, thus passing greatly beyond the old limits of the province of Texas.⁴⁵ His efforts, however, were unavailing. Jackson sent by the United States chargé d'affaires, Butler, an offer of an extra half million, if the boundary were extended to the Pacific.⁴⁶ His labor was equally fruitless. The Mexican authorities were too proud to sell and too well versed in their own rights, derived from the Spanish occupation of the territory in question, to acknowledge the vague claims of the United States, based only on La Salle's luckless voyage. The claim of the United States, however, had succeeded in one great purpose, and that was in creating the impression amongst our own citizens that in the cession of our claims to Texas, we gave up something to which we were justly entitled. Certain public men gave utterance to this opinion, and their belief has survived even to our day. The proud persistence of the Mexican government in refusing any reasonable proposition for the purchase of this territory, tended to increase the intensity of this feeling.

While diplomacy, backed by untenable claims and boundless resources, was attempting its unfruitful task, a movement was taking shape that promised to result in a more definite and permanent solution of the whole question. It was the coming into Texas of the Anglo-American pioneers—the same stock that had crossed the Alleghanies, conquered the Northwest Territory, and made inevitable the sale of Louisiana by the United States. Flushed with these successes, they came to add, on the plains of southwest Texas, another chapter to the history of their romantic achievements.

In 1821 Mexico became an independent power, of which, under the Constitution of 1824, first Nuevo Leon, Coahuila, and Texas, and then Coahuila and Texas alone formed a single State. In this dual state the department of Bexar was to include the territory of the former province of Texas.⁴⁷ The union of these provinces was a return to the historic connection that had existed between them previous to 1725, and was doubtless designed to neutralize the effects of the Anglo-American immigration, then beginning to make itself felt. Very likely it was thought that Coahuila, as the older and stronger of the two, would lead her sister province through the various processes of Spanish-American development into complete Mexican statehood. But in the department of Bexar there was now an element that strongly objected to leading of any sort, unless it were itself in the saddle, and facing toward the American Union.

For the most part there are but few references to boundary questions during the years from 1821 to 1836, but these uniformly follow the lines laid down during the previous century. In 1824 a proclamation concerning some stolen goods is issued for the information of the inhabitants of Laredo and other places belonging to the State of Tamaulipas (Nuevo Santander).⁴⁸ The authorities of Bexar grant land and acknowledge sales on the Cíbolo, the Atascosa, and the Medina; but there is no record of such transactions being legalized beyond the Nueces.⁴⁹ The alcabala records of the same period, and even up to the eve of the Texas Revolution, contain the names of residents of Laredo, in the State of Tamaulipas, who pay duties on goods introduced by them into the city of San Fernando.⁵⁰ These few extracts will serve to show that the Mexican inhabitants of Bexar still recognized the claims of Tamaulipas to territory as far as the Nueces. Bustamente⁵¹ says that few Anglo-American settlers did the same during this period. As a matter of fact none of their earlier grants, nor either of the departments largely settled by them, extended far enough to the west to make them interested in the matter.

In 1834 Colonel Juan N. Almonte was commissioned by Santa Anna to visit Texas and to report upon its readiness for statehood. In the description of his journey to Texas, he has occasion to say that “the most disagreeable part of the journey is the space that intervenes between the Rio Grande and Bexar,” still an unsettled wilderness—the roaming ground of the Lipans and Apaches—as had been reported a century before. But long ere another century should pass a far different report of this region could be given.

Almonte's utterance upon the boundary of Texas is interesting:

“Notwithstanding that up to the present it has been believed that the river of Nueces is the dividing line between Coahuila and Texas, for so it appears on the maps, I am informed by the government of the State, that in this an error has been committed by the geographers, and that the true boundary ought to commence at the mouth of the Aransas and follow it up to its source; and from there, it ought to continue in a straight line, until it meets with the river Medina, where it is joined to the San Antonio; following then by the eastern margin of the same Medina as far as its source, it ought to terminate in the boundaries of Chihuahua.”⁵²

A point to note with reference to the above boundary, is that the information upon which it is based is obtained from the authorities of the State. At that time it was well known that Texas was anxious for separate statehood, and no Mexican authorities would be likely to extend her limits more widely than was absolutely necessary. Still it is well to observe that the boundary, as reported by Almonte, does not differ materially from that laid down in the royal cédula of 1805 and in other sources quoted.

During this period the attention of foreign writers is turned toward Texas, and a few make mention of its boundaries. Arthur Bertrand⁵³ speaks of the Nueces as forming a part of the western boundary of Texas and of separating it from Coahuila. A French writer reviewing Mary Austin Holley's Observations quotes from that author the fact that Texas is bounded “on the west, by the river Nueces, which separates it from Tamaulipas and from Coahuila.”⁵⁴ These excerpts, as well as the report of Almonte, seem to indicate that the Medina was gradually losing, at least in the popular mind, its distinction as the boundary line between Texas and Coahuila. The Nueces was beginning to serve as the northeast limit for both Tamaulipas and Coahuila. Later, in their contention with the American government, the Mexican authorities claimed only to this river.

From this time on the march of events is rapid. The early days of 1836 behold the declaration of independence by the Texans, the massacres of the Alamo and of Goliad, and the battle of San Jacinto. The Texan settlers had exercised the Anglo-Saxon privilege of revolting, and with an unusual measure of success. The victorious leaders took advantage of the presence of so important a captive as Santa Anna to exact conditions regarding the western boundary of Texas. The Mexican troops were to retire to the other side of the Rio Grande, beyond which the Texans agreed not to extend their western limit.⁵⁵ On the 19th of the next December, the Texas legislature, at its first session, passed the following act:

“Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Republic of Texas in Congress assembled, That from and after the passing of this act, the civil and political jurisdiction of the Republic be, and is hereby, declared to extend to the following boundaries, towit: Beginning at the mouth of the Sabine river, and running west along the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, to the mouth of the Rio Grande, thence up the principal stream of said river to its source, thence due north to the 42nd degree of N. latitude, thence along the boundary line as defined in the treaty between the United States and Spain,” etc.⁵⁶

Thus within a few short months the documentary testimony of more than a century was cast aside, and Texans made the first definite claim to territory bordering on the Rio Grande. In the conflict between stubborn adherence to authorities of the past and the manifest tendency of the present, the former had begun to give way. Within the limits given above were included portions of four Mexican provinces to which Texas did not have the shadow of a claim, for Santa Anna had promptly repudiated his agreement with Burnet, as soon as set at liberty, while the Mexican government had never recognized it. The Texans might, with as great a show of justice, have extended their boundary much further to the south and west, as they did after the ill-fated Santa Fé expedition. For the present, however, they contented themselves with claiming all the territory as far as the river that offered the best line of demarkation for all this vast region.

During the nine years that followed neither side did much to make good its claim to the disputed strip of territory. There were border raids back and forth, such as the Santa Fé and Mier expeditions and the Mexican occupation of San Antonio in the winter of 1842-43. But these served only to continue the question as an open one. During the decade the only Texas settlement across the Nueces was “a little ranch, inhabited by Mr. Kyney and Mr. Aubri,” who acted as double spies for both Texans and Mexicans. The territory between the Nueces “neither by act nor by right could be included in Texas.”⁵⁷ However, a French writer of this period, Frederic Le Clerc, gives the boundaries of Texas as laid down by the Texan Congress, and severely criticises Mexico for stubbornly refusing to recognize the young Republic. He also criticises sharply the colonization methods of the United States and its modest assumption that its citizens are but the chosen instruments of Providence in the settlement of this boundary dispute and the other questions involved.⁵⁸

The manifest destiny of Texas was speedy union with the United States, and this event was consummated in 1845. The title of Texas to the territory that she claimed had been identified with her independence and when the United States had recognized this, it must recognize her title also.⁵⁹ This fact had caused much bitter feeling on the part of Mexico towards the United States, which, upon the annexation of Texas, culminated in the severance of diplomatic relations between the two countries. War, however, can hardly be said to have commenced at that time. Some radical act of aggression must first be committed by one party towards the other, and that act the administration of Mr. Polk speedily committed. While any portion of Texas territory was in dispute good diplomacy, as well as international courtesy, should have prevented the sending of any troops into the portion in question. The Mexiican point of view upon this question seems very strong. The occupation of the disputed territory by the troops of General Taylor can only be explained by recurring to the idea that Texas owned the territory as far as the Rio Grande. This opinion was founded upon two distinct beginnings; one, the declaration of the Texas Congress in December, 1836; and the other, the contention that the Rio Grande was the original limit of Louisiana. The first, as an argument. was ridiculous, and the second untenable. Neither Texas nor Louisiana extended to the Rio Grande, as was evidenced by the undisputed documentary evidence of more than a century.⁶⁰ Moreover, compare the conditions on the Texas border with those on the Canadian border a few years previous. Would not Great Britain have regarded the introduction of troops by the United States into the disputed region on the Maine border, while the boundary was still unsettled, as a deliberate act of war and have taken measures accordingly?⁶¹

Surely, with so much of documentary evidence on their side, the Mexican writers have had ample justification for the above complaints. The territory was still in dispute and the United States should still longer have refrained from any hostile movement, such as its occupation by troops. Surely, with even a smaller favor than that afforded during the intervention of 1867, we could have obtained by purchase, from a grateful people, all the territory we now possess formerly belonging to Mexico. By the logic of events, however, we were forced into an unjust war, from which we were to emerge with a reputation for land-grabbing, destined seriously to interfere in all our subsequent relations with our Spanish-American neighbors. One would not willingly reverse the events of our history, still less would one wish to restore to Mexico the territory we then wrested from her; but this acquisition will remain in our history one that we may well wish to have been otherwise made.⁶²

By this sketch the author, relying upon such documentary authorities as he has at his disposal, has hoped to trace the beginning and development of the southwest boundary of Texas, largely from a Spanish and Mexican point of view. In this manner he has tried to add some new features of interest to an old and time-worn subject. The problem of the boundary resulted in a contest between a weak power, relying upon documentary evidence, with a powerful neighbor engaged in blocking out its natural limits from ocean to ocean. Such a contest could have but one ending; but it is no more than just to admit that from a documentary point of view, the logic of Mexico's position was irrefutable.

