Vol. VI. JANUARY, 1903. No. 3.
The publication committee and the editor disclaim responsibility for views expressed by contributors to the Quarterly.
The Tampico expedition was an episode in the Texas revolution. Its success would almost certainly have changed the course of the war and, perhaps, averted the declaration of independence, but it has received scant attention from the historians, and its relation to the larger movement has never been shown. 1 Its origin and purpose can be better understood after a general survey of Mexican political conditions from 1833 to 1835.
In February, 1833, Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna and Valentin Gomez Farías, representing the liberal and progressive party, were elected, respectively, president and vice-president of Mexico. At the expiration of President Pedraza's term, March 31, 1833, Santa Anna was absent from the capital, and Vice-President Farías took charge of the government. Except for several brief intervals, Santa Anna remained in retirement until April, 1834, while Farías inaugurated a reform policy favored by the moderate branch of his party. But during his year of seclusion Santa Anna changed his opinions and became the leader of reaction. This drew to his support the clergy and the military, and on April 24, 1834, he finally assumed the executive power. A month later he dissolved the national congress and many of the State legislatures, dismissed his ministers, and ruled as dictator. A subservient congress was called in January, 1835, and began working toward the legitimation of the existing despotism. Vice-President Farías was first declared deposed; in March a decree ordered that the militia be reduced to one for every five hundred inhabitants and that the balance be disarmed; in May congress was declared competent to reform the constitution of 1824; and on October 3 a decree declared the establishment of a centralized government. These measures produced great excitement, and federalist insurrections broke out or were threatened in various parts of the country, while Zacatecas and Coahuila and Texas refused entire to accept the new system. But centralism was in the ascendant, and the insurrections were suppressed, Zacatecas was declared in rebellion and subdued with great harshness, and preparation was made for the subjugation of Texas. These successes of the dictator drove many of the liberals into exile, and among those who found a refuge in New Orleans were George Fisher and José Antonio Mexia, who determined to organize and lead from there an expedition in a final effort to restore the federal system.
Fisher reached New Orleans on October 9, 1835, 2 where he found sentiment already high in favor of the opposition which Texas was offering to Santa Anna. The moderate party had the upper hand in Texas at this time, and were determined to uphold the constitution of 1824, so that their cause was identical with that of the Mexican liberals. The leading Texas sympathizers and some of the exiled federalists had already been holding conferences, and when Fisher joined them it was decided to call a public mass meeting and make an appeal for volunteers and contributions in behalf of Texas. A meeting was accordingly held at Banks's Arcade on the evening of October 13. William Christy presided and James Ramage acted as secretary. The chairman explained the object of the meeting and appointed a committee to draft resolutions, and while this was in retirement requested Fisher to describe the political situation in Mexico and the measures which were being taken to subdue Texas and the federalists elsewhere. After speeches had also been made by Mr. Gustavus Schmidt, a New Orleans lawyer, and A. de O. Santangelo, editor of the Correo Atlantico, a liberal Mexican newspaper published in New Orleans, the committee reported seven resolutions which were unanimously adopted. 3 These expressed the warmest sympathy for the Texans and promised every assistance which the neutrality laws of the United States would permit; provided for the appointment of a committee of six—afterwards increased to eight—to correspond with the provisional government of Texas and to receive donations; and authorized the officers of the meeting to open a list immediately for the enrollment of such as would volunteer “for the aid of the Texians, in defense of their rights.” The power of the committee in the disposition of the funds that might be contributed was unrestricted, they were “authorized to receive such donations as may be given for the relief of our brethren in Texas, and to appropriate the same in such manner as, in the opinion of the majority of them, may be deemed most expedient for the interests of the noble cause in which they are engaged.” More than a thousand dollars was subscribed and a number of volunteers were enrolled before the meeting adjourned. 4
The committee did quick and effective work. Within a week seven thousand dollars had been raised, and two well equipped companies, aggregating a hundred and fifteen men, had been forwarded to Texas. Also—under the inspiration of Fisher and General Mexia, perhaps—it determined to assist in the equipment of a small force to attack Tampico, in the hope of stirring up in the eastern States an insurrection which would prevent Santa Anna from sending troops to Texas. On October 20, Messrs. Christy and Ramage, acting for the committee, wrote to inform the provisional government of the measures which had been taken for their relief, and stated that this expedition, numbering “about one hundred and fifty efficient emigrants” would sail in a week. 5 At the same time Fisher announced the plan to Austin. An answer from the Texans could not be expected before the expedition sailed, but their approval was assumed, and correctly, as the event showed. For the consultation on November 8, after a consideration of the report from New Orleans, tendered to the people of that city their “most grateful acknowledgements,” and assured them that “any who embark in our cause, in the army or navy, shall be liberally rewarded”; 6 while Austin, apropos of Fisher's letter, doubtless, wrote from Bexar on November 5, urging the convention to give the expedition every encouragement. He seemed, however, to favor a descent upon Matamoras rather than Tampico. “Nothing,” he declared, “will aid Texas so much as an expedition from N. Orleans against Matamoras under Gen'l Mexia. It is all important. I recommend that every possible effort be made to fit out such an expedition, if it has not already been done. . . . If Matamoras is attacked and revolutionized by Mexia, Bexar would fall as a matter of course, for all supplies of funds or Troops would be cut off; there is no way in which funds or men could be employed to so much advantage to Texas. . . . This enterprise merits the full attention of the convention, an express at any expense should be sent to the committee of N. Orleans urging this expedition. . . . Even a rumor of such a thing would keep troops from being sent to Texas.” 7
In the meantime, Mexia had been delayed in getting off, and on October 29 he wrote to Thomas F. McKinney, of Quintana, and enclosed a full account of his plan with the request that it be placed before “the Gentlemen Directors of public affairs in Texas.” He believed that he could best serve the cause which they were all supporting, he explained, by making an attack upon the coast of Mexico; at Tampico he had prepared for the co-operation of the resident liberals, and success was sure “unless some unforeseen circumstance should intervene;” but in that case he would be notified by his friends upon his arrival, and would then turn his force against Matamoras. Concerning the strength of the liberals in Mexico, he said, “You need not have the least doubt but that in the interior public sentiment is generally in our favor—and that the people are only waiting for an opportunity to throw off the yoke that the servile party have made so heavy on their necks. Daily I am receiving communications from the interior, and lately I have received from the Governor of Tamaulipas an invitation to join in a reaction against tyranny, in such terms that so soon as we shall present ourselves, we shall have a force sufficient for the triumph of liberal principles.” 8
The convention, it would seem, agreed with Austin and Mexia as to the desirability of creating such a diversion as this in Mexico. At least, a select committee of six, 9 reporting on Austin's recommendation on November 13, declare that they regard the subject as “important, and concur with the views of the commanding general, as to its certain effects of crippling the enemy and distracting his movements. Your committee, however, from documents now in their possession, have it in their power to inform this house, that a small force of one hundred and fifty men, commanded by General Mexia, armed and equipped at his own expense, has sailed from New Orleans for the port of Tampico or Matamoras, and that a descent from that quarter, from whatever source, in the opinion of your committee, will produce the consequences of annoying the enemy, . . . and prevent reinforcements being sent to Bexar. Should further operations, hereafter, seem expedient in aiding the enterprise of General Mexia, it enters into the duties of the governor and council of Texas.” 10
I have presented this correspondence and the attitude of Texas toward the expedition at length, because all of the historians have practically agreed in representing the affair as an enterprise for the personal aggrandizement of General Mexia, and have neglected entirely to show its bearing upon Texas. 11
On November 4, Christy and Ramage wrote to the provisional government and Fisher wrote to Austin again to say that the expedition would leave New Orleans on the 6th in the schooner “Mary Jane.” 12 Two commissioners had previously been sent to Tampico to notify the federalists there and to arrange for the safe landing of the expedition by gaining over the garrison that guarded the bar and the crew of the tug used to tow sailboats into harbor. No difficulty was anticipated in this direction, and, as haste was essential to the success of the enterprise, Mexia did not wait for a report from his commissioners. He arrived off the bar of Tampico November 14, and was considerably disconcerted when the pilot boat came alongside, about four o'clock in the afternoon, to find that the captain knew nothing of his plans. He was fortunate enough, however, to win the captain on the spot, but the failure of the commissioners here caused him to fear that they had been equally unsuccessful in the fort, and he decided to delay his landing until dark, in order to conceal from the soldiers the nature of his cargo. Through this resolution he came to grief. In the darkness, both the tug and the schooner ran aground on the bar, and, after vainly trying to get them off until two o'clock in the morning, the men were ordered to wade ashore. Here they found that the garrison had really been prepared for their coming and were ready to join them, but the loss of time occasioned by their shipwreck had made it impossible to reach Tampico during that night, so that the day which was to have seen Mexia in possession of the town found him established in the fort, drying his muskets and foraging for fresh ammunition.
All Mexia's ill luck may be traced to a combination of circumstances in Tampico which nobody could have foreseen. His commissioners had succeeded in winning over two officers of the troops stationed there, and they, in turn, began negotiations with the soldiers; but they had only gained part of these when an indiscretion of some of their civilian friends threatened to expose the plot, and forced them to a premature rising on the night of November 13. Unfortunately, a new company of the battalion of Tuxpan had just arrived, and with this and such of the other soldiers as remained faithful the commandant, Gregorio Gomez, was able to put down the riot and arrest the leaders. When news of this disaster reached a party of the liberals who were awaiting Mexia at the bar, they returned to town, in order that his expedition might not be suspected. 13
It was not until five o'clock in the afternoon of November 15 that Mexia—reinforced by thirty-five to fifty Mexicans 14—could get his troops in condition to take up the march on the city. Of the attack I shall allow him to tell the story:
“It was between 12 and 1 o'clock in the night when we entered the town. From six in the afternoon Commt. Gomez knew of our landing, and it also appeared he was informed by the English consul of our having taken up our line of march for the city. With this foreknowledge he was prepared with a force of about two hundred and fifty or three hundred men, with whom he fortified the terrace roofs of three houses and erected a battery in the Custom House, the principal point of his defence.
“As my ammunition was short, I ordered on no account should the enemy be fired at, but to approach them as near as possible and then charge with the bayonet as soon after the first discharge of cannon as practicable; by so doing I succeeded in gaining my object, as in two minutes we had dislodged the enemy and taken two pieces of cannon, obliging them to shut themselves up in the fortified houses, whence they fired on us. Disorder appearing among a part of our raw recruits, and the absolute want of cartridges to keep up the attack, it being necessary to keep up a strong fire to dispossess the fortified houses, all this united to the weariness of the troops arising from the shipwreck and the fatigues of the march, decided me to retreat after consulting with Capts. Allen and Lambert (the only Capts. who maintained their character as soldiers) whether they thought they could follow up the attack in the present state of the troops. We had 8 killed and as many more wounded, also 20 who had deserted the ranks and who dispersing themselves in the City in the commencement of the attack were taken prisoners. 15 Those who remained in the ranks at the time of the retreat reached their destination.” 16
At the bar again, Mexia took up his quarters in the fort, and was unmolested for ten days. He had already, during the preceding day's enforced delay, dispatched messengers to his friends in the interior, notifying them of his arrival, and he expected help soon from them. Time passed, however, and no assistance came. He began to fear that his dispatches had miscarried, but had no means of sending duplicates. At the same time conditions rapidly became critical in the fort. There was little ammunition and less food and no money to buy more, while the troops as a result of their hardships were becoming very discontented. Moreover, Gomez was organizing for resistance in Tampico and rousing the people against Mexia by declaring that his followers were Texans and bent upon the overthrow of the nation. 17 In the face of all these difficulties, it seemed “most prudent,” as Mexia expressed it, “to abandon his position and go to Texas; there to follow up the campaign against the tyranny of the military clergy.” Accordingly, he chartered the American schooner “Halcyon” for $2,000, and with what was left of his force, increased by the company of the Mexican artillery stationed in the fort, he embarked on November 28 for the mouth of the Brazos, where he arrived on December 3.
Of the thirty-one prisoners left in Tampico, three died of their wounds, and the rest were tried by court martial and shot on December 14, 1835. 18 Every effort was made to save them by the American residents in Tampico, and even by some of the prominent Mexicans. Ransoms were offered for all or a part of them, but to no avail; the authorities wanted to make an example of them to deter similar expeditions in the future. The decision of the court was read to the condemned men on Saturday morning, forty-eight hours before the time set for the execution, and during the interval they prepared “a dying statement” in which they re-asserted their innocence of “either participating or colleaguing with any person or party, having for its object the revolutionizing or disturbing in any manner the tranquillity of the government of Mexico.” They declared that they had embarked in New Orleans believing that they were to be landed in Texas and with the understanding that it was optional with them whether or not they should volunteer in her defense after they arrived. Many of them simply seized this opportunity to get a free passage to Texas. Six days out from New Orleans, the rumor spread that there was on board with his staff a Mexican general who was going to co-operate with the Texans; but when land was sighted two days later they were told that it was Mexico and that they were to attack Tampico. Some fifty of the men—thirty-five or them Creoles of New Orleans who had presumably known from the beginning the destination of the expedition—volunteered, but the rest held aloof. After the shipwreck, when they had dried their clothes in the fort, they were offered arms and ammunition, “and never having been soldiers before, some probably took them from curiosity, others from necessity, and others from compulsion;” none of the men were acquainted with each other, and before they could reach an understanding among themselves the officers huddled them together and began the march. “Having no other resource,” they conclude, “we were necessarily compelled . . . reluctantly to join the party, with a full determination not to act in concert with it, but submit ourselves as prisoners of war, . . . and without one single exception every individual of the undersigned from motives of conscience and oppression added to the shameful abduction or deception practiced on us, chose to throw ourselves on the clemency and mercy of the authorities.” 19
The purpose of this statement is obvious. On Sunday morning, through the kindness of the priest who attended the prisoners, it was transmitted to an American resident and by him translated and submitted, along with a petition for the pardon of the unfortunate men, to the commandant. 20 Considering the motive of the declaration, therefore, some allowance should be made for exaggeration. Exclusive of the thirteen officers of the general's staff and the fifteen men of the crew, the expedition numbered a hundred and thirty-three men, 21 and it is hardly credible that a bare one-fourth of these knew the true destination of the schooner. Almost without any previously concerted plan the hundred hoodwinked and indignant men could have seized the ship and returned to New Orleans, or, at least, could have refused to fight after going ashore. The sort of individual who could be induced to assault a garrisoned town through compulsion or curiosity to handle a gun would not make good military material, and neither Mexia nor the New Orleans committee would have dared to take such desperate chances. Some of them may have been deceived; 22 but prudence certainly demanded that the number should be few. As to their claim that enlistment was to be optional after they reached Texas, one may very reasonably ask, in view of the situation there, for what other purpose they would have been likely to go at that time.