SOME MATERIALS FOR SOUTHWESTERN HISTORY IN  THE ARCHIVO GENERAL DE MEXICO.

HERBERT EUGENE BOLTON.

A little more than a year ago there appeared in The Nation⁶³ a description of the contents of the first thirty-two volumes of the history section of the Archivo General y Público de la Nación housed in the Palacio Nacional at the City of Mexico. The historical introduction to the article made it plain that these thirty-two volumes, known as the Colección de Memorias de Nueva España, far from being identical and co-extensive with the Archivo General, form only a small fraction⁶⁴ of the great mass of manuscripts properly known by that name, and thus cleared up a point in bibliography upon which a prominent historian, if no one else, had fallen into confusion. During the past summer I examined thirty-one additional volumes, Nos. 33 to 62, inclusive, and No. 100, taken out of order, to ascertain their contents, and more especially to find what they contain bearing on the history of the Southwest. Some of the results in the latter particular, with the emphasis upon matter relating to Texas, will be stated here, those of a more general bearing being reserved for another place.

Owing partly to the different circumstances attending their collection, the general character of the introductory volumes of the Sección de Historia is somewhat different from that of those that follow. The first thirty-two are a systematic compilation, made for a definite purpose within a short space of time, and have a certain unity and completeness; succeeding volumes have accumulated gradually, in fulfillment of a more general purpose, and as a result are less organized and unified in character than the foregoing, manuscripts in them having very little relation to each other often being bound together. Some of the volumes are even fragmentary in make-up. A second difference, probably to be explained in the same way, is that the papers in the first volumes are, on the whole, of more general interest, though not necessarily of more value, than subsequent ones, which often are of local bearing. It is to be noted also, that whereas the first thirty-two volumes are composed entirely of copies, in those that follow a goodly portion of the manuscripts are original. Though not a little of the material is the same in both parts of the collection, probably many gaps left open by the earlier volumes are filled by the later ones.

More than half the volumes that I examined contain more or less material on Southwestern history, some original and much unprinted. It may be divided roughly into that bearing (1) on Texas and Louisiana, (2) on Nuevo Mexico, and (3) on the explorations and missionary work of the far Southwest. It will be convenient to consider these divisions in the order given.

Of the sources described in the article referred to a considerable part relate to the history of Texas, volumes 27 and 28, Documentos para la Historia Eclesiástica y Civil de la provincia de Texas, for example, being devoted exclusively to that subject, and containing papers of great importance. Examination proved that the succeeding volumes also contain material on Texas, equally extensive, and some of it of considerable value; though no additional sources were encountered of such general interest as some in the earlier numbers. Apart from the incidental references to Texas in the extensive material bearing on Nuevo Mexico and upon the Southwest as a whole, volume 51 deals exclusively with Texas, and 100 nearly so; 43 is devoted entirely to Texas and Louisiana; while a number of papers relating to Texas history are found scattered through other volumes. The most important groups of this material deal with the history of Bucareli (the settlement of which Nacogdoches was the continuation), the Texas-Louisiana boundary, commercial relations between Texas and Louisiana in the later eighteenth century, surveys made between Santa Fé and various Texas points in 1787-8, and the status of Laredo and Dolores in 1757, shortly after their foundation. While most of the papers are in the form of official copies, hence reasonably trustworthy,only a small part are original. Indeed, a much smaller portion of the material found on Texas is original than on a number of other subjects. The natural query is, Where are the originals? which is a hard question to answer, and for most of the papers it will probably remain unanswered; but the large number of copies made in Chihuahua afford at least a hint that possibly the archives of that city might be a fruitful field to search.

Coming now in some detail to individual sources, those in volume 51, which deals exclusively with Texas, may be put first. The volume is entitled Téjas, Varios Asuntos de esta Provincia, 1780 á 1807, and is made up of seven documents, some of which contain correspondence several years earlier than the dates in the title would indicate. The first paper⁶⁵ relates to Indian affairs and the promotion of trade in 1776. The remaining six, comprising about two hundred folios written on both sides, relate to the establishment, progress, abandonment, and re-establishment of the pueblo de Nuestra Señora del Pilar de Bucareli.⁶⁶ They contain much unused material on this important episode of Texas history. All of the papers in this volume were copied from official records in Chihuahua in 1807 by Fr. José María Rosas, a government secretary. For purposes of reference and more fully to indicate the character of the material they contain, I give in the notes the titles of the documents.⁶⁷

Volume 43 is entitled Luisiana, but deals largely with Texas also. It consists of twenty-nine manuscripts, which may be put roughly into three groups, exclusive of one document that stands by itself. The first bears upon the boundaries of Louisiana, with special reference to that between Louisiana and Texas. In it are the papers, comprising the first seven numbers of the volume and occupying about 120 folios, collected by Melchor de Talamantes, while commissioner appointed by the viceroy, Yturrigaray, in January, 1807, to report upon this subject. The papers, grouped into eight opusculos, contain a great variety of material, such as correspondence between Talamantes and Yturrigaray; memoranda of archives and libraries to be consulted by the commissioner; and annotated extracts from Espinosa's Crónica Apostólica, Mezières's Cartas, royal cédulas, and letters patent. They contain, also, compilations by Talamantes based upon these and various other sources. Besides these papers of Talamantes, numbers 12 and 20-29, inclusive, bear upon the same subject. They consist of official carpetas, instructions to military commanders, historical essays, and geographical notes. Some of the papers in this group have very little value, but others are of more importance. The main interest in the collection made by Talamantes is in his own notes and correspondence, as his sources are for the most part well known and accessible.⁶⁸ The collection as a whole would prove worthy of the attention of special students of Louisiana and Texas boundary questions.⁶⁹

A second group of papers in volume 43, comprising numbers 8, 10, 11, and filling over two hundred folios, are expedientes and autos treating of commercial relations between the provinces of Texas and Louisiana during the period 1774-1790. Most of this group, like those of the foregoing, are certified by Antonio Bonilla, the author of the Breve Compendio. They contain a brief relación particular of each of the jurisdictions of Texas,⁷⁰ official correspondence between Caballero de Croix and José de Galvez;⁷¹ José de Galvez and the viceroy; Caballero de Croix and Antonio Flores; Luis de Unzaga y Amezaga and Baron Ripperdá; and Ripperdá and Bucareli. The subjects of correspondence are the possible industries of Texas, the existing trade in horses between that province and Louisiana; the advisability of extending trade relations between the two provinces⁷² and of establishing a new commercial port and a new frontier; and complaints of the relations of the French and English to the Indians. A large part of this interesting material is apparently unpublished and unused.⁷³ It would seem to be sufficient to form the basis for a good study on the period and topic with which it deals.⁷⁴

The third class of documents, comprising numbers 13-19, consists of a number of diaries recording journeys made to survey the roads and ascertain the distances from Santa Fé to San Antonio de Béjar and other points to the east, in 1787-1788. There are copies of the instructions, diaries, and derroteros of Santiago Fernandez, José Mares Cabo Ymbalido, Francisco Xavier Fragoso, and Pedro Vial, all copied from official papers in Chihuahua in 1793-4 by Manuel Merino. If any of these have been printed, I do not know it.

Document No. 9 in the same volume is a copy of Bonilla's Breve Compendio, another copy of which is in volume 27. A comparison of a few pages of the two shows many differences, the cases of apparent omission and incompleteness usually being chargeable to the copy in volume 27.⁷⁵ It is not altogether improbable that by a careful comparison of the several copies of this important work now known to exist, it could be determined which is nearest the original and all could be improved.

Volume 100, entitled Registro de varios espedientes y algunas acusaciones, 1788-1796, to which my attention was called by chance, also relates largely to Texas. It contains documents touching upon the state of several missions, accusations against Antonio Gil Ybarbo, Teniente de Gobernador at Nacogdoches, and other papers of varied character.⁷⁶ Other papers on Texas history are scattered through the remaining volumes examined; for example, in No. 37, entitled Presidos [sic], Pagos de Soldados, is a collection of autos relating to the possession of churches and convents of the El Paso district just at the close of the eighteenth century; while in volumes 53-56, a series entitled Tamaulipas, are contained official descriptions of Dolores and Laredo in 1757, settlements in what was then Nuevo Santander.⁷⁷ In volume 42, entitled Misiones, which is a report made in 1793⁷⁸ on the State of the missions, paragraphs 187-236, occupying ten folios, are on the missions of Texas.

What the remaining 273 volumes have of interest for students of Texas history can be learned only by patient investigation, but the amount is probably considerable. The interests of historical work on Texas would be greatly promoted were it possible to make some arrangement by which to systematically seek out, sift, copy, edit, and publish the more important sources of Texas history which this large collection contains.

On the history of Nuevo Mexico there is in these volumes a large amount of material, to a considerable extent original, and much of it unpublished.⁷⁹ Three volumes (37, 38, 39) deal exclusively with that province during the years 1690-1697, the period occupied by Vargas's reconquest. Volume 37, Presidos, Pagos de Soldados, contains six numbers relative to Vargas's operations.⁸⁰ Volume 38, Restauración de la Nueva Mexico, contains papers of the same general description. Conspicuous among them are fifteen orders of the superior government to Zapata. They are in the original, containing the signature of Conde de Galvez, and appear to be unpublished.⁸¹ They cover the period from May 28, 1692, to July 29, 1695. A large part of the remainder of the volumes is occupied by a collection of original military documents covering the years 1693 and 1694.⁸² Volume 39, on whose titlepage stands Reconquista del Reyno de la Nueva Mexico, por Dn. Diego Vargas Zapata, 1692-5, contains 471 folios of a character sufficiently well described by the title, part original, but more largely made up of copies.⁸³ In volume 41, Documentos Colima, is a copy of Governor Concha's instructions to his successor in 1794, which throw light on the state of affairs in Nuevo Mexico during his administration. Volume 52, whose title appears farther on, contains miscellaneous papers on that province, dated in 1775 and 1776.⁸⁴

Besides the sources already mentioned, another considerable group of materials on Southwestern history is that dealing with missionary work and explorations, particularly in the far Southwest. The most considerable of these encountered will be indicated here in a general way. Volume 41 contains a number of papers, some original, relative to the Gila, Colorado, and California missions in 1771-1772. Volume 52, entitled Expedientes relativos á reconocimientos en Rios del Norte, Conchos, Colorado, y Gila is devoted largely to explorations in those regions. It contains, among other things, an original, apparently unprinted, though not unused, diary of Berrotaran, recording a journey made in 1729 to the Rio del Norte,⁸⁵ as well as copies of the diaries of Garcés, Escalante, and Dominguez.⁸⁶ Two copies were found of Salvatierra's well-known Cartas.⁸⁷

The above sketch is, of necessity, incomplete, and aims, particularly in the latter part, to be illustrative rather than exhaustive. But it may serve to indicate the nature of some of the apparently considerable material on Southwestern history, in the volumes examined, still largely unused.

REMINISCENCES OF C. C. COX.  I.

My parents begun houskeeping about the year 1812. they were both born in Ky. my maternal Grand Father emigrated to that state, from Maryland[.] He had served in the war of the Revolution, and moved to the “dark and bloody ground” in the days when it was neccessary to carry his Rifle to the field, so as to be always prepaired if a red man called[.] This Grand Father of mine lived to the age of 94 and died beloved of all men. I had the honor of inheriting his Christian name, but his virtues have fallen but lightly upon my shoulders. My dear mother however still lives....

My Fathers ancestors moved from the “Mother of States” with the early pioneers, who crossed the Ohio River. the earliest account I have of this Grand Father he was engaged in a large saddlery business in Lexington. My Father was brought up to that trade and followed it to his grave. His life was an eventful one, saddened by many misfortunes, but cheered also by happy surroundings, and his great loving heart, and genial disposition was a perpetual source of joy to him and pleasure to his friends. at 88 he crossed over the dark River—and memories most dear follow after the dear old man. Of brothers and sisters I will have occasion to speak hereafter, suffice it to say now that there were five of us in all. 3 sons and two daughters. the two last and the Elder brother have long since gone to the spirit land, the baby brother yet lives and dispenses hospitality at the old paternal Home and the other brother, well it is of him and his career that I am now attempting to write..... About the time mentioned, my parents transferrd their abode to the little town of Piqua in the state of Ohio. it was here that on the 8th day of Dec 1825 .....I am told that my eyes first opened to the light....

At the age of 5 years, I was so far developed mentally and physically, as to be able to accompany my parents on their return to their native State. From this time I can date my earliest recollections, and in the succeeding seven years are comprised the incidents and pleasures, of my school days, stick Horses, skating and first love, in looking back now over the lapse of 50 years—much of that part of my life is as vivid as the Occurrences of a much later period—Benedict Knott taught the school at the “Forks”. He was a “Tartar” among the boys. I donot remember to have ever seen him whip a girl, but he feasted on the boys. He was succeded in the School by a Mr Samuels, a much milder man, but pedagogics in those days were practiced from a different standpoint than prevails in the more modern schools. Dogmatic authority, and Apple tree coercion were the methods employed to develope the juvenile intellect and a comparison of that system, with the methods and discipline in vogue at the present day, with the fact in view, that children have been the same in all ages, is calculated to increase our respect for the primitive plan. I had to walk 3 miles to this school. I say walk, though I generally trotted or galloped—not astride of a real Horse, but straddle of a Stick Horse—and it seems to me now that the pleasure of that exercise is inferior to none that I ever experienced....

Our Home was situated upon a beautiful Hill overlooking Elkhorn creek. For a hundred years that has been the one home in our family—the Mecca to which children and grandchildren though scattered to the winds have periodically journeyed to recreate, to recuperate, and to enjoy the glad welcome of parental love and hospitality. I have wandered much over this fair land of Uncle Sams but I have never seen a spot in all its length and breadth, that was so beautifully possessed of all of natures Choicest gifts as the land of Boone....

My eldest sister.....had married Sidney Sherman some time in 1835. His history I need not give, for it is already written[.] It will be remembered that in this year began the struggle between Texas and Mexico—which culminated in the battle of San jacinto on the 21st of April 1836 and by that decisive blow the virtual independence of Texas. In the fall or winter of that year Col Sherman returnd to Ky for his wife and in the month of Dec following he moved to his adopted home, the lone star Republic. It was my fortune good or bad to constitute one of his family from that time. I was just 12 years of age. My school was ended—my home abandoned, and my future life and prospects in the bosom of Texas burried[.]

The journey to Texas was devoid of any special feature—except that to one so young, and who for the first time was viewing the busy world, the incidents and sceines encountered on the trip, was as novel and facinating as the shifting objects of a panorama. From Frankfort to Louisville we traveled by the pike, “the beautiful snow” falling thick and fast the day of our departure. At Louisville we embarked upon the splendid River Packet “Henry Clay”—commanded by our friend and neighbor Capt Jack Holton, one of the old time Ky gentlemen. Our company was augmented by a Mr. Humphries and his two sisters, also enroute for Texas. Mr H afterwards became a member of President Lamars Cabinet. In due course of time the Boat arrived at N. O. and there we transferrd to another Steamer, and proceeded up one of the small Bayous of La. as far as the said stream was navigable and here we disembarked, and thence completed the journey to Houston Texas overland. I say overland, but any one acquainted with Western La and Eastern Texas, in the winter season will know that we had as much water as land on that trip—and will also realize the fact that to ladies who were taking their first experience in camp life—and still tasting the comforts and good things, they had left behind the conditions which accompanied us throughout this part of the journey, were not calculated to reconcile them to the sacrifice they had made. However we were well prepared for traveling[.] Mr S had brought with Him a Comfortable Carriage and several fine Ky Mares and Horses—and Humphries also had a suitable outfit. To our party also belonged a very handy young Mexican, that the Col had kept with him in the Capacity of Servant since the battle of San jacinto[.] He called himself Francisco, and claimed to have been Santa Annas bugler. He remained with us several years and until an opportunity was offered to send him to his home in Youcatan.