Immediately upon his arrival at the mouth of the Brazos, General Mexia wrote to ex-Governor Viesca, stating briefly the failure of his attempt on Tampico, and asking that the governor of Texas meet him in Brazoria and confer with him in the arrangement of his future operations. He begged his friend to lose no time in taking the steps necessary to securing his request, “as,” he urged, “it is absolutely requisite that I should be informed of what I have to do.” 23 Four days later, having learned that Viesca was not acting as governor of Texas, General Mexia wrote a lengthy account of his expedition, from his embarkation in New Orleans to his arrival at Quintana, and forwarded this, with substantially the same requests that he made of Viesca, to Governor Smith. 24
In the meantime, matters were occurring in the general council decidedly to the advantage of Mexia. Captain Julian Miracle, just arrived from Mexico, conferred with some of the members of the council on December 5, and reported extensive preparations on the part of the liberals to co-operate with Texas, provided they could be assured that she was not fighting for independence. So many conflicting rumors on this subject had reached them that they were uncertain, and it was his mission to ascertain from Governors Viesca and Zavala the real intention of the Texans. Tamaulipas, Nuevo Leon, and Guadalajara were disaffected, he said, and the leading men of the first, especially, had an understanding with General Mexia, and would give the signal for revolt as soon as they learned the attitude of Texas. 25
At just this opportune moment the news reached the council of Mexia's situation at Quintana—doubtless through his letter to Viesca,—and without hesitation, on December 6, they passed a resolution for his relief. The contractor for the volunteer army, William Pettus, was instructed to make, in conjunction with Thomas F. McKinney, such provision for the general and his command as would “enable them to proceed into the interior, etc., with the object of carrying the war into the enemy's country.” And General Mexia was requested to “report his plan of operations through the said contractor in writing to the Provisional Government of Texas.” 26 At the same time a committee was appointed to frame an address to the Mexican federalists, explaining the purpose of Texas and asking their co-operation. It seems altogether likely that Pettus set out immediately to carry into effect the resolution for Mexia's relief; 27 but on December 9 Governor Smith vetoed the bill, with the explanation that he had no confidence in Mexia, and opposed, in fact, the policy of entrusting to Mexicans any matter whatever connected with the government. With better reason, he pointed out that the resolution authorized the equipment of Mexia before the council should be apprised of his plans, and that they had no guarantee from nor control over him; but it was passed over his veto, nevertheless, without alteration. 28
The next morning, however, a report reached the council that the enemy had large reinforcements on the march to Bexar, and another resolution was hastily passed, asking General Mexia to proceed thither and strengthen the Texans who were besieging the place. He was authorized to draw on the government “for any amount of money necessary in forwarding the objects of said resolution,” and a copy of the resolution was sent to him by special express,—James Power, a member of the council volunteering for that service. 29
Colonel Pettus, in the meantime, after doing what he could to fit out Mexia, had already advised him to repair to Bexar. The easiest route from Quintana was by sea to Copano and thence overland, but the men, while expressing their entire willingness to go, wanted to make the whole trip by land; so Pettus put them aboard the steamboat “Laura,” and started up the Brazos, with the intention, perhaps, of going by San Felipe to give Mexia an opportunity of explaining his plans to the general council. Whether Mexia himself expected to go on to Bexar is doubtful. On their arrival at Columbia—probably in the afternoon of the 12th,—Pettus heard that the Texans had begun the storming of Bexar and needed reinforcements. He decided, therefore, to hasten Mexia's force directly to their assistance, but found himself unable to get horses enough for the whole company. His report of what now happened is ambiguous, but it seems that on the 13th most of the Americans, unwilling to wait until transportation could be provided for the whole party, placed themselves under the command of Capt. John M. Allen, and pushed on, while those who were left determined to return to Quintana and proceed by the Copano route. There was no misunderstanding about the separation, and Mexia gave Allen a discharge “of the most flattering kind.” 30
It must have been about this time that Mr. Power arrived with the council's invitation of the 10th, for late in the night of the 15th he reported verbally to the council that he had waited on General Mexia and the latter had declined to co-operate with the volunteers at Bexar. 31 This refusal, however, should not be understood to indicate any pique or lack of interest on Mexia's part. Some of his men, as has been seen, were already on their way to Bexar, and the rest were soon to start with his best wishes; but he believed that his personal services could be more profitably employed elsewhere. Just what his plan was has not transpired, but he had already mounted his horse to accompany Colonel Pettus to San Felipe and lay it before the council when Austin, on his way to the United States, rode into Columbia in the afternoon of the 14th, and he turned back to talk matters over with him. Writing of this conversation, Austin said:
“He has shown me his correspondence with persons of the highest standing, especially a letter which he recd. a few days since by a confidential express from the interior.
“I have not time to write fully on this all important subject, nor will my health (exhausted as I am by the ride down) permit it. . . . I will, therefore, at present, merely say that the general good seems to require:
first.that Genl. Mexia should return with as little delay as possible to N. Orleans, where his presence is necessary for the furtherance of the plans and combinations that are made and maturing in the interior in favor of federalism, and Texas. These plans are very extensive and are calculated to cover and secure Texas effectually, provided we adhere strictly, in words, acts, and deeds to the declaration of the consultation of 7th November last.
2d.That as a part of his troops marched yesterday, Cap. Allen's company, for Bexar, the balance should proceed to Copano by water, for which purpose they have gone to Velasco, and should take the two long brass sixes and two iron ones, and the arms and shot, which will be useful in the siege of Bexar, or in other operations in that quarter.
3d.That as he spent 18,000 in this expedition and places the cannon (the two brass ones cost $400 each) and shot, of which there is a good supply, at the disposition of the provisional govt. of Texas, to be used in defence of the common cause, at least one thousand dollars should be furnished him to meet his present exigencies, for he is without a dollar.
“He requests me to say that whether he goes to Orleans, or wherever he may be, he wishes to be considered a citizen of Texas. . . .
“I will add I have full confidence in the good faith and sincerity of Genl. Mexia in his efforts and desires to serve the cause of Texas.”
Austin promised to write full details of the plan from Velasco; and Mexia, then, giving up his trip to San Felipe, decided to return to Quintana and make arrangement for forwarding his men to Copano. 32
Before leaving Columbia, however, on the 15th, he wrote three letters—to his friend Viesca, to Lieutenant-Governor James W. Robinson, president of the general council, and to Governor Smith. In each he said about the same thing: his sole motive in coming to Texas was to aid the federal cause, and with this object all the men under his command who had not already done so would proceed immediately to Bexar, in accordance with the council's invitation of the 10th. He himself had not as yet decided whether to accompany them or return to New Orleans. 33 In Robinson's letter he enclosed a proclamation to the Mexican soldiers under Cos, urging them to join the federal party; and he asked that his men be supplied with printed copies of this to carry with them to Bexar. 34
With matters in this condition, Mr. Power, on the 17th, for some unknown reason made to the council a second report of his mission to General Mexia, supplementing his verbal report of two days before. He said: “I have called on General Mexia at Columbia. He has declined to go to Bexar to join with our people. His object is to go to Copano to join with the two hundred Mexicans who are at Palo Blanco; and thence to take Matamoras, if possible. Mr. Fisher, who is acting Secretary to the General, stated to me that the General could not place his military character at stake by accepting a command under the Provisional Government of Texas, as Mr. Viesca is not Governor.” 35 Quite naturally the council did not relish this—all the less, perhaps, because they knew that Bexar had capitulated and the need of reinforcements was not now so pressing. They authorized their president, therefore, in secret session, to instruct Thomas F. McKinney to seize all the cannon, arms, and ammunition, which Mexia had brought to Velasco, and to hold them as security for the money and supplies advanced to him by the government. The general was to be treated “kindly and politely,” but must receive no further advances from government stores. 36 A little later, during the evening session, a new face was put on the matter by the receipt of Colonel Pettus's report, and Austin's letter of the 14th, but the express to McKinney had already departed, so they were referred to a select committee and action upon them was deferred for nearly a week. On the 23rd, however, the committee reported, “that on examining all the papers and documents concerning the plans of co-operating with . . . the people of Texas, from General Mexia and others, Mexican Liberals, they would advise that the order . . . to Thomas F. McKinney, of the seventeenth instant, be countermanded, as your committee can find no reason for declining the aid of General Mexia; . . . and advise that the advances . . . made by the Government agents be respected.” This report was adopted and a copy dispatched forthwith to McKinney; 37 but fortunately Mexia had already relieved him of his unpleasant task by surrendering, the day before the first order arrived, all the property in his possession. 38 He had become convinced that his services were no longer either “desired or necessary” in Texas and had decided to return to New Orleans. 39
Thus ended, in its relation to Texas, the Tampico expedition. Succeeding, it would have concentrated federalist opposition in the eastern States, would have diverted Santa Anna's attention from Texas, and eventually, no doubt, after the capitulation of Cos, would have drawn Texas into active co-operation with the liberals; the dictator might have been overthrown on his own soil, the “republican principles” of the constitution of 1824 preserved, and the Texas declaration of independence obviated thereby. But failing, the press of events and the dissensions in the government prevented the Texans—though its potential advantages were clearly realized—from helping Mexia in a second venture. One cannot but feel that Mexia personally was treated by the Texans with little consideration. Those who knew him best, Austin and McKinney, were confident of his integrity and sincere patriotism; yet the governor ignored, and private citizens insulted him. 40
After Mexia's return to New Orleans the United States grand jury, on May 16, 1836, found an indictment against him for filibustering, but the records do not show that the case ever came to trial. In 1839, still trying to establish republicanism, he was captured by Bustemante and shot. In the same year, George Fisher presented to the fifth congress a memorial, asking that the survivors of the Tampico expedition be placed upon the same footing as regular volunteers in the Texan army and be awarded bounty lands. But the committee to whom the petition was referred reported that while they were well satisfied that his prayer was “not without merit,” they thought it would be inexpedient to take further action upon it at that time.
In 1746 José de Escandon, an officer of the Querétaro militia, who had already shown great ability by reducing a large portion of the Sierra Gorda region, was commisioned by the viceroy of Mexico to pacify and settle the Gulf coast country. The district put under his control, extending from the Pánuco River to Texas, and “sixty or eighty” leagues west from the coast, was called la Colonia del Nuevo Santander. During the conquest, accomplished in two expeditions, and occupying the years 1748-55, more than twenty towns were established by Spanish and converted Indian families, who joined the expeditions. One of these settlements was Dolores, on the north side of the Rio Grande. Of this place, Laredo, founded ten leagues farther up the river, was an offshoot, as the accompanying documents show. Dolores was subsequently abandoned, and Laredo remained the only permanent Spanish settlement on the north side of the lower Rio Grande. 41
The documents here translated set forth the circumstances of the beginnings of Laredo and show the progress the settlement made during the first two years of its existence. They were copied from the manuscript originals in the Archivo General de Mexico. Volumes 53, 54, 55 and 56 of the History Section of this collection comprise the results of an Inspección of the colony of Neuvo Santander, made in 1757, by Captain Tienda de Cuervo, Jues Inspector of the Mexican Gulf, assisted by Agustín Lopez de la Cámara Alta, both acting under commission from the viceroy, the Marques de las Amarillas. 42
The material included in these reports relative to Laredo, founded two years before the Inspección, is given here in full, except that duplicated evidence is given but once. Cuervo's report, though based upon the depositions following, is given first because it contains the fullest information concerning the steps leading up to the foundation of the town.
In the translation, the manuscript has been followed in the spelling of proper names, and in capitalization, except where proper names were written without capitals. All words enclosed in brackets were supplied by the translator.
TOWN OF LAREDO.
This little settlement was formed on the 15th of May, 1755. 44 It was located on the north banks of the large river of this name [Rio Grande del Norte] in a dry, level country. Its temperature is Hot in summer and cold in Winter, and its inhabitants say that it is healthy.
Its foundation sprang from the circumstances that, the present Captain, Dn. Thomas Sanchez, finding himself placed with his Goods and Stock on the other bank 45 of the River, opposite the Hacienda de Dolores, went, in the year [1]754, 46 to see Dn. Joseph de Escandon, whom he found in Revilla, 47 to Urge that he might be permitted to found a Settlement in this region North of the River, offering to lead out families for that purpose at his own expense, provided that sufficient lands for Stock should be assigned to them—a Proposition that was readily accepted by Dn. Joseph de Escandon. But, as the latter desired to settle el Rio de las Nueces, 48 he encouraged the said Dn. Thomas to go and learn about those districts, to see if it was possible to establish a settlement there. With the results he was to go to Dn. Joseph Vasqz. Borrego, whom he would charge with the measures which might be necessary, in order that assistance might be near at hand.
The said Captain Sanchez went, with this object, to see the lands on said Rio de las Nueces. Not finding there any opportunity to settle, he reported what he had seen to Borrego, acquainting him with the reasons why it was impossible to locate families there, and at the same time showed him the ease with which he could settle them at ten leagues from Hacienda de Dolores, up the River, and at two [leagues] distance from a passable ford Called Jacinto.
Said Borrego reported all to Dn. Joseph de Escandon, 49 and the latter, being informed, agreed that Dn. Thomas might settle, where he had proposed, a Town by the name of Laredo; allotted fifteen leagues of Cattle pasture land for the Inhabitants; and conferred the title of Captain of the town upon he same Dn. Thomas. The latter, to carry out his scheme, took his family, with others, to the proposed place, and there made suitable huts for their dwellings. He has assisted them, now continues assisting them, and still is desirous to take others there.