Col S settled in San jacinto Bay at a point about midway between Galveston &Houston[.] This was near “Morgans pont” and about 7 miles below the battle ground. The first little place he occupied was called Mt Vernon, a very pretty site for a House being on a bluff overlooking the Bay. here we spent about a year, the House was built of logs and contained first one room—but that room was either very large or stood craming remarkably well, shortly after we had located, the family was increased by the arrival of an Aunt &Neice &Nephew of Mr S, and a little later on Mr Dana Sherman &wife arrived. with these accessions we had 9 in family besides, the cook. I dont know where she slept, but certainly not in the Kitchen, for that family convenience was just outside the door without other protection than a few brush overhead. I dont know why it is that everbody wants to keep a Hog[.] an old sow can do more mischief and cause a mans wife more unhappiness than all the other animals on the place that is if you have no yard fence and the Kitchen is not walled up. We had a sow and I have seen her take the lid off the oven and appropriate the contents when fire hot—and manifest not the slightest remorse at the freedom of the act or the least sensibility to the warmth of her repast. This was one skeleton in our house, but as there were no closets we had not room for many such. We had a dog also, but he was a noble fellow, a Newfoundland, loved the water as if his native element and if not a regular Nimrod, was certainly his shadow. Ducks &Geese and Swan almost litterly covered the waters. The deer came in sight of the house in droves—and fish at the bay shore in variety and abundance. Cattle were plenty and Cheap and we had Ky stock to ride, only one neighbor within 2 miles— this was as near as I can remember how matters stood with us the first winter in Tex....

It may be proper now, to say something of the personeel of the people who preceeded us to this part of Texas and who now constituted the citizenship of the Bay Country, for it must be remembered that Texas was very new, and at this time very sparsly settled and except the occasional settlements, the Country was in a state of nature. The Savages that erstwhile had held the land had been driven towards the frontier but there remained some remnants of the more peaceful tribes, to remind us of the late sovereignty of the Noble Red Man. The families settled along the Bay shore, on either side were mainly from the different southern States, and came in with Austins Colony—each head of a family having received a headright of one league and labor of land, being near 4600 acres. These families were generally living upon their own locations and consquently neighbors were usually 2 to 3 miles apart. However we had one near neighbor, say within a half mile, this was Enoch Brunson [Brinson], who had emigrated from La[.] There was always a mistery about this man, he had lost an eye and always wore a large tuft of hair over where the eye had been and always kept his hat on his head, even at meals........... At the time I write he was about 50 years of age. Mr B was a very social, hospitable man and an obliging neighbor,..........he was a hardshell Baptist of the ultra Kind—predestination and all. His wife was a good little woman and one of the sort that never tires. She usually milked 30 to 40 cows night and morning—and supplied the family, from Butter &cheeses &chickens &eggs that she marketed in Galveston—and here comes in another member of the family, though neither Kith nor Kin—but a sort of silent partner—who done all the chores and outside work and run the Boat that carried the surplus to the Island city. This was Mr Jno Imes [Iiams]—batchelor and friend of the House. John was a good honest fellow—and clever, handy, and full of fun on all occasions. Fortune had not blest this home with the prattle of little ones, When we first Knew them, but later on there came to them a Boy and girl...........Mrs B had a charming little niece, whose visits from across the bay were always much enjoyed by myself.

The next neighbor down the Bay Shore, was also a Batchelor—and more of a Character than the last. This was Genl Clopper but as we are shortly to be nearer neighbors to the Genl, I will reserve him for future mention. 2 miles further down the bay we come to Morgans point or New Washington, the home of Col James Morgan, a participant in the active scenes of the late unpleasantness with Mexico and at the time of the Battle of Sanjacinto was in command at Galveston Island[.] The col was the agent and active partner of northern Capitalists who had invested largely in Texas lands, under the name and style of the “New Washington Association”—and hence the name of the cols residence, which at that day was the most pretentious dwelling in all the land, and the situation was not only the most prominant but the most beautiful site on the Bay, being at the junction of Sanjacinto and Galveston Bays, it overlooked both waters for many miles, and though somewhat bleak in winter, it was a delightful location in Summer. This home was highly improved, and exceedingly attractive, the family cultivated and hospitality was spread with a lavish hand. The Cols wealth and social and political promance in the State his liberality, genial disposition, love of company and fine conversational powers made his home the resort of the stranger as well as friend. I have met at this house President Burnett, Genl Houston, Sidney Johnson Barnard E Bee, Dr Ashbel Smith, Mesely Baker Mr Anderson—the naturalist—the son and daughter of John Newland Maffit—Com Moore, and hundreds of other promanet citizens of the State &other States who came to this home to enjoy its comfort and hospitality. The old col has long since been geatherd to his Fathers.

I scarcely know how to write of the next ten years of my life, such a multitude of incidents crowd upon the memory that I know not which to speak of and which to pass by. Anyhow the Bay was home to me in all these years, but much of the time I was far away in body, though in spirit was roaming the beautiful prairies, or sailing upon the lovely waters. Only the 2d year of our residence on the Bay, death entered into our household and carried off both Mr Dana Sherman and his wife—they died the same day of yellow fever.....A beautiful little daughter was left us as a legacy.

About this time I was placed in a store at Houston, my brother in law thinking it would compensate me in the loss of other schooling—but the venture was not productive of any great amount of good. the Firm was about busted when I entered the store and in a few months, closed business. However I had some experiences which I can never forget. Mr Neighbors, afterwards Maj Neighbors Indian Agt, was a clerk in the House. he kindly took me to room with him or rather to sleep with him, for our quarters were in a loft in a building apart from the store, and our bed a few blankets on the floor, but such accommodations would have been satisfactory but for other company[.] The fleas were as thick as the sands of the sea[.] Our clothes were actually bloody, and our bodies freckled after a night of warfare with the Vermine. And the Rats, I cannot convey an idea of the multitude of Rats in Houston at that time. They were almost as large as Prairie dogs and when night came on, the streets and Houses were litterly alive with these animals. Such running and squealling throughout the night, to say nothing of the fear of losing a toe or your nose, if you chanced to fall asleep, created such an apprehension that together with the attention that had to be given our other Companions made sleep well nigh impossible. We boarded at a Hotel near the Bayou, and I can almost smell that dining room yet. In those days the markets didnot furnish fresh vegitables—but onions in Barrels and Boat loads were everywhere and in everything and the smell of Onions and the taste of Onions followed us day and night like a nightmare.

But I remember one pleasant dining during my short sojourn in Houston. I was loitering upon the street in the vicinity of the principal Hotel, When my hand was suddenly taken by Genl Sam Houston—and with gentle condecension, this wonderful man strode into the hotel, and reaching the dining table I found myself at once seated between the Ex President, and the then President of the Republic of Texas, Genl Maribaeu B Lamar. It seemed to be a special dining as the company was numerous and select. And to say that I was stuned and almost paralized by this presence, would not do justice to my feelings. It seemed to me that the company regarded me as the distinguished guest. I felt that all eyes were upon me—and the shots continually fired at the Genl and his protegee, covered me with confusion. The wine flowed freely, and when a toast was drank, my glass had to go up with the rest. In this way I suppose I gained my self possession. At any rate I left the company with a feeling of enjoyment—and the memory of that little compliment from so distinguished a source has always been a pleasant remembrance.

When I returned to the Bay Mr Sherman had removed his residence to “Crescent Place”—a point on the Bay two miles above New Washington. This was in 1839. In that year the wheel of fate made another revolution on my account. My Bro &sister ever anxious about my educational necessities, thought they saw a solution of the matter, in the opportunities offered in the Texas Navy. Accordingly an appointment was obtained for me as midshipman, and orders furnished me to report to the Commanding officer at Galveston.

Now at this time the city of Galveston was not the attractive place that it is 50 years later. The population probably didnt exceed 2000, the Houses were plain wooden structures ranging from the little 10×12 shanty to the somewhat pretentious, storehouse, and here &there a respectable looking dwelling and of course the indipensible Hotels, which were ample for the needs of Town. The wharves which in later years have formed a bulwark for the city from the storms and waves that come down from the North, .....had not been built—and on the occasion of my first visit, the steamer ran head on to the shore—or as near as the water would allow and the passengers disembarked on staging from the Boat to the Shore. The storm which had swept over the Island in 37, had left many reminders of the visit. One schooner was imbeded in the sand just where we landed. I saw another at the Sand Hills over on the Gulf side of the Island. But our new Navy rode at anchor in the harbor and made cheerful the otherwise gloomy prospect.

The Brig Wharton, &Schooners San Jacinto San Bernard &San Antonio were in port when I went down. my orders were to report on Board the Wharton, which vessel was under sailing orders for New York, but when I presented my papers, the Wharton already had her complement of middys—and I was assigned to the Schooner San jacinto.

And now began an experience and mode of life for which I soon discovered I was not intended. Our Liut Commanding was a man by the name of Gibbons the most tiranical officer that I have ever Known either in the navy or army. Some of our men were real land lubbers—and of course had to be drilled in the duties of the ship—but to run up the rigging and out on the yard arms, and swing yourself like a monkey by one hand or balance yourself on a foot rope 40 feet in the air and furl and unfurl sails like an old Tar was just what the recruit could not do, but the Liut had great faith in the “Colt” and for every blunder, poor Jack would have to come down—and lay himself across the gun and receive a dozen from the Boatswains mate.

Well it was not long after I went on board until, our vessel was appointed to service. A Schooner loaded with army supplies was ready to sail from Galveston to Velasco at the mouth of the Brazos—and our man of war was ordered to convoy the Schooner down. So one bright sunshiny morning, Our Schooner was taken in tow by a steamer and carried outside the Galveston Bar, to there await the sailing of the Merchant Schooner. But for some purpose not now recollected two small boats belonging to our Vessel, were left behind with orders to follow on later in the day &join the ship outside. each boat was manned with 4 men with a midshipman in charge[.] I was in charge of one of the Boats. Now as evry one may not understand the Iron rules of the naval service, the relations of Officers and men, and thediscipline that is observed on shipboard Let it be understood that here was a boy not yet 14 years of age, who had never tasted of salt water, without judgment or experience, suddenly clothed with the dignity and authority of a commander—a mere infant in intelligence but a very Titan in Authority. And now after all these years, in pening these recollections I am oppressed with shame and mortification at the abuse of the position I occupied—and the want of consideration and respect for the feelings and gray hairs of the old tars that composed my crew. I was but an infant upon the waters—they were veterans of the deep—but then I was a little officer, they were the machinery that propeled my boat.

Well as I have said the morning was beautiful the Bay as smooth as a lake, and scarcely a breath of air to be felt. About 10 Oc I pulled out from the city, and a few minutes later—the other Boat followed. We were not long in reaching the East end of the Island and on turning the point and heading for the Bar, we soon encountered a heavy sea coming in from the gulf. And now too a dence fog settled upon the waters. Still we kept on, out upon the Bar the seas rolled not “mountain high” but so high that our little Boat danced among the waves like a toy. The men said it was madness to go on, that we would be swamped—and we had best go back and wait for the fog to clear away and the sea abate. The other Boat did go back, but I had orders to join the ship without delay, and I had not the courage to disobey any order of Liut Gibbons. So we pulled ahead—head on, to evry wave, the spray dashing over us with every pitch of the Boat and without compass or objects to guide us.

It is now about 12 Oc a very little breeze is springing up, and right ahead not 50 paces distant we descry a vessel under full sail outward bound. A few lusty pulls brought us alongside the stranger and no boarding party ever reached the decks of an enemy with more alacrity than myself &men were on the deck of that vessel. The capt treated me Kindly. He was bound for Mobile. He refused to lay-to until the fog cleared away—but fired off his gun and blew his horn, to attract our vessel if in hearing distance—but no answer came. In the meantime the Vessel was slowly going seaward. The Capt said I could stick to him or take to my Boat again—but now his dinner was announced and he invited me into the Cabin. I thought I was hungry and took my seat at the Table with great willingness. Pork &beans occupied the center of the Table, or that dish seemed to have more prominence than all the rest. my plate was helped and I got a peice of the pork in my mouth—but just then I found difficulty in swallowing—the Cabin seemed too Close, a cold sweat began to break out on me, and excusing myself to the Capt I returned to the deck in double quick time, and there delivered my first tribute to old Ocean. I was dreadful sick.....But I had not long to indulge this weakness[.] Our friend the schooner was gliding along lazily in the Fog—and about 1 P. M. we hove in sight of a vessel at anchor. this was a Brig loaded for Galveston. being now out over the Bar the sea was not so rough &thanking our friends of the schooner for their hospitality—we reentered our little Boat and pulled for the Brig. About 3 Oc the fog cleared off, and enabled us to see the San jacinto about two miles off in the direction of the Island. I pulled alongside about 4, Oc. and mounting to the deck and touching my Cap to the Lieut. I briefly explained the cause of my delay and was rewarded by a reprimand for my temerity in pulling out to sea in a fog.

The following morning found us riding quietly at anchor, ready for sea, but waiting for a breeze, the sea was almost smooth and not a breath of air astir. The crew was practised at putting on and taking off sail &other maneuvers in handling the ship—and at 12 Oc when all hands were piped to dinner, the Sails were left spread, and a peaceful stillness pervaded the vessel—When a visitor Came upon us with such suddeness force and fury that before the Capt or rather Liut comdg, could get on deck, the schooner was lying on her starboard side with the foresail and mainsail in the water. The Capt shouted let go the Sheets, let go the hallyards, but the men seemed paralized and only after repeated orders and by his own efforts, were the sails so lowered and shifted as to be relieved of the force of the wind—and then slowly the schooner righted, and faced to the Wind—the sails were rapidly taken in the anchor weighed and we drifted off before the Storm. The Norther was a terrific one, we lost our convoy, and on the fifth day pulled up at the mouth of the Brassos—&discovered that she was already safe inside the harbour. In a few days we were again lying in the harbour at Galveston.

I have been somewhat tedious about this my first trip to sea, simply because it was my first. It was a very short expedition—and without incident except the storm—but it gave me a foretaste of sailor life and being seasick the greater part of the time my first impressions of riding upon the “deep blue sea” were not the most agreeable.

I will not undertake to follow the daily events of my brief service in the Navy—but will give the prominent features in a few words. From the San jacinto I was transfered to the Steam Ship of war Zavalla, Capt Lathrop Commanding. this vessel carried about 10 guns and was a well equiped manofwar. When the ship left Galveston she proceeded to N. O. here we remained a short time, enlisting men and taking in supplies. Thence we proceeded on a cruise in the gulf and after some days anchored at the Arcos Islands—not far off the Coast of Yucatan. Among the recruits who joined us at New Orleans, was a young midshipman, I have forgotten his name, who had contracted yellow fever &was taken down soon after coming on board. I donot know if I took the fever from him, but I do recollect that I was sick, and that we lay together in the saloon of the steamer, and that the young man died at my side.

I donot remember the time we spent at the Islands—perhaps a month or two[.] But in course of time our vessel appeared off the mouth of the Tobasco River and came to Anchor about Sundown one evening it being then too late to cross the Bar. The sea was quite smooth the sky clear and not a breath of wind. Very soon a heavy sea came rolling in from the Gulf. the strong current from the River which after entering the gulf took a course along the land made the ship ride in the trough of the sea, and she rolled from side to side like a great log. Orders were at once given to weigh Anchor &get under way but before that could be done a huge wave carried away our rudder. this rendered us helpless &the order to get up Anchor was countermanded—and now commenced an experience the like of which I expect few sailors ever witnessed. We lay in this position 5 days—no wind but the waves rolling in mountain high[.] We were about 2 miles off shore, our anchors draged some, and the vessel sometimes gave a heavy thump on the bottom[.] To lighten the ship, our guns, one after another went overboard—the shot had gone over first. we cut away the masts, that the ship would not be so topheavy. Our Coal gave out, for we had steam up all the time—and all the bulkheads and available parts of the interior of the ship was cut out to make fuel—in all these days &nights the vessel rolled like a log—first one Wheelhouse, then the other under water, it was unsafe to be on deck without fastening yourself to something. every moment it looked as if the next would upset the ship or nock her to pieces. I was dreadful sea sick and felt quite indifferent to the danger[.] The morning of the 5th day the Sea subsided. We got up anchor &with an improvised rudder steamed over the Bar and up the River 5 miles to the Town of Frontera. Our handsome steamer was almost a wreck.

Youcatan at that time was at war with the Central Govt of Mexico[.] Texas &Youcatan were in alliance, and our fleet was ordered there to aid in an expidition against the Central troops who were in possession of the city of Tobasco about 80 miles up the River. We were the recipients of much attention while at Frontera—the Zavalla was the first steam manofwar ever seen in that River—hundreds of people Ladies &Gentlemen came down from Merida, the Capitol of the State to visit the ship. Here I was taken with the scurvy and had a lingering spell of sickness. As soon as I could be moved I was taken on shore &nursed by a good lady of the place. Other vessels for the expedition shortly appeared—and the fleet steamed up the River in tow of the Zavalla and all under the command of Com Moore, whose flag Ship was the Sloop of war Austin. But we had no fight. The enemy evacuated the town before we reached it—and after one night stay we again droppd down the River—but a good many bags of silver were taken on Board our vessel at Tobasco and a portion at least of the same was distributed among the officers and men of the fleet as prize money. I think eight dollars was the share I got.

This about ended my active service in the Navy—on the return of our vessels to “Arcos Islands” I was transfered to the sloop of war Austin and after a short cruz in the gulf she entered the harbor of Galveston—and now after something over 2 years service in the Navy—with no prospect of active service in the future and finding that I had neither taste nor fitness for the life, I resigned my commission and returned to the home on the Bay.

But before taking a final idieu of this period of my youth I must indulge in some other reminiscences of the time and incidents connected with my sojourn in the Navy. The life is a hard one, the disciplin rigid, a boy of the age 14 &15 has not physical capacity to perform the regular watch on shipboard—4 hours on duty and eight off—with 2 “dog watches”—4 to 6 &6 to 8, P. M. each day is put in to alternate the watches. In case of dirilection of duty the usual punishment for an under officer is double duty—that is 4 hours on &4 off. On one occasion tired nature dropped me into the arm of Morphius—when I should have been walking the deck— this was death by the regulations— Liut Gibbons commuted the punishment to double duty for 2 weeks— In discharging the sentence I forfeited my life several times—but as it was necessary to discover the offence before inflicting the punishment I escaped hanging, always by timely warning. On each of the vessels that served—I was favoured and befriended by the Lieut in whose watch I was placed. I must ever feel grateful for the Kindness and generosity of Lieut Tennison, of the San jacinto, Lieut Segars of the Austin and sailing master Baker of the Zavalla. they treated me like older brothers.