Those [families] that I found in the inspeccion which I made were eleven in all, with four single men, as is shown by Notebook 19 (folios 12 to 13) of the review that I made, in which may be seen, likewise, the goods with which this establishment was begun. As the other facts regarding it appear minutely in the Depositions, I refrain from troubling Your Excellency with the Relation of them, and from setting forth others than those from which, according to the judgement I have formed, I conclude that the advantages and the growth which this Settlement may have must be based upon the breeding of stock, inasmuch as it is a country as well adapted to that purpose as any in the whole Colony; but so far as crops are concerned, I am of the opinion that they promise little benefit. The public advantage in this settlement is its being the usual crossing for the Province of Texas and its Presidios, from Neuvo Rno. de Leon and the Province of Coaguila, whose frontiers are seven leagues distant in the place called Carrizo Prieto, this Settlement [Laredo] being the last in the Colony toward the North, situated (as I was able to ascertain) in twenty-six and one-half degrees of Latitude. Its newness does not admit of sufficient knowledge to establish with certainty a notion of the advantages it may afford; but from its having occasioned no expense to the Royal Hacienda and its occasioning none now, it appears to me it will be expedient that it continue until the results which it brings forth and the increase of which it is capable are better known.
The inhabitants settled [there] desire a Priest, which they lack, to aid them, and since their limited means do not suffice for his maintenance, they ask that this Spiritual benefit be supplied them by the King. I present the matter to Your Excellency for the measure to which your piety inclines you. If due consideration of the burden upon the Rl. Hacienda should be considered, I believe a priest might be found who would take charge of the administration of this town and of the Hacienda de Dolores, with the remuneration of the first fruits and obventions which one and another would pay him, since both are burdened with having to repair to the minister of Revilla for the viaticum, burials, Baptisms, and the annual communion, and with paying for his services with tithes.
The permanent boundary of the Lands of the vicinity will have to be established, and a formal distribution made of them to the settlers; 50 and as they complain that the people of Revilla have been Extending along the other bank of the River, as far as opposite this Settlement, it will also be necessaray to arrange those boundaries so as to Avoid all question.
The River of this Settlement abounds in Fish, especially in very large Perch. Its forests lack suitable timber for Building, but it abounds in stone and materials for walls. Its land abounds in game of all kinds, and its climate is hot and dry.
Order. 54
In the Town of Laredo, on the twenty-second day of the month of July, Seventeen hundred fifty-seven, Sor. Dn. Joseph Tienda de Cuervo, Knight of the order of Santiago, Captain of Dragoons of the new city of Veracruz, and Jues Inspector of the Gulf of Mexico, for the most excellent Viceroy, Marques de las Amarillas. Having arrived at this place on the above date at nine in the morning, having learned that its location is across the Rrio Grande, on the North side, and that its population is very small, and being desirous to set about the examination and report of its condition, he ordered that its Captain, Dn. Thomas Sanchez, be notified, so that he might summon and prepare the Settlers and inhabitants, in order that, tomorrow, the twenty-Third instant, he may present them for passing review in front of the hut (Jacal), in the presence of the said Sor. Tienda de Cuervo,, and that in the interim be taken such Depositions as may be considered suitable for arriving at the most Exact Knowledge of its condition, taking that of the said Captain, and those of such other persons as may be expedient for the said inquiry, by means of those questions which apply to the affairs of this little settlement, comfortable with the Articles of insruction, avoiding all its [sic] prolixity (considering that this Settlement does not have the same elements as others, whereby it may be examined by the same method), and thus permitting the saving of time and expense which the delay would cause. For the fulfillment of all the foregoing, thus he decreed, ordered, and signed with his assisting witnesses.
Joseph Tienda de Cuervo. Roque Fernandez Marcial. Franco. Joseph de Haro.
Procedure. 55
On the said day, the twenty-second of July, seventeen hundred fifty-seven, Captain Dn. Thomas Sanchez, who is captain of this settlement of Laredo, was notified that he should prepare its inhabitants for tomorrow, the twenty-third instant, at nine o'clock, according to, and in the manner that the foregoing Order commands. And in order to establish the fact it is recorded as a judicial proceeding.
Tienda de Cuervo. Roque Fernandez Marcial. Franco. Joseph de Haro.
Deposition of Dn. Thomas Schez [Sanchez]. 56
In the town of Laredo, on the twenty second day of the month of July, seventeen hundred fifty-seven, executing his orders, said Sor. Dn. Thomas Tienda de Cuervo caused to appear before him Dn. Thomas Sanchez, Captain of this Settlement, and its first settler, of whom he took oath before God and on a cross that he would speak the truth with regard to whatever he might be asked.
Having done and promised as he was required, he was asked, how many years ago this settlement was established, with whose permission, of how many inhabitants it was composed at its beginning, and who it was that founded it or promoted its foundation. He said:
That in the year of fifty-five, in the month of May, the Deponent made the first settlement in this place, bringing with him three other families, 57 who settled at the same time, coming from Dolores for this purpose; that Colonel Escandon gave permission to the deponent and the others to come to settle in this place, through Dn. Joseph Borrego, Captain and Owner of the Hacienda de Dolores 58; that he who founded this settlement was the deponent himself, who bore the expense, 59 and brought over the first families, as well as those which since have come; and that in all there are ten families and some others, single men; and that up to the present he has aided them and is still aiding them in all that is necessary for their maintenance. And thus he answers.
Being asked if this place was on a highway, or was discovered, or if in it there was any rancho, or other beginning of a settlement, he said:
That this place was on a highway and was discovered some nine years before the deponent formed said settlement; that its crossing was discovered by one named Jacinto de Leon; 60 whence has clung to it the name of el Paso de Jacinto; that it is up stream from this settlement something like a quarter of a league, and continues passable up to the present; and that there was no rancho in this vicinity, nor any thing else. And thus he answers.
Being asked under what circumstances the deponent and the other inhabitants settled in this place, he said:
The circumstances under which this settlement was established was [sic] the agreement and Contract which the deponent made with Colonel Escandon in the settlement of Revilla where he communicated with him 61 to this effect, in the year fifty-four, and was granted permission to settle in this part of the North. But especially was he [Escandon] desirous of peopling el Rio de las Nueces, whither he [Sanchez] went, and explored it on one side and the other, but was not able to find a suitable place in which to settle. Having returned, he planned to settle in this present location, some time passing before some families came to him and begged him to interest himself in settling them, with which motive he returned to appeal to said Colonel, through said Captain Dn. Joseph Borrego, who facilitated all the steps necessary for this purpose. Thus they came to the knowledge that he would allow them the free use of these lands, with the promise that he would give them in ownership, without indicating the number [of families]. And thus he answers.
Being asked what this place was called, and with what motive it has been given the name of Laredo, which it now bears, he said:
That the name which this place had was el Paso de Jacinto, 62 and that for naming it Laredo they had no other motive than Colonel Escandon's naming it thus in the deed which he has given to the deponent, the Captain, and in the other letters and orders which he has sent him. 63 And thus he answers.
Being asked what advantages this district offers for the maintenance of this settlement, and if it in any way promotes the frontier Provinces, he said:
That the advantages which this district offers to its inhabitants is [sic] the breeding and the keeping of sheep, goats, and cattle—indeed it is extremely well fitted for this purpose because of its good pastures, and they multiply rapidly; that although they have very good lands for cultivation, yet, as they are exposed to weather conditions, and these, in seasons, very contrary, because of the great drouths which are experienced between rains, it happens, that, rain coming early, the crops are put in fine condition, and afterwards the rains are so far apart that all the crops wither and dry up; and that for the frontier Provinces it offers, indeed, a crossing so free, and easy, and useful for its business that there is nothing more to desire. 64 And thus he answers.
Being asked what boundary is designated for them, how many leagues it includes, and what crops they have sown, he said:
That this settlement has no designated boundary, nor is any formality observed in this matter, nor in any other, because up to now Colonel Escandon has not come to it, nor sent any instructions, and thus they are using the land, as far as they can spread themselves out, 65 under the good faith of the permission which was given them to come here; that, as to crops, up to this years they have not begun to make any; but finding themselves at present with seven or eight almudes sown and up 66 they appear in such deplorable state, through lack of Water, that they do not hope for any harvest. And thus he answers.
Being asked if he believes that this Settlement—as well the inhabitants which it now has, as those by which it might be increased—could subsist and maintain itself solely by the Stock which it raised, he said:
That, if lands should be given them sufficient to extend the breeding of their Stock, he is certain they could maintain themselves, because of the great amount of traffic which they have in them, some selling them here, and others taking them to other parts. And thus he answers.
Being asked who administered the sacraments to these inhabitants, and if they are any Indians agregados 67, or any hopes of being able to get them, he said:
That he who administered the sacraments is the Missionary Father of the Settlement of Revilla, distant from this settlement twenty-two leagues, whom they bring in Emergencies and for the fulfillment of the annual communion. They defray his expenses—indeed, on the last occasion, which was in the past month, they gave him thirty pesos in goods produced by the inhabitants—and, besides, they pay him the first fruits. There are not, and have not been, any Indians agregados, nor any hopes of having them, because of no provision having been made for that purpose. And thus he answers.
Being asked what nations of Indians are the nearest to this settlement, what might be their number, at what distance they are, and if they cause any trouble, he said:
That the names of the nearest Barbarian Indians are such that they can not be understood; 68 that they are situated some thirty or forty leagues from this settlement; that although some of the Apaches are accustomed to approach this neighborhood, yet they keep the Peace; and that neither from one nor another have they suffered harm since coming here. And thus he answers.
Being asked if any subsidy has been given for the support of these inhabitants, or under pretence of maintaining Indians, he said, That no subsidy has been given here, neither for the inhabitants nor for Indians, because the deponent has relieved the necessities that have occurred with his own means. And thus he answers.
Being asked whether there is any payment made by His Majesty in this settlement, or any other charge on the account of the Royal Hacienda, he said, That there is no payment made here on the account of His Majesty, nor up to now has His Royal Hacienda borne any charge in this settlement. And thus he answers.
Being asked what the river is called which flows by this town, where it rises, where it empties, and if they hope to be able to have an irrigating Canal from it, or if they might have one from any springs, he said:
That the river is called el Grande del Norte; that he does not know where it rises, but that it empties into the Sea; and that he has no hopes that an irrigating Canal can be constructed from it, 69 nor has this settlement springs through which this Benefit can be secured. And thus he answers.
Being asked what crossing the river affords near this settlement where a canoe can be put for the most convenient passage, and if putting one there is thought of, he said:
That in front of this town is a crossing suitable for placing a canoe and for gaining the convenience of a passage; and that the Deponent is intending to place one there at His own cost 70; and that meanwhile they cross and ford the river in the place which they call Miguel de la Garza, distant from this settlement three leagues. This ford is convenient, since sheep and goats cross by it. And thus he answers.
Being asked if he knows of any Mines in these parts, he said, That he does not know of any. And thus he answers.
Being asked what are the provinces adjoining this colony, and which of their settlements are the nearest, he said:
That they are [1] Tejas; that of this, the nearest settlement is the Presidio which they call Sta. Dorotea, distant from this colony some fifty leagues, more or less. The Settlement and presidio of Sn. Antonio de Vejar of the same Province, is some fifteen leagues farther; [2] That of the province of Coaguila the presidio named Rio Grande del Norte, with the appellation of San Juan Baptista, is distant from the frontier of this colony some twenty-five leagues; and [3] that of Nueva Rno. de Leon the settlements on the frontier of this colony are la Punta, some thirty leagues from the boundary, and Sabinas, about another thirty, or a little more. 71
And that which he has said he declares to be the truth, by the Oath which he took, and he affirms and ratifies it; and he signed it and said it was the truth that he was forty-eight years old. Said Sor. Tienda de Cuervo signed it with the Assisting witnesses.
Joseph Tienda de Cuervo. tomas Sanchez 72 Roque Fernando Marcial. Franco. Joseph de Haro.
Review. 73
In the said town of Laredo, on the twenty-third day of July, seventeen hundred fifty seven, said Sr. Dn. Joseph Tiendo de Cuervo, pursuing his best information as to the survey and report of this settlement, executed the review of its population as he was ordered, and with that purpose, its inhabitants having presented themselves with their Arms before the Jacal where he was staying, he performed this act, examining said Arms, and asking those questions which were considered suitable. All was executed in the following form:
Order.
As appears from this review, this population is composed of eleven families, comprising eighty-five persons, having in their possession 74 seven hundred twelve Breeding horses, one Hundred Hundred twenty-five Mules, two Yokes, nine thousand eighty Head of sheep and goats, one Hundred one Head of Cattle, fifteen She-asses, sixteen He-asses and one hundred sixty two Horses for Service.
All the aforesaid being established in this review, the said Sor. Tienda de Cuervo ordered that it be caused to appear in these proceedings, in the terms stated, to show the facts to which they correspond. And he signed it with his assisting witnesses.
Joseph Tienda de Cuervo. Roque Fernandez Marcial. Franco. Joseph de Haro.
Order 75
In the said town, on the twenty third day of the month of July, Seventeen hundred Fifty seven, Sr. Dn. Joseph Tienda de Cuervo, having seen executed in this settlement the proceedings relative to the examination of its condition, according to his orders, and so far as the smallness of the settlement permits; considering them sufficient for his report; having seen, and informed himself of other matters suitable; being desirous not to delay other things which he ought to do for completion of his commission as quickly as possible; and in order to avoid the expense to the Rl. Hacienda which delay might cause, ordered that everything done in this settlement be put into a separate notebook for its better comprehension.
Thus he decreed, and signed with his Assisting witnesses.
Joseph Tienda de Cuervo. Roque Fernandez Marcial. Franco Joseph de Haro.
Procedure. 76
In the said town, on the said day, month, and year, all done in and relating to this settlement was collected and put in this notebook according to order; and in order that it may appear it is recorded as a judicial proceeding.