But when one of the seamen committed an offence or violated an order the punishment was frightful. Flogging with the “Colt” was a common pastime, a daily occurance, a sort of misdmeanor penalty— but graver offenses were rewarded with the “Cat of 9 tails”. 3 doz licks on the bare back, was the usual dose, the culprit stood at the gangway, with his hands lashed to the rigging, his feet fastened to a grating on which he stood—the man striped to the waist—all hands on deck to witness the scene, the articles of war read, the ship Physician on one side and the Boatswain on the other. When all was ready, the flaying commenced. At each stroke of the lash the solemn count, 1-2-3 &so on was proclaimed aloud and the poor criminal would stringe &grunt at every blow—by the time the 3 doz, the usual compliment, were given, the fellows back back was varagated with the colors red black blue &white—and the blood running in little rivers at his feet. It is gratifying to know that this barbarous practice has been abolished by most of the nations of the earth.

Burrials at sea are attended with the same solemn character as the interment of the dead on shore—but the proceedure is different. The corpse after being dressed is then sewed up in canvass, with 2 round shot at the feet—and then placed on a plank reaching out over the side of the vessel. The entire ships crew are piped on deck, the burial service is read and then the end of the plank is raised and the departed goes off into the sea feet foremost. The same rites are given the criminal who is hung at the yard arm[.]

I saw a sailor pitched from the yard arm into the sea one night in a storm. No succor was possible. The storm was violent and the ship drifting before the fury of the wind.

Texas was poor in that day and could not furnish her pantrys with many delicasys. Salt Beef, Salt pork Beans Tea and “hard tack” were the staples. Our crackers were nearly always old musty and full of worms. The worms were easily disposed of by heating the bread and then knocking them out—or soaking the crackers in hot tea, they are easy Killed and I never discovered any difference in the taste of the worms and the Bread. On one Occasion Our Vessel was furnished with a lot of Chockolate beans purchased at Campeachy—which we roasted, ground &used as a substitute for coffee.

The daily life on a ship is monotonous, but the sailors have their pastimes—&employments when off duty. they wash, mend and often make their clothing—especially hats. I made myself a straw hat—and one pair of pants while in the service &had my arms tatooed as all old sailors do. Our vessel the Zavalla, laid at the Port of Sisal a good long time. It was here I think instead of Frontera as before stated, that so many ladies came to visit the ship. I thought the Mexican girls beautiful. they all smoked, each carried a little bunch of cigaritas, the etiquete was to placed a cigarita in the mouth light it and then hand to the other party. This temptation very few young men can resist....

If I could do justice to the subject I would like to tell more of the Arcos Islands. As well as I remember there are three small Islands, set in a triangular position, with a small but beautiful body of water in the centre—&which affords a safe harbor for vessels drawing 20 to 30 feet. We anchored in about 3 fathoms water, probably 200 yds from shore. the water is very clear—objects on the bottom being distinctly seen. here we had fine fishing and a species of Fish abounded that I have never seen elsewhere called the Panot Fish—the head &half the body was a bright green, the balance of the fish the usual color[.] Some were quite large, weighing 10 &12 pounds. Along the shore sharks were numerous, but we saw none out at the vessel— The Islands furnish many varietys of shells—and we collected beautiful specimens of coral. It was delightful bathing in this salt water lake. Com Moore was the best swimmer that I ever saw. He could float like a feather on the water—and swim on his back as fast as most men can the ordinary way. I have seen him leap from the top of the wheel house of the Zavalla, some 20 feet above the water and go to the bottom, a run of about 40 feet. There are no trees and almost no vegitation on the Islands—but they are a great resort for the birds of the Ocean and we captured a great many eggs and young birds to eat. but now I have done with the sea and for some years to come will be found growing and ruralizing at Crescent Place, San jacinto Bay....

Our neighbors were not numerous but what we had were of the original stock of Texians—and else that term may not be sufficiently descriptive I will say that the latch string could always be found on the Outside, and that hospitality and good cheer, with a love for social and neighborly intercourse was the rule &practice of the Bay people. I have already named some of these good people, I have yet to introduce—the Morris household—the Harriss, White, Le Port—Beasley and Dobies and on the North side of the Bay, Dr Smith Mosely Baker, Judge Burnett, Scott, Spillman &others. Well these families, with the Shermans, Morgans, Brinsons &Clopper constituted the circle of neighborhood visiting and friendships at the time....

Not very long after my return from the Sea, there was an entertainment at neighbor Brinsons—an old fashioned country quilting, and as this is one of the bygone customs—I feel inclined to revist the pleasant circle that assembled on that occasion. I need not give names, but the order of exercises, and somewhat of the modus operandi. The quilt was stretched in the primitive way, that is between 4 slats and drawn out to the full size of the quilt—and the 4 corners each suspended by a rope to the cieling—in the best room. Now all the ladies are expected to come early as the Quilt has to be finished before the real fun begins. The Quilters soon take their places—and the work begins on all sides. The gents on the ground are expected to roll up the sides as fast as needed. to pass the thread and scissors—and with anecdotes and small talk to entertain the workers. In the meantime things are getting hot in the Kitchen, the biggest Turkey on the place is basting his back before a huge log fire. A little porker had folded his feet under him and laid down in the bottom of a great Oven, and with dressings of parsely and pepper and other accessions is enjoying the warmth of a covering of Coals. Pies and Cakes of all sizes and makes mingle their perfume with the odor that arises from every part of the preparations. Chickens, Eggs, Butter, Milk Preserves, &c &c all geather in and take their place—while the busy hostess flits in and out, now with a word to the needlers and a look of gratified pleasure and pride, and then back to the regime in which all hearts are centered. At last the wonderful quilt is finished— the frames are removed, the Table spread, the Company all in, and joy unconfined rules the hour— but the 3d act is yet in store for us. The shades of night have setteld upon the scene, ere the fragments of the feast are all cleared away— but the sound of the violin expidites further preparations— and now change your partners and “well all dance a reel”....

At last the morning dawned, the fiddler fled, and after coffee and cake all round, with reluctant partings, the company scattered, and this one event, like all earthly things passed into oblivion....

We had a small farm and some stock, and except one hired man, my services were very generally in demand. We never had much success in farming— the ground was very tough &hard to cultivate—and the seasons seldom favorable[.] But Tom Turner and myself done considerable hard work. We broke the land in the Spring with 2 yoke of oxen. I usually held the plough and let Tom drive, for he could manage the Oxen better than I could, but Oxen are very exasperating at times to the best of drivers— the off ox is never contented to walk in the furrow[.] When the necks get sore, they want to lag back or lay down, and if it is hot they will run off to get to the shade....

Col Morgan was the largest stock owner on the Bay. he had a very inteligent negro man, called Turner—the same Turner mentioned in Thralls History as being in charge of the Boat load of provisions—sent by Santa Anna from New Washington &which fell into the hands of the Texians at Lynchburg[.] Well Turner was the Cols right hand man and was general Overseer &manager about home &had entire controle of the stock. So Turner was always boss of the cow crowds in hunting and geathering the stocks of the neighborhood— it was under this Capporal that I took my early lessons in the cow business. Morriss cove, Gankers Cove, Middle Bayou, and the Battle ground were the ranges that we had to hunt over away from home.

Towards the latter part of my sojourn on the Bay other cow men became prominent and influential in the range, notably Mr Dell—F R Lubbock and the Dobie brothers—Sterling &Robert. These pioneer cattle men have all passed away, save one who for many years now has gaurded our State Treasury. Col Morgan introduced the first Durham Bull, that I ever saw in the state. Mr. Sherman brought on some fine Horse stock—but that part of the state was not favorable to the propigation of fine stock—too many Ticks flies and musquitoes— the grass is coarse, and fresh water often scarce....

About this time, say 1841, my sister made a visit to Ky—and on her return, brought with her our Sister Caroline....

Nations are sometimes brought into friendlier and closer relations by matrimonial alliances, so in time the Houses of Morgan and Sherman were united by the union of this Sister with Mr Kas Morgan, only son of the Col. Mr Kas was a college graduate, a very fine performer of the Piano, a genial pleasant gentleman, and fond of society and its pleasures—and a devotee of the water, either as sailing upon its bosom—or hunting the feathered tribes along its margin.

I remember one diversion we had during a Sept gale. A steamer loaded with cotton was sunk near Red Fish Bar— the Cargo was set afloat on the Bay—and a great many Bales drifted up on the Beach just South of the Cols place. Mr Kas and myself rescued a lot of those Bales from their watery berth—and thereby made a good many dollars as salvage.

A great many interesting and amusing incidents Occurred during all these years of my life on the Bay, but I cannot pretend to anything like a general history of those times and I am at a loss for method to just summarize the whole.

Spillmans Island was just in front of our place. It was the home of an old sea Captain from whom the Island took its name. It was a landing place for steamers passing up &down between Houston and Galveston. It was a famous hunting ground for Ducks &geese in the winter, the place was also an occasional resort for “Old Sam”—as he was at that time familiarly called....

The Bay had some rare characters. This Capt Spillman, Dave Harris and John Morris, these 3 entered into a compact that when one died the other two should gather around his bier, and with music &wine, sing “Old Rosin the Bow”—and drink and make glad the exit of the departed. Capt Hannah was the Chesterfield of the neighborhood. He was the only man among us who wore store clothes all the time. He was a relative and sort of honory member of the Harris family....

The wheel of fortune made another revolution and our family was transported from the Bay country to the Town of Harrisburg, on Buffalo Bayou[.] This was in the spring of 1847.

In June of that year I made a visit to Ky. My mother, Bro an aunt &cousin had come out on a visit the year previous—and now my mother and cousin returning to their home, I went with them—and it was a sad year for these dear relations that they spent in Texas. We had much sickness in the family. My aunt died[.] Two little boys, the first born of my sister Caroline had died the year previous—and though surrounded with loving children and friends, I think my mother experience in Texas was such as to make her glad to get back to her old Ky home....

Mr Clinton Harris followed this cousin of mine to Ky, married her and brought her back to Harrisburg....

I ought in justice to history and to the departed spirits that had their mortal coil shuffled off in that Bay country, to pay a fitting tribute to the two M. D. who generally figured at the bedside of the few stricken. The pair were very unlike and yet alike in many respects. Dr A.⁸⁸ was a venerable batchelor without any distinguishing characteristics, save a little native brogue, a very ruddy complexion, a rough brusk voice and manner and a sort of common appearance generally. In some manner he became domiciled at Col Morgans, and made that his home for a number of years. The other Dr. B. lived across the Bay and was a man of family. He was a kind man and a good nurse—and he loved to linger where the coffee pot boiled the strongest. Now the similarity of these gentlemen consisted in the great amount of medical skill of which they were both ignorant—the uniform medicines and methods employed by both, the same course of treatment in all cases and a mutual jelousy and antagonism. I saw a little child die, whose tongue and cheek were rotted from the effect of calomel. This was B's patient. Another, a little brother, shortly died from the same disease and similar treatment. I saw a girl with brain fever rolling and screaming and frantic with pain, and burning with thirst—and begging with almost her last breath for a drink of water, and her prayer was unanswered— this was one of Dr A's subjects. In another family the mother &daughter were stricken with fever and the daughter died under similar circumstances—the mother burning with fever and thirst and when no friendly hand would give her a drop of water she watched an opportunity &when her stern sentinel was out, she beged her little child to bring her a gourd of water— that saved her life. Alas What multitudes have been sent to untimely graves from the use and abuse of mercury and the ignorance of natural law....

I left Harrisburg in April 1849 in Company with Mr L B Harris, &wife. Harris had a wagon fitted up specially for this expedition, the bed or boddy of the wagon was built in the shape of a scow boat—both ends turned up and constructed so as to be water tight. Oars were carried on the sides and when we reached a River too deep to ford—Our Boat was placed in the water and everything ferried to the opposite shore.

Texas at that date was a vast desolate prairie from Fredricksburg to Elpasso—and from Elpasso to California. We encountered but one settlement—the Mexican town of Sante Cruix, about 200 hundred miles from the Rio Grande, and also a small village of friendly Indians on the Gila River. At the mouth of said River there was stationed a company of U S troops. Now this was a long stretch of country to pass over and we consumed nearly six months in making the trip. I will not dwell upon the many interesting incidents of this journey across the plains—for the reason that I have heretofore written of this expedition, and given the particulars of my California trip. Suffice it to say that my companions were congenial in every way, our outfit perfect in its appointments—and though our route lay through a wild waste of country more than 1200 miles in extent, the travel tedious, and many difficulties and dangers encountered—still we enjoyed the life and the varying scenes &incidents by the way—and altogether had a jolly time while making this overland trip[.]

We arrived at Los Angeles California California about the first of Sept 1849. In January I reached Stockton and thence went to Woods Creek, near Sonoro in what was called the Southern mines. Now Stockton was the entrepot, emporium, or source of supply for all that country lying south of the Calevaras River—and which comprised the mining regions of the Stanislaus, Tuolumne, and Mercedes Rivers. Everything was new when I got there, the season was a very wet one, the roads new, and travel very difficult. Stockton was a town of Tents and canvass houses and had then a population of only a few hundred— but everything was alive and full of life and hope. Gold was more plentiful than provisions, and here and in the mines for that year at least, the spirit of Religion in its earthly application held full sway. Every man was a brother, all were honest, for their was no temptation to steal, a cornucopia hung in every tent, the spirit of enterprise, of manhood, generous self denial, human sympathy, kindness and hospitality, seemed to pervade all classes and the novelty of the new life, the abundance of wealth, and the far away homesick feeling that softens the roughest parts of our nature—made a common brotherhood of the early California miners.

On Woods Creek there were not more than 50 persons when I got there and they were scattered along the creek for a mile or two. I had two companions or partners—Swearingen &Elkins, both from Eastern Texas. We had traveled by way of Stockton, to lay in a supply of provisions. We had a wagon and were enabled to replenish our purses by hauling an old German woman, her bed &other plunder and the bagage of a lot of sailors all of whom were destined for the nearest mines—about 1000 pounds at 75 cents pr pound—which was just one cent pr pound pr mile, for this load of freight.

We reached the mines in Feby— soon had our claims staked off. built us a log Cabin—and in a few days were busy digging and washing out the gold. Elkins kept the wagon running hauling freight. We soon had several thousand dollars ahead. Summer came on, the streams got low—and although we were making $10 pr day each—we thought to do better on the River bars—and jumped our woods creek claims and moved to the Tuoulumne Rivr.

This proved a bad venture, we failed to find the precious gold in any paying quantity. So now in July my firm decided to employ our time and talents in quite another direction. We started down the country to buy beef cattle. In the vicinity of San Beniventura we purchased about 200 head of splendid cattle at $18 pr head. These cattle we took to the mines &sold out the greater part of the lot at $50 to $60 pr head— the remnant I took to French Camp &started a Butchery. This did not succeed well. I formed a partnership with a Dr Earl—who one night disappeared with the profits.

My two partners were each running a freight wagon. Swearingen had had a 6 mule Team and Elkins 3 yoke of Oxen. But they were not doing any better than myself. Freight had gotten down to about 10c pr lb. Feed was high and the mule team eat up the profits of the Ox wagon. Swearingen wanted to go home, so we sold the mules, divided up and Swearingen left us.

This was in 51. Elkins &I now tried farming bought a small place near French Camp and put in a crop of Barley paid 20c pr pound for seed— had a bad year, made a poor crop and sold it in the mines at 10c[.]

We now made another diversion, moved to the mines again and spent the summer &fall in Quartz mining but this also proved unprofitable, and of course I began to cast about me for a new adventure or experiment.

Just here the wheel of fortune made another turn for me—and I must change the scene from the southern to the northern division of the state—to Sacramento That city being the Emporium of the Northern Mines—while Stockton is the emporium of the Southern Mines— but I was done with the mines, I had discovered that “all was not gold that glitters”—and I also had a sensible appreciation of the fact that I had failed to profit by the golden opportunities that surrounded me in the earlier period of my acquaintance with the mines and that money getting even in California was by this time divested of much of the promise and facination, even excitement that existed in the earlier development of the country—the cream had already been skimed off—and the prospects for rich finds and turning up hugh nugets and stumbling on fortunes were reduced to a minimum of expectation. Change however—and adventure—were distinctive features of California life &their seductive whisperings, beconed me away to other fields[.] So I regretfully parted with good friends and pleasant associations of the past—and taking passage on the Stockton &Sacramento stage journeyed to the latter city.

Through the kindness of my friend Mr Harris—the then county clerk, I was at once installed as deputy in his office at the salary of $200 per month. This seemed like very fair pay for the kind of service—but the position proved not to be a bonanza. City life was expensive—with board at $60 pr mo—washing $3 pr Doz. and everything else in proportion, and with moderate indulgence in the pleasures and temptations—that filled the very atmosphere of social and society life in Sacramento I could not increase my Bank account as rapidly as I wished— but I saved something and with buying county scrip, at a discount and making small loans—my financial condition improved during my sojourn in Sacramento. Money loaned at 12 pr ct pr mo and the laws of California were exceedingly summary and favorable to creditors.

The courts did an immense business. The Dist Court at Sacramento held six terms a year &there was rare ever an interval of a week between terms. Hon Jno Munsen Occupied the bench during the 3 years that I served as clerk in that court. The Bar represented the finest legal talent of the state—some of whom I remember as my personal &particular friends. Lewis Sanders, Tod Robinson J. W. Winans, Jas Haggin, and Jim Hardy our Dist atty—are names that have stamped upon the records of the civil and criminal jurisprudence of the county of Sacramento the impress of brilliant and profound legal ability.