Tiendo de Cuervo. Roque Fernandez Marcial. Franco. Joseph de Haro.
It it situated on the margin of the Rio Grande, or Bravo, on the North Bank, in a plain two leagues in extent, reaching to the Hills of Sta. Barbara, which meet it, with two small Arroyos, of which the upper, to the southwest, is called Arroyo de Lomas Altos, and that on the east Side, Arroyo de Charcon.....
This settlement is important, and it is expedient that it increase in size, for the sake of the Crossing from the interior Provinces of Texas.
The population pays attention to nothing except breeding Stock, which is very profitable to it, and to gathering salt from some salt lakes which are 40 leagues [distant] in the direction of el Rio de las Nuezes, in its lower course.
Roads lead out for the Presido of Sn. Antonio de Begar, and in the other direction to the Capital of Coaguila, which is Santiago de la Monclova, distant 50 leagues. Rancho de Dolores is distant 10 leagues, Revilla 22 leagues. To el Paso del Nuevo Reyno de Leon, it is about 30 leagues; to the line of division called Carrizo Prieto, where it separates Nuevo Reyno, Coaguila and Colonia, 5 leagues. From this village [Laredo] to the Presidio of Sta. Dorotea, Called by the other name of la Bahia del Espiritu Sto. (which is distant 14 leagues from the sea), it is 60 leagues: to la Vezerra, 5; to el Pato, 5; from here to Salado, 4; to la Caxeta, 4; to Sn. Joseph, 6; to el Mesquite, 6; to el Paso del Rio de las Nuezes, 6—which makes thirty-six leagues from el Rio del Norte to el Rio de las Nuezes—by the road to Agua Dulce, 8; Arroyo de las Mugeres, 8; Santa Dorotea, [or] Presidio de la Bahia del Espiritu Sto., 8; which makes the 60 leagues. 78
El Rio de las Nuezes, which is distant about 20 leagues at its nearest point, rises in the Province of Coaguila at 100 [leagues] distance from la Colonia, in a Valley which some small mountains, called Nueces, form—whence it takes its name—and flows from the North West to the Eeast. In dry times it becomes small and stands in large pools. It empties into the sea. Between la Bahia del Espiritu Santo and the Rio Grande there extends into the Sea a Head-land of Sand, which forms a sort of Harbor, and which they have named San Miguel. But it is of no use by reason of its not having bottom nor being safe, like la Bahia del Espiritu Sto., for both are sandy beaches, extensive and unprotected, presenting no advantages, and very unhealthy. In consequence they can not be populated, as is true of all the country between the Rio Grande and the Nueces, which is wooded, low, with little Water, and that which there is, unhealthy. According to reports of those who have investigated, in some parts of this Country (where I did not go, considering it useless) they have been four days journeying without finding Water, and the horses which have carried them have died.
In the last days of Feby 1856 I left Galveston for West Texas and reached Seguin on the Guadeloupe River March 5th—traveled by rail from Hamburg to Alleyton on the Colorado and from that point to Seguin by stage. It was a wet spring in Texas and the Roads as a consequence were in a frightful condition—Those who have traveled by stage, from San Antonio to Houston in the winter season will understand the discomforts of the ride I had just made—I took quarters at the Magnolia Hotel—and finding the surroundings so agreeable, I made that place my headquarters, while prospecting the Country for a stock ranch.
Here I may as well state, if I have not already done so—that I left Cala with the intention of going into a stock Ranch business in West Texas in Connection with A C Hunter and it was to carry into execution this purpose that I was now seeking a location—Well the first step I took was the purchase of a saddle Horse—a grey poney from the blue grass hills of Ky—owned by John Ireland—Gen. Ireland later on—
Well I rode from the Mountains to the Coast—and from the Colorado River to 20 Miles west of the Nueces River—Sometimes alone but generly with parties who had land to sell—Mr Sol Johnson of Lockhart, a friend and companion on my overland trip to Cala and while in the diggings—took me on an extensive trip on the upper Guadeloupe San Marcos and Blanco Rivers—and Mr Chas Stewart of Seguin accompanied me mostly on my excursions to the south and west—Of course I saw many beautiful and valuable places and great areas of country, that were suitable for the purpose I had in view—and that were offered at reasonable rates, but I had not yet found the tract of land and the conditions that my exacting fancy had pictured until I reached the Nueces River—When on the West bank of said stream about 45 miles above Corpus Christi—I found the place and the only place that answered my expectations—The tract contained ⅓ of a league, had 2 miles front on the River—about 400 acres valley land and the remainder prairie, with here and there a few mesquite trees and all covered with mesquite grass[.] I bought this tract for $2 per acre about double the price of other lands in that section—but the others I did not want at any price and this I could not buy for less—
So having found the Ranch—the next step was to stock it—
I had spent about 6 months in prospecting, had obtained a pretty good knowledge of the country and made many acquaintances—indeed I found friends in all directions—and in a social way I found Seguin very pleasant— At the time I write all that part of West Texas was in the heyday of prosperity—previous to 1856 there had been a series of good seasons—and the immense crops made along the San Marcos Guadeloupe &San Antonio Rivers had attraced a large emmigration to that section—and among them many wealthy and well to do farmers and planters from the various Southern States— These last brought their negroes, mules, carriages, and generally farming implements—forming at the time I first visited Seguin a state of society if not Aristocratic at least highly respectable and refined and cultivated and as pretentious as the most select of older settled countries— Quite a number of these families had come from Kentucky notably—the Georges, Ficklin, Reed Carpenter, Wilcox, Win &others—Some from Virginia and others from Miss. Alabama &S. Carolina— Land was worth all the way from eight to $20—and as the status of a place and the condition of a people is generally judged by the show they make—to have visited one of the Churches of Seguin on a bright Sunny Sabbath and witnessed the number of fine family Carriages drawn by beautiful match mules or fine blooded Horses and presided over by a darkey in livery—or at least in his best Sunday clothes—which though usually second hand were noticeable as having decended from a gentleman of the house— Times were good money was plentiful and the people were happy— Such was Seguin and its surroundings when I first Knew the place—there was great sociability among the people—and entertainments and amusements frequent &enjoyable.
In Oct I purchased 650 head of cattle from Nations &Cavitt, near Gonzales—paid $6 per head—about the same time bought 3 negroes—then a wagon and an outfit for camping went down and received the cattle and drove them to the Nueces—arriving at the Ranch about the 1st of Nov 1856—
My immediate neighbors were Belden &Gilpins Ranch about 3 miles down the River and a Mexican family—Patrucio Ramirez, living on the Lagarto creek about a mile above Capt John J Dix on the Ramirena 79 creek about 3 miles away—and J M Grover across the River about the same distance Geo W Wright 6 miles up the river and Don Juan Vela 5 miles up the river— These people are all dead now save one (Capt Dix) but I am indebted to all of them for friendship and help and many acts of kindness—
I want to offer a tribute to the Mexicans— Contrary to the Opinion of the world in general, so far as my Knowledge of their character goes—I think they are a much abused people, and I think my association with them, and my observation and experience in social life and on business relations, enables me to form a very correct estimate of these aztec people—I lived among them, worked with them, employed them, neighbored with them traded with them and visited their houses—and every where and at all times, recd the highest consideration and most disinterested friendship[.] As a rule they are generous faithful to their obligations—industrious as industry goes in this Southern clime—grateful always for favours, &appreciative of confidence in their integrity and naturally gifted in the school of politness—
In drawing this picture I have had in mind my two neighbors—Patricio Ramarez and Juan Arocha—and many, very many remembered names besides that in the years of my Ranche life, were companions in camp life on the prairies—as employers on the Ranche or simply Besinos—and for all these I record my good opinion and Kindliest regard—
This was before the day of pasture fences—the range was common property—true I had bought a large tract of land, but then I was green from the States—the stock men of the Nueces at that time were a few persons who had come out of the Mexican war pretty full handed and had secured large tracts of land and established Ranches—and a larger number from the Guadeloupe &other Rivers East—who had simply moved further west with their stock and set down at any convenient and accessable place in other words moved out to grass—but none of these had come previous to my arrival on the ranch. I had employed men to drive the herd out—and we reached the future Rancho Colimal about sundown and turned the cattle loose in the bottom pitched our camp in the Valley close to the River—the spot and so far as I could see all the region round was in Virgin apparel, not a track was to be seen, the grass was luxuriant the trees still covered with their summer foliage—and the long green moss that swayed in the evening breeze—a pretty camp but solemn in its lonesomeness— Supper over we lay down to rest and to sleep—perhaps to dream, for those nightly visitors like good angles often come to chat with the weary thoughts of tired nature, and whisper courage to the desponding soul—but not yet, let us listen to the song of the woods—the birds and the Beasts are giving us a serrenade the Owls have geathered from far and near—Hoot Hoot—who are you, they seem to say—the answer comes from a score of coyotes entering upon their nightly carousals—laughing—crying yelping and howling and all so blended and musical, so wierd, wild &exciting that ones nerves seem to tighten up and you listen for the approach of the serranaders.
Such sounds coming in the otherwise stillness of the night—in the wild and unfrequented region I had located in—disturbed the serenity of at least one of the party that night— A young man that I had hired to remain with me a month or two—had quite changed his mind during the night—and when morning came and at the hour between daylight &sunrise there burst upon our ears the sound of many voices in the valley, yelling and screaming like so many Indians and the cattle rushing out of the brush and scampering away to the hills—and then the horsemen not fewer than a dozen of them came charging after the cattle and on past the camp without so much as a morning salutation—or to say if they were Mexicans, Indians or spirits from the infernal regions all came upon us so sudden and unexpected—that my young man said he had seen enough and no inducement that I could offer and no consideration for my situation would prevail upon him to remain—said he had had enough of frontier experience on that that trip to do him the balance of his life—
The visitors of the morning were the vacaroes from the — 80 of Beldins Ranch and had gone in the valley before day to run out what cattle of the Ranch may have strayed into this Bend of the river—not knowing that I had turned my heard loose in the valley the over night— Of course I followed after them as soon as I could saddle my horse, and found the cattle rounded up on the hill and the Caporal Juan Arocha apologized for disturbing my cattle—made a proffer of assistance at any time that I needed help and ever after proved himself an obliging neighbor[.]
Now, at last after months of anxious preperation I had entered upon Camp life—I had to build a house and so went into the woods and cut &hewed the timbers for the sills and sleepers and bought lumber in Corpus Christi to put up the house—built it California fashion size 18×22 feet with shed room on one side— I had decided to build on the hill but had not located the spot until the day came to begin work— It was a cold day a stiff norther blowing—and this decided the selection—a small mott of chapparall bushes afforded protection from the wind—and on the lee side of that mott I pitched my tent or logs and blocks, and there erected my castle—which stands to day a monument to my to my labor and dexterity in housebuilding—
My household consisted of the 3 negroes—(a woman &little girl and a boy about 14 years of age) and one hired hand—
Ranch life suited me— I loved the novelty of the business and the excitement of attending it[.] Game was abundant—and I indulged my love of hunting—to the fullest extent— The River and the creeks abounded in fish—and Mustangs and wild cattle were plentiful in the range 20 miles back from the river—wolves, wild cats, Panthers Leopard Cats—and Leopards, were all common to that section for several years after I settled there—but the rotine duties of the Ranch enlisted my greatest interest and pleasure.
My cattle ranged from the river back up the Lagarto creek about 5 miles—Dix had a few cattle above me—Beldins cattle ranged below and back to the Aguedulce[.] I managed my stock after the Mexican plan— Once a week or oftener we would make a Rodeo or round up of the cattle— The plan is to have one herding ground on the Ranche—the cattle soon learn to run together at that place when they see the Vaceroes on the wing—and when those on the outskirts of the range are started, the movement becomes general, and [no] prettier or more interesting sight can be imagined than a Rodeo in full progress— every cow catches the alarm and starts off at a brisk trot headed for the herding ground and by no circuitus route, but across hills and valleys—and converging as they proceed to this point of destination. The wildest and strongest always take the lead—but all have the same spirit to get there as soon as possible— the vacaroes follow behind to hurry up the stragglers—and when the round up is made—whatever may have been the purpose of the drive—whether to cut out and deliver Beef cattle, to brand calves—or merely to take out &Doctor such as have wounds from the blow flies—the cattle are cut out &taken to the pen and the herd dissolves itself and again scatters over the range—
With Horses a different system prevails— Horse stock is kept in Remudas that is saddle Horses with one Bell mare—and mares and young stock are Kept [in] Manadas—or lots of about 25 mares—with a stallion to each Manada— The Horse becomes very much attached to his harum and will allow them to scatter—and when a number of these Menadas are thrown together for any purpose when turned loose it is wonderful to see these Horses seperating and collecting their several households together— they know every animal of their branch as well as the owner and are exceedingly vicious to a reluctant member of the family— These prairie stallions often meet in stubborn conflict and fight for hours for the mastery—
Stock raising in the primitive way is the most exhilerating, independent and profitable employment that a man could engage in— In those days a man well set up in the stock business was a veritable prince of the land— under and [any] and all circumstances the Ranche life is independent and remunerative but the Barbd wire attachment of these modern times has destroyed much of the zest and poetry of the business....
the time went by—the years came and passed—and many incidents happened and changes took place but nothing of special importance changed the current of my life until the year 1860—when I brought to the ranch a wife and this was the beginning of the 2d epoc in my life &and the most important step that I had yet taken[.] Looking back now to the circumstances of the the times—her position at home—....raised in society &in ease and affluence—that I should have persuaded her to leave all her pleasant ant surroundings to share with me the discomforts &privations of my home on the frontier, I am well nigh amased at the selfishness of the act as well as the faith and love and confidence that overlooked all dangers and discomforts and led her to trust her life &happiness in my keeping.
Ours was a double wedding—Mr.— 81 Herron &Miss McKnight of Seguin—Mr Cox and Miss Fanny George were the contracting parties[.] the ceremony took place at the residence of Maj J W George some miles from Seguin—Rev Mr Herron Presbyterian Minister, officiated— A very large company of friends and acquaintances from the town and country about were in attendance[.] An elegant supper, Music and dancing passed away the evening—and the thing was done— I had joined the ranks of the Benedicts and grew in importance &responsibility from that hour—
After a day or two of preperation and leave taking which included the embracing and good byes and God-bless you Miss Fanny of all the negroes old and young on the place, we started for the Ranche—taking in Galveston on the route— we were of course the guests of Mr &Mrs S at the Island city— they made our sojourn of a few days very pleasant but the day of departure came, and taking the steamer to Indianola reached that town the next day,
Indianola at that day was a very important place and did a large business, being the shipping point for all West Texas—including San Antonio—it was in fact the only sea-port west of Galveston—
After a little delay we secured passage on a sail Boat to Corpus Christi—but just at this point occurred our first accident—and very considerable loss to say nothing of the agony of spirit that a lady must feel at seeing her trunk dropped into the salt water by careless boatmen—but there was no help for it—the trunk was secured and gotten on board—with most of the contents ruined or badly injured—
A lady passinger had joined us for the trip—a Mrs Merriman wife of lawyer Merriman of Corpus Christi—she proved to be an old acquaintance— I had stood grooms-man at her first marriage to a Mr Marr on Galveston Bay, sometime in the 40s[.] Marr died and the widow was now Mrs Merriman—
Well I cant do justice to the Voyage from Indianola to Corpus, I think we were 2 days and nights making the trip— Some times there was no wind, sometimes the wind was ahead—sometimes not enough water—and the men would have to get out and push the boat through the mud— the sleeping arrangements and the fare were ample for Boatmen but scarcely adapted to a passenger vessel—however we reached home at last—and with comfortable quarters on land and a hearty welcome from my many friends we soon forgot the discomforts of the trip—
I had brought with me fro mGalveston a new Buggy and also a new Carriage for my neighbor Dobie—my Horses had come down from the Ranch and the next day being somewhere about the 25 of April we reached our home—
I have said something of this home—given its location and some-what of its appointments—but the introduction of a wife to the actual conditions that confronted her on our arrival were certainly appalling to a bride of only a week and if things had not appeared so rediculously primitive—barren and uninviting—a scene might have come off at sight of the place but it seemed just as easy to laugh as to cry—and as Mrs—(Maria) was there to receive us and welcome Miss Fannie to the Ranch, and made such splendid apologies for the appearance of the house and the non appearance of everything else in the nature of comforts that nothing occurred to marr the beginning of this home life—
But it was rough—rough in fact, for the material of the house was just as it came from the mill— The furniture was scant— a few hide bottom chairs, a bed stead a trunk and a table perhaps a shelf or two nailed on the wall—but the bedstead was the feature of the room— I say room because besides the one long room there was but little to the house[.] The Bedstead occupied the South corner of the room, stood 4 feet from the floor and was constructed of rough scantling and very strong—with a good moss matrass, and plenty of blankets to dress it— The negro quarter and Kitchen were a little apart from the house and made of Elm logs— we had a good cistern, plenty of milk and Butter chickens &eggs— generally the tables — 82 turkey and other game at will— so thus circumstanced and with a good Buggy &pair of Horses—as well as saddle Horses and some pleasant neighbors, one found diversion and romance sufficient for each day as it came and went—
Mr Dobie had moved to the neighborehood in 58—his family consisted of wife and 2 children—they were old friends of mine from Galveston Bay—and came to the Nueces through my instrumentality[.]....
Mr Beldin was our next nearest neighbour[.]....Judge Gilpin the partner of Mr Beldin, was also a member of the famly—the Judge was a Nova Scotia man— Beldin a New Yorker—both came to Texas at the time of the Mexican war—and made considerable money at Brownsville—but when I first met them were doing business in Corpus Christi— A little further down the River lived the family of Mrs Mann at the Ranche known as Casa Blanca[.] Mr Chas Russell who married a sister of Capt Dix—also lived a few miles away—and Mr Geo Wrights family, above us—and Capt Dix on the Ramirena constituted the society of our little community for a year or two—or until about the time of secession—these people were not of the usual frontier kind—but were cultured and refined, and formed an exceedingly polite and respectable society—
Mr Beldin had a brother in law a Presbyterian minister of the Gospel who was sent from the North to minister to our little neighborhood at an allowance of $100 per year— Of course we had to suppliment that—and build a church House, which was located on the Casa Blanca creek— Here we assembled twice a month to receive religious instruction and to exchange friendly greetings and discuss the news—and spend a social day—often taking luncheon on the ground[.] But this did not last long—Mr Mitchell though a very good preacher, was too strong a unionist for a Texas congregation when the secession question got in full blast—the old gentleman felt it his duty to rebuke the spirit that was growing rampant among his little flock—and most unwisely prayed for the President of the U S for the perpetuity of the union—and that the misguided people of the south, might be brought to see the error of their way— That prayer dispersed the congregation never to meet again— Well after all the years that have intervened—and looking at the events—and the results—and conditions now—who will say that Father Mitchells prayer was not prophetic—
—and so the time passed along as time usually does—marking off the days and weeks and years, with many incidents, but few important changes—until the year 1861—when the toscin of war, reveberated throughout the south—and called to arms the patriots of the land— The cause of the south was very dear to the people and great enthusiasm prevailed everywhere—and preperations for the conflict were seen and heard on every hand[.] Alas—how few of the noble spirits of that day had any conception of the magnitude of the task they were undertaking—or realized the responsibility and consequences of the secession movement— I frankly acknowledge my error of judgment[.] I did not entertain a doubt of the success of the southern arms— I thought the war would not last more than six months or a year at most—that the south would certainly achieve her independence, and that every surviving soldier would be crowned with glory and his name go down in history as patriot and hero—and having a family and a name to guard &protect— I felt that if I didnot participate in this war of independence that in after years, some sort of reproach would rest upon me and my family because of my recreance to duty at my countrys call— That humiliation and wounded pride would ever cast their grewsome shadows along the pathway of my boy—to cloud his life, his ambition and his prospects in the future—and when peace came and the finger of contempt contumely would be pointed at the decendants of the man whose name was not enscribed on the roll of the Southern Soldiery—
And yet I did not wish to go into the army—or rather I did not wish to leave home—my ranch interests forbid it my wife was bitterly opposed to it—there was no necessity that I should, and though I had always had a sort of admiration for military life, yet I was in no ways beligerent in disposition—and so although my heart was in the cause of the South—my convictions justified the course that had been taken and my confidence in ultimate and complete success and independence for the reasons before stated I had determined to remain at home—and so past the first year....of the war—
History furnishes the details of the wonderful achievements and many bloody engagements—sometimes victorious and sometimes defeated that belonged to that year—and I am only writing of myself and the little part that I had in the great civil war—we of the Nueces were so far removed from the scene of activities, our numbers so few and our interests and business so urgent and difficult of controll—that but little demonstration of the actualities of the conflict that was going [on] were noticeable in our section— In June 1861 there was a Malitia organization and drill on the Aransas—but except that meeting there was but little of the war spirit publically manifested—
Now it is strange what a little thing will sometimes turn the tide in the affairs of men— In April 1862 there came to visit me a former Sacramento friend Mr Dudley Woodward—whose home was Indianola Texas— He was at the time of his visit just from Richmond Va—with a commission in his pocket to raise a company of cavalry for the war[.] He wanted me to join him in raising the co[.] I declined and repelled all his arguments and persuasion—though he remained 3 days at the House—but he circumvented me in the end[.] He beged me to at least go with him to Corpus Christi, introduce him to the boys, and help him in the matter of recruiting for his company—that led me into a trap—we went to Corpus Christi—taking in San Patricio on the way and meeting quite a number of young men on the trip, with all of whom I was well acquainted and to each I introduced my friend Woodward, who by the way was a very fine looking man, with pleasant manners, and persuasive address—and after letting him have his say—I urged his cause, and pictured the brilliant opportunity that was offered them to show their patriotism and love of country and to participate in the glory and honor that was to crown the victorious south— To any such appeal the one reply came— Cox are you going, If you go I will— I was anxious to help Woodward, and it seemed that success hinged upon my joining the Company, I became interested in this recruiting service and determined that it should not fail—and finally yielded to the force of circumstances and told the boys that I was with them—I shuder now at the recollection of the deep grief that I brought upon my poor wife by this inconsiderate step, but the die was cast— I could be forgetful of the pleadings of home, but I could not be faithless to my promise to friends—.... But anyway it was pretty smooth sailing after that by the time I got back home the company was a certainty—we fixed a day to rendesvoux at a place near Goliad to organize and Woodward returned to Indianola—
Of the men &boys recruited on that trip, I remember John Dee, Geo Maloy, Elisha Daughtery, Cris Sullivan Dave Hunter Lem Wright Tom Allsup Calvin Wright Si Elliff 2 Anth Bros—Joe Wright, H C Wright—all these from San Patricio and Banquette and nearly all of them have since passed over the River— Cris Sullivan and Lem Wright were both killed in La—noble boys, noble soldiers—but no laurels they wore nor praises that could be bestowed upon them by their comrades &country, could reconcile the parents of those boys in their great bereavment— The mother of Cris charged me with taking her boy off—and thought I let him be too much exposed at the time he received the fatal shot— Alas poor woman she could not understand that war means danger and death and the bravest spirits are the readiest victims—
However at the appointed time the company went into camp on a little creek near Goliad—Woodward bringing up his recruits from Indianola, Port Lavaca Goliad and all that section of the country and my men from the Nueces ®ion west—in all about 75 men—all well armed and mounted—in good spirits, and eager for service—we here organized by the election of Woodward Capt., Cox 1st Lieut Earl 2nd Lt and Beverly 3d Lieut—Henry Seeligson Orderly seargent &so on—
Our Company was to form a part of Wallers Battalion—to be organized later on at Hempstead—but now the company was permitted to disperse until the date fixed for starting to Hempsted—and we all returned to our homes—
I pass over the agony of my return, the night was so dark that I seemed lost in a sea of blackness—the thunder rolled, and shook the earth with its frightful discharges of electric light— and the rain fell in torrents— I have always loved home and have always taken more pleasure in returning than in going—but this night my return was a sad one— I had now come face to face with the reality of the step I had taken— the act was cruel. I felt that I had been unkind and sacrificed the peace and perhaps the safety of my family— The storm seemed prophetic of some dire calamity to come from my inconsiderate act and my feelings were as gloomy as the night that encompassed me— But onward was my destiny— I had gone too far to retreat—and that night I felt that I had turned away from my happy home life and joined an ignus fatuus—that would lead me to many trials and perils—
My father-in law—Maj J W George was an ardent advocate of the war—being a true southern man, a Kentuckian, and the owner of many slaves, raised in affluence and indoctrinated in southern principles and ideas—and belligerant by nature he could not brook any sort of dictation from the North and when the war came on he was for killing off the d—d Yankees as fast as possible— At the first call for Volunteers, two of his sons enlisted for the war—one in Hoods Brigade and the other in Terrys Regt—the latter Dick George was killed in Ky—the other Moses George survived the war —serving on the staff of Genl Hood—and also on Stephen D Lees staff as Chief Quartermaster[.] But the Major (at home) was like the Roman Mother—who wept that she had not other husbands to give to the cause—there were yet 3 boys at home—and a son in law not far away—he though we should all be in the army—he wrote me to bring my family to him and join the procession—or if I was afraid of the bullets to come up and take charge of his place &family—and he would shoulder his musket, and battle for the country—
Is it strange that I found courage and confidence in the influences at work on every hand—indeed sometimes when under inspiration of encouraging news or inviting and agreeable associations—I would seem to “smell the battle from afar off”— and feel that my place of duty was to the front—but then again would come the sober second thought—and as I had done from the day of my committal to the service would speculate upon the possibility of something turning up that would release me from my promise, and leave me again the free man that I had been to that hour—and so it is ever between right and wrong—they are two forces pulling in opposite directions, and though the heart be true and the conscience easy, it is a clear head that can always guide one in the proper path of duty—
But all this philosophizing only goes to show that I went into the service in a half hearted way—and my experience as a soldier and observation and association of 3 years with soldiers, convinces me that a married man has no business in the army—his heart is in his home—his love his interest, his cares and his thoughts—day time and night time—on the march, or on guard sleeping or waking—are with the loved ones at home[.] The boy or the single man leaves no such ties behind—his home is with his comrades. his associations are pleasant and his mind unfettered by cares and anxietys left behind— But on the battle field the distinction ends —the excitment of the conflict, the sound of shot and shell, the smell of powder, the very danger of the situation is so exhilerating that the mind is completely absorbed with the incidents transpiring and every thought and feeling is concentrated upon the momentus work going on—and though the charge be up to the Cannons mouth, the spirit of the man, be he bachelor or benedict leads him to glory or to death—
After this long digression I will get back to my preparation for a start— The ordinary equipage for a soldier is his Knapsack and canteen—and if of the cavalry service his Horse &Saddle but my outfit was much more elaborate[.] The Inventory showed 2 saddle Horses— 2 Ambulance Horses— one ambulance, one negro boy, all manner of camp utensile bedding, Medicines—and my side arms— I paid M Ginns [?] $150.00 for a war Horse—but before I got off he took the fistula and was unserviceable—bought another of Mr. Dobie for $100—and another of John Fitch for $100— One of my work Ponys was a $100 horse—the first Horse I purchased in Texas—the other not so high priced but a good match for the Ky pony—