I cannot remember the population of the city at this date, say from 1853 to 1855—but certainly not less than 5 or 6 thousand. After the removal of the seat of Government to Sacramento the city grew rapidly. during my 3 years residence—I witnessed a disastrous fire which destroyed the greater part of the City including the Court House. A flood from the sacramento River—inundated a great part of the city also an earthquake which caused the houses to rock and tremble as if in a storm at sea—but California and California life was illustrated in all its phazes in Sacramento. J street was the main business thoroughfare and also presented the greatest attraction to sightseers and visitors. The Gods of Bachus—of Terpischore and of Mamon—possessed the city by night—and made glorious &brilliant and enchanting with music and wine and piles upon piles of gold dust and glittering coins the numerous saloons that studded the street—with this alluring temptation always in sight an with Theater going, and the many novelties and special entertainments, and the freedom and liberality of social customs that prevailed in those days—it will be seen that a young man dependent upon a clerks salary, had to be possessed of most exemplary habits—or fail in the accumulation of much wealth.

I had the pleasure of seeing &hearing most of the Dramatic Stars of that day—Forrest—Booth Murdock and many others of lesser note— also Lola Montes the famous danseuse—and Ole Bull the Violinist. I was a member of the “Suter Rifles—Volunteer company the pride of the city &also a member of the Pioneer club of Sacramento city, &during these years witnessed the rise and fall of the Know Nothing party in California....

I had many good friends in Sacramento—and my attachments were so strong, my surroundings so pleasant and my appreciation of the country so great—that I found it a great trial after six years of California life to bring myself to the determination to return to Texas—but a constant longing for the loved ones at home—and the persistent entreaties of my friend and room mate—whoes term of Office expired in the fall of 1855—turned the scale and in Oct of that year I bade adiew to California and all its pleasant associations.

But this diary would be an unfaithful record of my California experience were I to omit some mention of an old friend, from whom and from whose family—I received so much Kindness—Col James Lansing.⁸⁹ At one time [he] owned the Sulphur Springs on the Cibolo—in western Texas—and tried to make the Place a health resort— the venture not succeeding or the California fever having gotten the better of him, to use a common expression “he pulled up stakes”[.] he moved with his family to the golden state and settled at a place called French camp 5 miles from Stockton[.] the family consisted of his wife and daughters[.] The Col kept tavern or a way side inn and the wife and daughters did the honors as well as most of the work of the house— Mrs. L was an English lady and very refined and cultivated and the daughters were brought up under the strickest discipline. I had the pleasure to enjoy the confidence &friendship of this excelent family. It may be that I owe my life to their kind &watchful attention when I was sick unto death with measles....

In Oct 1855 as I have said we turned our faces homeward and a few hours run on the water brought us to San Francisco—now grown to the dimensions of a city indeed. So rapid and wonderful had been the improvement in the place since my visit in 49 that no possible stretch of the imagination could have prepared me for the change. Instead of a few hundred canvass houses and tents resembling a miners camp on the diggings—now I meandered the streets of a city of stone &brick and iron fronts—and many storys—and paved sidewalks—and every appliance, convenience and embelishment of the modern emporium—but the history and praises of San Francisco are too well Known at this day and time to invite a description of its character &reputation from me[.]

Leaving the shores of California through the “Golden Gate” On the fine pacific Steamer “Golden city” we had a most pleasant trip down the coast to Panama, touching only at Acapulco On the way— this place affords probably the best harbor on the pacific coast except San Francisco—a small Mexican town on the Edge of the Bay just within the entrance to the harbor—is all there is of Acapulco—except always about a hundred........natives male &female of all ages and sizes that sport in the beautiful waters like the otters along the Ocean beach.

At Panama we disembarked from the good ship and entered the cars of the Panama R. R. and in about 3 hours reached Aspinwall—distance from Ocean to Ocean about 60 miles— Panama is just a little north of the Equator—and apparently much nearer the infernal regions. I dont remember the temperature of the istmus—but the heat was very oppressive. My companions, ever thoughtful of mans comfort and physical wants—had secured a big bucket of ice water—and various bottles of the ice cold drinks—palm leaf Fans, and the indespensable Havana accompanament—and with the novelty of the trip—the wonderful scenery, the Flora and Fauna that abounded on all sides and the frolicsome little Apes that sported among the trees—and the marvellous luxuriance of this equitorial region—all tended to make this passage across the continent pleasant &interesting[.]

Aspinwall seemed to be a very neat and considerably Americanized [town] Only a few hundred population &the business of the place—as far as I could see was confined the R R and steam-ship traffic—and the eating houses and saloons that are always present where people congregate.

The steam ship Potomac—not the good ship Potomac—but the old &rickety Ship Potomac, was here ready to receive the passengers of the Pacific steamer—and in a few hours we were all on board and away for New York[.] The voyage was without incident except that when we reach the gulf stream off the coast of Florida where I believe it is nearly always rough sailing on account of the prevailing wind running counter to the course of the gulf stream—the old Potomac rolled and tumbled and labored and groaned as if she had a bad attack of the Botts. The water in the hold would slosh from side to side as the vessel careened this way or that—and I was reminded of my experience in the war ship Zavalla, when off the coast of Yucatan in 1839. But we reach our destination in safety—and therefore I apologize to the dear old ship for any insinuation that may be infered as to her character and reputation, on this our last water voyage— The fare on both vessels was good the weather for the most part pleasant—fare from San Francisco to N Y—$250. Senator Gwyn of California—&Col Jack Hays &family—Jack Hays of Texas our Ranger Capt Jack Hays were Companions de voyage[.]....

Well we are in the great city of New York—took rooms at the St Nicholas....

The weather was cold and I saw but little of the city[.] Dont remember what I did see[.] It was a great big city then, it is a great big city now—it controles the wealth of the Nation and all the People of this great Country are but “hewers of wood and drawers of water” [for] the great Metropolis of the North.

A ride from N Y to Ky is not devoid of interest, albeit it is the dead of winter and [the] face of the earth covered with snow[.] to One unaccustomed to R. R. travel the breakneck speed of the cars and the eternal screaming and whistling of the Engine—the grinding of the breaks, and slowing up of the train every few minutes as if about to collide with another train or to jump into or over a stream or some imminent peril Kept your nerves at tension—and your anxiety at highest pitch—and with the halting and jerking of the Cars you are in as much danger of losing your seat, as if On the back of a Texas broncho[.] But there is some Compensation, the scenery is as changeable as a Kaleidoscope[.] Hills and Vales and Rivers and Mountains—Towns, Farm houses and stock in endless Variety all these passed and passed again in rapid succession, gives interest and zest to your ride and in some way smothers the fear you feel for your life[.]

We laid Over One day in Philadelphia[.] It was Sunday and a bright lovely day and every body was out to enjoy it. The population seemed chiefly females[.] In N Y—the streets were crowded mainly with men—here the women had the right of way and appeared to the greatest advantage. I thought I had never seen so many pretty women in my life. We had some fair specimens in Sacramento—but nothing in my imagination could equal the beauty of these Quaker girls—and while feasting upon their pretty faces my mind ran back to my friend the village blacksmith at French Camp, who entreated me to come with him to his home in Penna promising me the greatest honors and most delightful pleasures that society, friends and lovely girls could give. I have Often wondered if the half he told me could be true—but as I cannot vouch for him I will not quote him....

My stay in Ky this time was brief, and yet longer than any subsequent visit being as I remember about two months....

The Stedman paper mill was in full blast at that time—quite a village had grown up around the Mill....

And so after spending a pleasant visit of a few months at the old home—I again said Good Bye to the loved ones—and turned my steps for Texas—going by way of North Carolina to visit my sick Sister—Mrs Morgan who with her husband were sojourning in that state. The weather was intensely cold, deep snow on the ground—and the rivers frozen Over—but the iron horse ploughed its way along, crossed the Mountains to Washington city, thence to Baltimore—where leaving the cars I took passage on a Steamer, down the Chesapeek to Norfolk—crossed over to Portsmouth and thence by rail again to the little town of Murfreesborough N. C., my destination.

I found my sister Convalescing, but I remained with her two weeks—and then resumed my journey southward, passing through Atlanta Montgomery &Mobile to N. O. and thence by Steamer to Galveston[.] Once again on Texas soil, the very fact possessed me with a homelike feeling—here were the scenes of much of my Midshipman experience and the ties which severed me from loved Ones at Harrisburg in April 1849 were here reunited in the family of Genl Sherman—who had moved to Galveston and at this time was Keeping the Island city Hotel.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF SAN JACINTO.⁹⁰

JAMES WASHINGTON WINTERS.

I was born in Giles county, Tennessee, January 21, 1817. I came to Texas from Memphis, Tennessee, with my father and all his family. Mr. Bankhead and his family came with us. We came through Arkansas on the Trammell's Trace. In Arkansas Mr. Geo. Lamb, who was on horseback, joined us, and remained with us all the time, even after reaching Texas. Bankh