Mr. Fitch had been in my employ some time—and I now left him in charge of the Ranch— also left the negro woman and girl on the place—my wife kept the girl Maria with her—I donot remember how we all got away from the Ranch but we got away— Our destination Seguin—and reached there in safety—
I do not remember the month but probably in June 1862, the six companies of Wallers Bat. got together on the Brazos—and under orders to move to La—we took up the march and in due time camped on Vermillion Bayou in that State— The companies were here organized into a Battallion—but with the expectation of having a full Regament in a short time— Col Waller was chosen Col—Lieut Boone Major—and this same organization existed throughout the war— I had the refusal of the position of Major of the Bat—but declined in favor of Boone for 2 reasons—I didnot care for promotion and again it was Known that on the organzation of the Regt Woodward would be Lt Col—and in that case I would succeed to the command of our Company—a position that I much prefered to the other—
....soon after our arrival in La....my negro Boy Wade died from an attack of measels— It grieved me greatly to give him up and have to put him away in strange ground, but death is nearly always cruel and his Visitation unwelcome[.] Wade by the terms of the law was only a chattel—and worth about $1000 but he was more to me— He had been a faithful servant and was a part of my home life—in his death a link in that life was severed. People of the old regeme will understand this—they understand the relation that existed between Master &servant, the confidence and regard and I might say affection that subsisted between the whites and blacks of the south— Those who have come on since the war will never realize or understand the conditions that prevailed previous to emancipation—but we the survivors of those days, who were often nourished at the black bottle, and fed from the skillet by black mama—will always treasure a grateful feeling for the faithful devotion of our negro servants— As to the result of the war, the freeing of the negroes—I have nothing to say— it may have been right—and for the best— I simply accept the situation but for the new order of negro, the smart sort, and social equality Kind I have no use, liberty should have been given the negro in smaller doses— Suffrage has been an injury to the race[.] They were not fitted for equal political rights. Education is all right, but the morals of the negro need the most cultivation— For all the old time darkies, and you can tell one at sight by his manners, I have a real regard—
At the time we were sent to La, our command was the only Confederate Regt in the state, west of the Missippi—but quite a large force of Malitia or state troops were in the field under the command of one Genl Platt— The Federals were in possession of New Orleans—and controlled the Road to Brashier— The Malitia Genl determd to make a raid on that road—developed his plan to Col Waller, and ordered him to move his command by the nearest route to the Missippe River &thence down the River to the Vicinity of Butte Station—a point about 30 miles above N. O. where the Genl had planned to supprise the enemy and capture the Rail Road—the malitia to move by a different rout, of course, to the scene of operation— This looked like active service, and the Bat took up the line of march in good spirits and moved off with alacrity—and though we had an almost impassable swamp to cross we reached the River in good time and shape and then on down through the cane fields that skirted the River to a plantation about 3 miles above the R R station— Here the command was halted for noon....Several little sail Boats, traders along the river and to N. O. came floating down the River—and our bold captain determined to take them in, which we did by firing a few shots and signaling them to come to— After examining the Boats and confiscating such articles as needed they were turned loose to go on their way—which was right down to the Federal lines— Our Col chose to remain at the plantation all day, and also that night— After dark he directed me to take a citizen that had come into camp and an old negro guide that he had picked up and go down and recinorter Butte Station—telling me that he had information that 1000 Yankee troops held the place, now as I have said we were not over 3 miles from the station.... Well about 10 O. C that night I rode into Butte Station and found it in ruins—the militia had made the attack—captured the town and burned it and torn up much of the track, but the train escaped—and the place was entirely deserted—not so much as a dog or a chicken left— only a heap of ashes left— so I returned and reported—
About 3 O C in the morning our pickets reported two steamers coming up the River—directly a third Boat came in sight— No one doubted the purpose of these Boats, by daylight it could be seen that they were loaded with troops—the third vessel was recognized as a Gun Boat— Our entire force was about 240 men—there was but one mode of retreat, that by the road we had come in....One of the steamers landed about a mile above us—the other a mile below[.] Each had a field Battery and two or more companies of infantry— The Gun Boat moved up and took position midway—At this juncture the Col gave the command to forward march—the Bat moved off by twos, the advance guard about fifty yards in advance—in the mean time the enemy had run down through the cane to intercept us—and before we had marched ½ a mile, bang bang, went the Yankee Enfeilds—and 2 of our advance guard fell in the road— consternation seized the command—the Col gave the order to countermarch— It must be remembered that our road lay through dense cane fields, the cane as high as a man on horse back and the road about 10 feet wide— We countermarched on the double quick— Or being cavalry I should say trot— As we were rather conveniently near the gunboat at the first turning road we came to— running at right angles, that is from the River to the swamp—we took it—but now the Gun Boat had us in direct range and the shot and shell flew thick and fast—however the only effect of her fire was to accelerate our movement towards the swamp—reaching a point about 300 yards from the timber—in an open space between the cane and the Swamp the command was dismounted, the 6th man detailed to hold the horses—and the rest formed on foot into line of battle, facing the cane fields, about 40 yds distant—the enemy were completely hid from our view by the cane....and directly the Battery that had been run out from the upper Steamer and the Infantry that had followed down through the cane opened fire on us—the Battery from below had taken position and also begun a fusilade making a cross fire on us and the Gun Boat sent shot and shell faster and faster—and yet the men stood fast until the commander gave orders to break ranks—get to your Horses and fall back to the woods—this caused a regular stampede for the swamp—fortunately the shots were aimed too high—all went over our heads—but the music the shot and bullets made among the trees was scarey—
Acting as Adjutant on this expedition I of course was close to Waller all the time[.] The command went into the swamp promisculy—wholy without order, but somewhat in squads— We rode our Horses as far as they could go—the water was a foot to 18 in deep the ground filled with cypress Knees, and the bottom very soft— about 200 yds in the swamp we abandoned the Horses—they could not go farther in the soft mud— I took one last fond look at my good Horse, saddle &accoutrements and struck out on foot with Waller and about a dozen others into an impenetrable Missippi swamp—without coursing or compass— The Col had kept the negro guide with him—and now we followed him, but it was the blind leading the blind— I think we must have boxed the compass a dozen times—we could not keep a course but kept going as our strength would permit—the ground was very soft and the water from a foot to 3 feet deep—much of the time one could not travel over a 100 yards without stopping to rest— On these occasions hungry and tired and humiliated as we were the plight we were in, was so ludicrous that we could but laugh and try to make a joke of our mishap— inded there was one consoling reflection, we had so far escaped being taken prisoners—and I always felt a much greater dread of a Northern prison than the Yankee bullets—
This battle of Bonie Carrie, that I have been telling about, took place about 8. O. C in the morning—all the balance of that day we meandered around in the swamp—and just at night we came to the edge of the timber very near where we had gone into it—the old negro said it was Genl Dick Taylors plantation—here we found some green corn, and very soon appeased our appetites with roasted rosting ears—
That night we coasted along down the edge of the timber, which was a mile or more from the River and parallel to it and at day light reached the R R at Bute Station—and thence along the track of the R R we kept on to the Malitia camp on Bayou Deselma[.]
The Yankees caught about 15 of our men and one Capt—my old friend Dr January—who stood his ground with sword drawn—swearing that he would not join in such an ignominious flight—The enemy [carried] every horse out of the swamp—took them on the Boats and went back to N. O. with great rejoicing— Our men got together in squads in the swamp and all got out one way [or] another, but mostly by the route we had come into the River—This left our little band of heroic texians in a bad plight—and our humiliation and discomforture in the presence of the Victorious Kageans [Acadians] 83 was very mortifying—
and now we are on foot—dismounted, and degraded to the infantry service—and for awhile were hauled about in La cane carts or marched on foot from place to place as the necessities of the service required— Col Waller was very sore over the condition of his command— He told us he would get authority to remount the Bat—and announced his intention to go to Alexandria La to see Genl Dick Taylor—now in command of the Dept West of the Missippi—and it was determined to send a delegation with the Col—Capt Terrell of Co F. and myself were appointed to go—we were encamped at Tibadaux on Bayou Lafouch— Col Waller had obtained leave to visit Alexandria—the morning he took the stage, Terrell &I joined him....In due time we reached Head Quarters—and at once obtained an interview with Genl Taylor—Waller made his statement, which was in effect that the men would remount themselves if permitted to do so—and asked for permission to detail an officer from each company to go to Tex—for the Horses— The application was readily granted by the Genl—and we returned forthwith to our camp—and in a few days, I was off for home after horses for my company— a Lieut from each of the other companies came to Tex with me—and after securing the number of horses required—we returned to the command and Wallers Battalion from that time on did active and honorable service to the close of the war—
On my trip to Texas for the Horses I took time to visit my family at Seguin—Provisions were plentiful but clothing scarse &high and difficult to be had—all goods impor[ted] into our part of the state came from and through the Ports of Brownsville and Matamoras—and a large traffic was carried on in exchanging cotton for goods— But very many families had manufactures at home— The old fashioned spinning wheel, cards and loom, were brought into use again—and home made clothing was substituted for the fabric of the mills—but I cant dwell on these details—
Our command was remounted and attached to Genl Tom Greens Brigade which turned up in Louisania about the time, we were again ready for cavalry service— Though belonging to the Brigade we were often detached for special service— The capture of the Gun Boat Diana on the Teche was the first taste of blood, and our first real experience in battle— The Bat was encamped near the Bayou—Capt Joe Sayers with two guns of the Valverde Battery was with us— The boat undertook to pass the camp, and commenced shelling as soon as she got in range our men charged up to the bank, dismounted and rained sharp rifle balls into the vessel—the bayou being narrow—the range was close and our men picked off the Gunners on the Boat—as well as the sailors and soldiers as fast as they would show themselves— and our little battery made frightful havoc with shot and shell— The Boat became disabled and unmanageble very soon in the action, but continued her course down the bayou as best she could for almost a mile after the engagement commenced—when finding escape impossible and the deadly work of our rifles irresistable—the white flag was thrown out—and the firing ceased— On taking possession we found the deck of the Boat literally covered with the dead and dying—the vessel was riddled with shot &the wounded and dead were scattered all through the ship— The capture of this Gun Boat was considered a remarkable feat for a squad of Tex Cavalry—and this victory restored Wallers Battalion to the favor of the army and the position it held previous to its fatal experience at “Bonnie Carrie”—
Our next fighting was done at Bisland— Genl Dick Taylor with Head Quarters at Alexandria was in command of the trans Missippi Dept.— It was understood that Genl Banks was planning an expedition to cross at Berwicks Bay. and move up the Teche in the direction of Alexandria and this caused the concentration of the confederate forces there in western La—and consisting mainly of Greens Brigade, between New Iberia &Berwick— Wallers Bat occupied the front—my company, the extreme front—and I with a detail of ten men, the advanced post or picket— In this position we remained two or three weeks— my picket camp was about 2 miles up the bayou from Berwick— 2 men were kept on picket all the time[.] The town of Berwick had many houses but no people— Brashier on the opposite side, being the terminus of the R R from N. O. was quite a business place—
Very little occured to disturb the monotony of my duties—until Banks forces began to appear on the scene— I had held one or two interviews with the federal officers under flag of truce, relative to the exchange of the prisoners taken on the Diana—and through such negotiation a steamer was permitted to pass up to the town of Franklin to receive those men—
I had to make frequent reports back to my command of the movements of the enemy—and the demonstrations and the rapidity of their movements, in perfect view from my look out (an old frame building in the upper edge of the town of Berwick) enabled me to advise the army of the exact position of the enemy, the time and manner of their crossing the bayou—the kind of troops, Horse, foot and artillery—and nearly the probable number— and yet there was one man, an officer of high rank—who professed to doubt the whole story—2 days before the Battle of Bisland—Genl Green &one Genl Gray a confederate officer and in some way ranking Genl Green rode into my camp—just after dark and asked me the condition of affairs, below—I told them that the enemy were concentrating in great numbers at Brashier, that steamers were there to transport the troops across to Berwick that the boats were constantly crossing over supplies and munitions of war—and that the whole Yankee outfit would probably be over next day....
The next day the main body of the Banks army crossed over, and late in the evening Maj Boone from our Bat with a few men came down to get a look at the enemy— we rode down to my look out— and forthwith a company of Federal cavalry trotted out to meet us—and chased the party back to my camp—
I cannot remember dates—donot recollect the month or day of the mo— But anyhow the Banks Army said to be 7000 strong took up the line of march from Berwick (and the 2d day attacked our forces at Bisland about 3 O C in the evening— Our men were somewhat protected by an embankment running from the Bayou back through the fields to intersection with an old R R embankment at the woods[.] Wallers Bat was stationed on the extreme right as support to Sayers Battery— my position was isolated, being some 3000 yds to the extreme right, with a few men from my company as picket[.] The Gun Boat we had captured had been refitted and took position in the Bayou on the left—
The advance of the enemy was an imposing sight— they came 3 Regts abreast—and seemed to be a mile deep Banners flying and drums beating, and moving upon us with as little concern as if simply on parade— The enemy opened fire as soon as they got within range—the cannonading &musketry then became general, the roar of the guns, the whizing of the shot and shell and the music made by the columns of infantry on both sides—made the occasion grand and inspiring—Our men held their position behind the embankment, and the engagement continued until quite dark—the enemy drew off for the night. the fight had demonstrated that the small force of Confederates, say 3000 men—could not hold the position against Banks 7000—we had lost the Gun Boat, a number of men killed—and Sayers Battery badly crippled—just at that part of the line the enemy had done the most execution[.]
That night our army commenced its retreat. My squad was the last to leave the Battle ground, because I was not called in until the last of the troops were in motion— The next day the Federals resumed their march— Our Battallion was kept in the rear, that is next the enemy—and company E. the rear co— We had many skirmishes with the advance of the enemy—but were unable to materially hinder their march— Our purpose semed to be to protect our army on its retreat in the direction of Alexandria— Genl Green remained in the rear for several days, and showed himself to be a very fearless officer—
We were keeping up a sort of running fire for two or 3 days— The Yankee field guns were much heavier than ours—so when our Battery would take position in the road—and send back shot and shell at the advancing foe—they would move up to a suitable position and turn their guns on us—and with the columns of troops steadily marching on our position would become too warm for comfort and we would again fall back—and so on until our commissary and somewhat disgruntled army corp was far enough ahead to be in safety—and then our efforts at impeding the progress of Mr Banks were relaxed—
This order of march was kept up until Banks changed his course for Port Hudson on the Miss river— Then the Yankees went in front and we followed skirmishing with their rear guard all the way—
At Cheneyville it was my appointment to bring on quite a serious fight— Maj Boone in command of our Bat planned an ambuscade for the cavalry composing the rear guard of the enemy— They were temporarily quartered at a plantation about 2 miles below us. The major told me to take 8 or ten men and go down the road and try to draw them out &if successful to retreat back before them to a point where he would be in ambush with the Bat— Obscured from view by a tall hedge along the road and the dwelling at that place— The plan was a success—
I dont remember all the men that I had with me but Tom Gay, Tom Main, and D. C. Proctor were of the number— After fireing at the enemy for some little time I heard the bugle call to Boots &Saddles, and a company of Cavalry—about 75 strong—marched out in our direction and when their purpose became sufficiently manifest—and they had gotten sufficiently near we began to fall back—this encouraged the enemy to make an effort to catch us— first a trot—then the gallop—and from the gallop into a run—we of course regulated our gait by that of the persuers— They gained on us rapidly firing their carbines and pistols as they came— Proctor was shot in the leg on the run—one man was killed just as we reached the ambuscade—but now consternation siezed Federal troops[.] here came the Bat pel mel right into the road—and with the dust and smoke and yelling and confusion and federals and confederates all mixed up, shooting and slashing with sabers, it looked for a minute like pandimonium reigned in that road— Of course the Yankees wheeled ond got out as fast as they could and the most of them got away—but we held about 20 prisoners—and several were killed— And here I may say that I got the credit of lodging a Bullet in one of the troopers in that little fight, at least he said so, but he was not dangerously wounded and recovered in a few weeks—
That was the Cheneyville fight— many other little engagements took place, but I cannot write a detailed history of our opperations in La— In fact my memory is too short— I have forgotten very much more than I remember— Banks went on to Port Hudson and 4 days after Vicksburg surrendered—Port Hudson followed suit—
Previous to this Banks expedition western La, save that part between N O and Brashier had remained in the uninterrupted and peaceable possession of the confederates— It was a wealthy country and abounded in every thing that represented plenty and comfort—and the owners of the soil were a cultured and refined people—true most of the men were off in the war, but the old land marks—the Fathers with their wives and children and servants maintained the supremacy of the law and order and system and security pervaded the country—but the passage of that army through the country, left in its wake desolation and ruin— Sugar houses burned fencing destroyed, dwellings, burned, ransacked or rifled— Negroes all turned loose and mostly carried off with the army— Horses—cows &wagons appropriated or destroyed—and mere wantoness evidenced on every hand— like Shermans march to the sea— rapine and license were the order of procedure[.]
After pushing Genl Banks and his grand army corp across the River near Morganza which is a little below the mouth of Red River— our army countermarched and in time again occupied the Teche country— The federals still being in possession of Brashier city—
And now was planned the most successful coupe that was made in the trans-Miss dept— This was the capture of the Fort at Brashier about 200 men from the Brigade were dispatched at night in small Boats to land and attack the fort in the rear—about daylight[.] The balance of the Brigade under the immediate command of Genl Green marched down to Berwick, which is immediately opposite Brashier and awaited the attack from our men of the Boats— at daylight they had not come, before sunrise the enemy discovered us and a great commotion followed— The blue coats could be seen running in every direction, the fort was maning the guns—two Gun Boats in the River, began to send out volumes of black smoke and as our position was very much exposed—and as we had not intended to fight them at long range and the Genl thinking that the expedition in the Boats had in some manner miscarried he concluded to send them a few shots from our 2 field pieces just by way of a morning salutation— By this time the enemy was ready for business—the fort saluted us first and then the Gun Boat (One of the Boats ran off) the fort being a little above us on the opposite side of the River—the Gun Boat below us, gave them a cross fire at us and the shell and shot came thick and fast—the fact is it was dangerous to be there—a large mound and the houses gave some protection, until the enemy got the exact range and then they dropped their shells right in our midst— Just as our commander was on the point of withdrawing from so unequal an engagement—the welcome yell of the men from the “mu[s]quito fleet” apprised us of their presence, and before the Yankees could turn their Guns on them they were in the fort and the supprise and consternation and panic was so great that resistance was not thought of and about 1500 men laid down their arms and surrendered—we secured a large quantity of military stores, Arms—and plunder of all sorts— and after a few days occupancy of Brashier, again withdrew to the west side of the Atchafalia—
I was not present with the command in all the service in La—and will pass along to the time that our Army was ordered to Texas, to meet a rumored attack of the enemy on Galveston— Genl Magruder was there in command—but after concentrating the troops on the Brazos, it was learned that Banks was moving in the direction of Red River—and our forces were moved back to Alexandria and shortly after gained a decided victory at Mansfield—and drove the Yankee army out of the Trans Missippi Dept—or at least that part of it which had been previously held by the Confederates—
While these later events were going on, I was engaged in raising a second company of cavalry for the war— Walter Mann my neighbor on the Nueces, had obtained from Genl Magruder a commission to raise and organize a Battalion for service in the west—say between the Nueces and the Rio Grande. At his solicitation, I undertook to furnish one of the companies— I had some difficulty in getting released from my company in Wallers Bat—and finally succeeded only through the personal friendship of Genl Green and so with this commission I came out home and went to work to raise the company— Nearly all the available men were already in the service but here and there were men holding back through exemptions of one sort and another—some who had been discharged on account of physical disability and young men not yet of conscript age and some over age— I found John S McCampbell a lawyer, then of Goliad but in late years of Corpus Christi, with about 15 men already recruited—and he joined me in the effort to raise the company— He to be 1st Leut, and I Captain—in a few weeks we had enrolled 60 men and reported at Manns Hd Quarters on the Guadeloupe River— the Bat was organized with 6 companies none of them full (80 men rank &file) but furloughed for a brief time to recruit and fill up the companies—
I had raised this company under a promise to every man of service in the west and I felt under obligations to see that the promise was carried out—and so when we were again ready to go into camp, Col Mann had reported to Genl Bankhead on the Colorado—and the distination of the Regt was changed, by order of Magruder from West to to East—This greatly demoralized the men—Had they been subject to the conscription laws, it would have been different—but these men were volunteers in a double sense and for a special duty—that of protecting our south western frontier—and the interests of that section of country between the Nueces and Rio Grande—and as a considerable force had to be kept in that service—and my men had been recruited for that purpose— it was considered in violation of their contract to divert the command from its original purpose— The up shot of the matter was that the company was disbanded, and nearly all the men returned to their homes— and I proceeded to rejoin my old company—
I think now I made a mistake, and should have submitted to orders and thus preserved my company—but at the time I thought my first duty was to the men that I had persuaded into the services and prefered to sacrifice promotion and honors rather than deceive my men—
The Brigade was in Arkansas when I rejoined it and in a few months we were again in Texas—and the next move was to La[.]
I had contracted dysentery, chronic dysentery—and my condition became so critical that on recommendation of the Physicians I obtained leave of absence and came home— on my return to the army news came of Lees surrender and Greens Brigade like all other confederate troops dissolved and dispersed to enter again into the conditions and affairs of private life— And so ended my military life—
I have only skimed over the 3 years that I was in the Army—and barely indulged in a few leading thoughts and reflections—and mentioned some of the leading events—in which I was directly concerned—and have passed over the thousands of incidents, privations and dangers—as well as the humerous and and pleasurable features of the long campaigns— but have recorded enough to show that I was a participant in the cause which though lost is still dear to the people of the south—
The breaking up of the Army inaugerated a worse condition of affairs in most parts of the country and especially in south west Texas than had existed during the war— 4 years of soldiering greatly demoralized the men—idleness and disipation and card playing had begotten in many a disposition to prey upon the country and thieving and robbery and murder became prevelent in many parts, and it seemed that as the years went by —crime increased until a state of anarchy existed in all S W Texas— and thus with homes despoiled, property lost business stagnated, and poverty at the door, with tyrannical and unjust reconstruction laws, and the infamous carpet bag gang that presided over the affairs of the people, the humiliation of defeat and the arrogance of the victors— From all these conditions and much more an idea may be gleaned of the actual situation in most parts of the south for some years after the war—
But glorious and grand as is the record of southern valor achieved in that war—more honor is due to the survivors of the conflict for the rapid recuperation of lost fortunes, and the rehabilitation of our beautiful south land—until today it is the most prosperous part of the earth[.] “In many misterious ways God works His wonders to perform”—was the result of the war a demonstration of the will of the Almighty? then Solomon was a little off when he said in a multitude of counsel there is safety— Secession was the act of a united people—the measure was almost unanimous—but there were a few leading spirits that opposed and foretold defeat—but these were like the rivulet to the mighty stream—seen but not felt—and the maddened current swept on to ruin—to ruin—or was it to future greatness and prosperity— If defeat meant the perpetuation of the sisterhood of states, under the constitution of /76 for generations to come, the return of fraternal relations between a divided people and the kindling anew the fires of patriotish and universal love of country, and the eventual building up &establishing the greatest, wealthyst and most powerful nation on the earth—then as many believe the south should have fought for her rights under the flag and not against it— Rivers of blood, mountains of money, and oceans of suffering marked the progress of the conflict and evidenced the intensity of the struggle and made an epoch in our history momentous and peculiar—but enough—“alls well, that ends well[.]”
I must pass now from the life of a soldier to that of a civillian,—take up my ranch life again—and in a brief way present the prominent events about my home— This will take me back to the period when on my last visit to the Ranch before the end of the war—I had taken my wife and children (Sid &Neely) down to the ranch for a few days stay,—and on reaching the home of Mr Dobie, our nearest neighbor, we found Mrs Dobie dying of typhoid fever—my wife remained with her to the end, and thereby contracted the disease, and in a few days was herself taken down, with that dread disease and it was 60 days before I could remove her[.]
during this time—a panic siezed the people, my neighbors, on account of the rumored withdrawal of the confederate troops from Brownsville—and the probable advance of the enemy, who it was believed had possession of the lower Rio Grande country—and so, many families skeedadled over to Beeville and Goliad or to Corpus Christi for safety—but at length my wife was able to stand the trip and we returned to Seguin where she shortly fully recovered[.]
I cannot fix the dates even the years acurately of the events I am writing about—but what I write down are actual happenings—
In June 1865, the war being over, I returned with my family to the ranch— Jimmy, my 2d son and 3d child, was one month old—the trip was somewhat exciting, we had the Majors Carriage, and two mule wagons, composing our train—were several days on the road—and were continually meeting the returning soldiers from the Rio Grande[.] reports came to us of all manner of depredations being committed by these discharged soldiers—all Govt property was seized and appropriated—our wagons &mules were subjected to examination—for stores belonging to the C. S. and our mules for C S Brand—but withal these men treated us with perfect respect—
A very heavy rain came on us about 5 miles from the Nueces River, and by the time we reached the ferry at the Beldin Ranch—the valley of the river was a sheet of water—and the river was near the top of the bank— S. G. Miller was keeping the ferry, and though many wagons were waiting to cross—he kindly &neighborly looked at our situation and put us over first at dark—we had still 3 miles to go—and it kept on raining, the ground became soft and the wagons bogged several times on the way, but about 9 O. C we reached our haven of safety—
And now for the next 2 years our lives ran even and serenely—the seasons were fairly good, the stock prospered, the people got back to their homes—business conditions were generally satisfactory, and so with visiting and receiving visitors fishing and fishing picnics and occasional trips to the old folks at Seguin—the time passed pleasantly—but alas for human hopes and loves and desires—the year 1867 was a memorable one in Texas—especially the coast cities—it was the year of the yellow fever epedemic— On the 15th day of August 15 persons died in Corpus Christi,—in this year and [in this] epidemic, Maj Williams, and Mr McMurphy soninlaw of Genl Sherman, died in Galveston but I come home to name the grief of griefs the death of my dear Fanny— After a lingering second attack of Typhoid fever—she died at 6. O. C P. M Aug 15—and was buried on the 16 in the Dobie Grave yard— I dont know whether she should have died or not. In those days the best medical attention was not to be had. Scientific nursing and attention was equally [in]accessable—but our friends of the neighborhood, rendered all possible assistance and were kind and helpful to the last—
I have omitted to mention in the proper place the death of my two sisters Mrs Sherman who died in Houston before the close of the war, it was beleived of a broken heart on account of the death of her son Sidney, a Lieut of Artillery, who was killed in the fight at Galveston in Jan 1863 and Mrs Morgan who died some years later in Ky of consumption[.]
In 1869 the Kansas Cattle trade developed into a great traffic— It was estimated that 600 000 head were driven to Kansas that year[.] It took about 3 months to make the drive[.] The cattle fattened on the road—and found ready sale on arrival in Kansas—Abilene on the Somky [Smoky] hill river was the cattle emporium at that time— Abilene is on the Kansas Pacific R. W. about 200 miles west of K. C— I took up a drove that year—
The George family all located in Kansas city that fall— my children were with the old people and I left them there that winter and came home to prepare for another drive the next year—that was 1870— I assistd the George Bros in getting up several thousand Beeves—received and paid out about 60 thousand dollars for them— I hired Mr. R Curtis to take up my heard and met the cattle in Kansas about Aug[.] Genl Sherman and daughter Mrs Carrie Williams accompanied me to Ky— But at Louisville Ky I was switched off to Cincenatti and thence to Washington city by telegram from Maj George &one Slaven of K. C. to perfect a contract they had secured from the U S Govt to supply beef [to] the Indians on the Platt— Making the bid and getting the contract in my name[.]
Leaving Washington I returned to Ky—and after a short visit continued my journey to K C[.] Spent a short time with the Children and then proceeded out to Abilene— my cattle had arrived and were soon disposed of and the hands sent home— Paid Curtis $500 for bossing the trip— I cant remember the expense a/c of these drives—but they were heavy—
On leaving K C in the fall I took the children with me
In 1872 I sent up a herd in charge of Jno S Crump and Will Holton—intending to follow on in the summer so as to meet the cattle on their arrival at Abilene—but a severe wound I recd in my leg from an axe laid me up for a month or two and had to Abandon the trip—
Sid &Neely were now large enough for school—Mr Dobie had 3 children Dolly Sterling and Minnie of school age—and we employed Mr.— 84 at $30 per month to teach them—the school was at my house and lasted about 3 months—
Another great die up of the cattle occured that winter—but as hides were worth about 18c per pound and cattle about $4—the traffic in hides became a big business—and people of all grades and calling, scanned the range for the dead and dying animals[.]
About September of that year I moved over to my new place the Valley Ranch—and about the same time Mr Railey and family occupied the old ranch my former home— The nuclus of the Village of Lagarto had formed one mile from Valley Ranch—J W Ramsay, Sam Beall, Sam Cook, T P McNeill C C Lewis and some others were settled there—Sam Beall had started a store, I bought him out at the price of $1000 cash— paid him fifty $20 gold pieces —and thereupon engaged in the mercantile business— Money was plenty times were good—the country was prosperous— Lagarto continued to fill up and improve[.] My business grew to about $40,000 per year[.] I still had a good stock of Horses—about 200 head of cattle—several thousand dollars in money and goods—my home of about 300 acres which with improvements cost not less than $6,000—and with friends &encouragement on every hand, with perfect health—and my children with me—the days and months rolled by with little to marr or interrupt our pleasant life—
In 1874 I again visited my old home in Ky— Father and mother still living, and Brother dispensing hospitality at the old stand—....and on Oct 5th I had the honor and happiness to receive the hand and heart of Miss Nellye Stedman—daughter of Maj E H Stedman of Stedmanville Ky—
Lagarto at this time had grown to be quite a village[.] there were 3 stores 2 Hotels Blksmith shop &some other business houses—and the population was not less than 150 souls—the country around about was pretty well settled up with well to do Ranchmen—all of which made Lagarto a very business like place and the people being friendly and sociable and many of them cultivated and refined our social surroundings were agreeable and afforded entertainment in many ways—
My business was running the store, raising Horses and cattle, and farming on a small scale— Mr Church was chief clerk in the store for about 2 years at the salary of $100 per month[.] Louis Cox another nephew and Knox Barfield also served as clarks for a year or two—in 1875 my brother L J Cox came out and spent a part of the winter with us—brought out several head Durham calves which he had purchased for me in Ky—
In the fall of 1875 our family was increased by the arrival of Maj Stedman &my nephew Jake Cox, then about 14 years of age—Mrs Stedman had died at her home in Ky. from the effect of a fall—....
In the spring of 1876 my brother made us another visit—this time bringing with him, several head of improved Ky cattle and fifty head of Cotswold sheep— about half the cattle died—the remainder sold for fair prices and the sheep were disposed of at $20 to $50— The following year that is 1877, Harman Stedman &family moved from Ky to Lagarto—
I had a lumber yard in connection with the store—and had bought and built several Houses in the town—and had erected a Grist and saw mill, but made the mistake of getting a small power engine—and in consequence the Mill had not the capacity to make it a profitable investment—but the Major being an old Miller ran the concern to some advantage[.] After Mr H Stedman came out he took charge of the Mill &ran it while I owned it—
The Maj made his home with us and devoted his time to Gardening, horticulture and Bee raising and made each a success, this was at Valley Ranch—later on he purchased and improved Sunny side the present home of Mr. H. Stedman—and where he domiciled until March 1885, the month and year of his death—
In 1878 I sold out the store to H B Newbury but kept the Lumber yard and the Post office until about 1881 or 1882[.] In which year I think it was I sold the Valley Ranch to Dr A. G. Henry and moved to a rented house in Lagarto[.]
In 1883 we moved to the Caswel[?] Ranch on the Nueces River—owned by S G Miller—there we remained about 2 years and in Aug 1885 packed our trunks and embarked for Missouri where we expected to secure a pleasant and permanent home—but....the failure to realize our expectations forced us back to Texas....
On my return to Live Oak County in Aug 1886 my friends encouraged me to offer for County Judge and at the election that fall I was elected to the office—and have held this office continuously for six successive terms—
I.
[In 1857 J. H. Kyukendall wrote for Judge Bell, of Columbia, a series of papers, consisting of his recollections of various persons and episodes of early Texas. He himself had played an active part in the life of Austin's colony both before and during the revolution, and was, therefore, well qualified for his task. From Judge Bell, the papers passed into the hands of Hon. Guy M. Bryan and were deposited by him among the Austin Papers, where they now are. Kuykendall's letter of transmittal to Judge Bell, written on the fly leaf of the book containing the reminiscences, explains his method of presentation:
“Judge Bell, “Columbia, Texas. “Dear Sir,
“In the following “Recollections” you will doubtless find some chaff; but some appeared to me necessary as a vehicle for the grain. I would like to add another paper or two (which are nearly ready) hereto, but fearing you may be impatient to receive something from me, I omit them until my next. In a couple of months (making seven months instead of twelve) I will have done all I expect to do in this business. Indeed, by that time, but little new material of much interest, in regard to colonial times, will be left to collect. Please acknowledge the receipt hereof. My Post Office is “Round Top, Fayette Co., Tex.
“Truly yours, “J. H. K. “Aug. 26th, 1857.”]
(Born in Virginia, Aug. 13, 1797.)
Captain Horatio Chriesman left the State of Missouri for Texas in the spring of 1822. At New Orleans he embarked on the Schr. Only Son which landed him and many other immigrants at the mouth of the Colorado river on the fourth day of June 1822. As several cases of sickness occurred amongst the immigrants soon after their debarcation, all the families retired, as soon [as] practicable, further inland, leaving most of their effects at the landing in charge of four men. Captain Chriesman, his father-in-law William Kincheloe, and a few others with their families, camped at a little creek about ten miles north of the landing. A few other families, constituting what was called “Wilson's party” also proceeded about ten miles from the landing and camped on a branch of the Trespalacios—westward from Kincheloe's party.
The remainder of the immigrants went to Jennings's camp, farther up the Colorado.— After the lapse of a few days, the provisions at Kincheloe's camp being nearly exhausted, Mr. Pruit was about to start to the landing for a new supply, when a runner from Wilson's camp came to inform them that the four men left at the landing had been murdered by the Carancawas and all the property of the immigrants carried away or destroyed. Immediately after the receipt of this news, Kincheloe's party left their camp and proceeded up the Colorado—the men packing all the effects of themselves and families except the guns, which were carried by the women. All these immigrants settled at different points on the Colorado. They suffered greatly for want of provisions.
Having lost his wife, Captain Chriesman determined to take his little son to Missouri and place him in the care of his mother. Having purchased a pony, he started on his journey the 23d day of February 1823. Two days afterwards he arrived at the cabin of Martin Varner at Hickory Point, near the present town of Independence. Here he was taken sick and was unable to travel for five or six weeks, by which time he had declined going to Missouri, and undertook, in conjunction with Samuel Kennedy, to cultivate Mr. Varner's small farm. Chriesman and Kennedy were to work the crop and Varner was to furnish the provisions, id est,—lean venison. 85 Sometime during the summer Varner's horses were stolen by a party of Mexicans. Varner and Kennedy pursued and were absent several days, during which time Varner's family had nothing to sustain life withal but a little milk (Varner had but two cows.) “We had” says Capt. Chriesman [“]about eight acres of corn which if not worked immediately was certain to be lost. I could not stop the plough to hunt. I took no sustenance save a few stinted drinks of buttermilk until after I finished ploughing over the eight acres. My plough animal was an old, slow, blind mule.”
A few weeks afterwards Capt. Chriesman was at the house of a neighbor 86—Mr Byrd—who resided about five miles below the present town of Washington, and whilst there Mrs. Byrd (now Mrs. Gray) informed him that Mr. James Whiteside—whose residence was on the Navasota, on the east side of the Brazos—had gone to the United States on business, and that his family consisting of his wife and two little boys, had little or nothing to eat but lettuce. Mrs. Byrd expressed much sympathy for Mrs. Whiteside but said she was unable to relieve her, her own family being nearly destitute of provisions. Chriesman went home and told Varner of Mrs. Whiteside's condition. Varner, who was an excellent hunter and a kind hearted man, instantly shouldered his rifle and went into the woods. In a short time he returned with a very large buck, which Capt. C. threw on his horse and carried to Mrs Whiteside—a distance of twenty miles. “Aunt Betsey,” says Capt Chriesman, “never forgot this favor.”
During this summer Capt. C. was without a shirt, and wore a buckskin hunting shirt instead.— Towards autumn he learned that Col. Groce had some goods. He therefore visited the Col. to replenish his wardrobe. He bought a few yards of coarse, brown Hollands—“Of this linen” says the captain “Mrs. Byrd made me two shirts, the best I ever wore, as they lasted nearly three years.” In the fall of 1823 Col. Austin wrote to Chriesman from the Colorado to employ him as a surveyor. He accepted the appointment and followed the business for several years. About the same time Seth Ingram and Selkirk were also appointed surveyors. The first survey made by Capt Chriesman in the Colony was a league of land 87 for Josiah H. Bell on the west side of the Brazos a few miles below the Labahia road. This work was done on the tenth day of October 1823. Ingram's first survey was made for Sylvanus Castleman on the west side of the Colorado above LaGrange. After making a few more surveys above and below the Labahia road, Capt. Chriesman went lower down the Brazos to work.
In the summer of 1824 Capt Chriesman commanded a company under Austin in his expedition to Goliad in quest of the Carancawas. Early in the ensuing autumn he went on another fruitless trip in quest of these Indians. As he was returning homeward he learned at Mr. Kincheloe's on the Colorado, that a company had started from that neighborhood the day previous to chastise the Indians who had seized White's boat at the mouth of the Colorado. 88 Chriesman and his companion—Andrew Castleman—at once determined, if possible, to overtake the company in time to be in the fight. This they barely effected. Capt. Chriesman's account of this fight differs in one particular from that contained in the sketch of Capt. Ingram. Capt. Chriesman asserts confidently that there were but nine Indians in the canoe—seven of whom were killed in the river and two reached the opposite shore—one of whom was mortally wounded. He does not remember who commanded the whites— In fact, he as well as Capt. Ingram doubts whether there was any recognized commander. (Yoacum gives the command to Capt. Jesse Burnham.)
Late in the autumn of this year Capt. Chriesman while surveying on the east side of the Bernard (a little north of West from McNeil's), had an adventure with the Carancawas. He was meandering the the Bernard (which at at that point is two hundred yards wide), and had two chain-carriers with him. His three remaining hands were in a canoe proceeding down the river with the arms, provisions and camp equipage of the party. Chriesman and the chain-carriers heard dogs barking below them—which led them to suspect that there were Indians about, and they had not proceeded far when they discovered four or five large canoes—all crowded with Indians—moving slowly up the stream. Leaving the chain stretched on the ground, Chriesman and his hands ran up the river and intercepted their canoe. As three of the party were unarmed Capt C. deemed it prudent to discontinue surveying until the Indians should be driven away. He accordingly left his canoe in the river and proceeded with his party to the residence of Mr. Josiah H. Bell near the present town of Columbia. When he arrived at Mr. Bell's he found there Col. Austin, James Jones, and four or five other men—all of whom had just arrived from San Felipe and the Fort (Fort Bend) and who immediately volunteered to return with Captain Chriesman and assist him to search for the Indians. The party now numbered from twelve to fifteen men. When they arrived at the point where Capt. Chriesman had left his canoe, Col. Austin with five or six men embarked on a boat belonging to Mr. Bell (taken thither for the purpose) and rowed slowly down the stream to look for the Indians. Two or three of the men remained at the camp on the bank of the Bernard and two or three accompanied Captain Chriesman down the river to recover his chain which was found without trouble and the party had commenced their return to camp when they heard, a few hundred yards above them, the reports of several guns in rapid succession. They quickened their pace, apprehending that the men at the camp were engaged with the Indians.
They had proceeded but a short distance when they discovered two or three squaws running from the direction of the river. One of the party fired at them before he was aware of their sex. One of the squaws was so frightened that she could scarcely run, and Captain Chriesman determined to make her a prisoner. Just as he reached forth his hand to seize her she fell down and Captain Chriesman left her alone—for he discovered a male Indian in a thicket with his bow raised to shoot him. The Indian disappeared in the thicket before the Capt. could draw a bead on him—but Sterling McNeil fired at him—probably without effect.
When Chriesman and his party arrived at the camp they ascertained that the firing had been below and had doubtless proceeded from Austin's party—which soon afterwards returned and related that they were moving silently down the stream close to the left shore when they suddenly found themselves within a few yards of a large camp of Carancawas, upon which they instantly fired. The Indians were completely surprised and fled into the bottom without returning the fire. The blood on their trail indicated that several of them had been wounded. All their canoes (four or five) were captured. The company remained the ensuing night on the bank of the Bernard. The Indians, who had been dispersed in every direction, were howling through the bottom until a late hour. They all got together and left the Bernard before day. Next morning every man in the company was gratified to find that a small child which the Indians had run off and left at their camp when fired on by Austin's party, had, during the night been recovered and carried away.
Captain Chriesman while surveying never met with these Indians but one other time. This happened on Oyster creek. He had run a line through a canebrake to the bank of the creek and was establishing the corner when two Carancawas made their appearance on the opposite side of the stream. As Capt. C. and his chain-carriers were unarmed they thanked their stars that the broad bayou lay between them and the anthropophagi.
Captain Chriesman commanded a company in the campaign against the Wacoes and Tawacanies conducted by Capt. A. C. Buckner in May and June 1826. 89 The other captains of companies were Ross Alley, William Hall and Bartlet Sims. Near the close of the same year he commanded a company in the expedition against the Fredonians, who dispersed before the forces from the colony reached the Trinity and the colonial militia were permitted to return home. In the year 1832 Capt. C. moved his residence to the capital of the colony (San Felipe) having been elected Constitutional Alcalde for that year.
I was born in Washington county, Georgia, in the year 1815. My father, Judge John G. Robinson immigrated to Texas with his family in the year 1831. He at first settled within the present limits of Brazoria county, where he resided a few months. Both my father and myself were engaged in the attack on the Mexican Fort at Velasco in June 1832. Not long afterwards we removed to Mill Creek within the present bounds of Austin county and subsequently to Cummins's creek, a few miles east of the Colorado. I had, from boyhood, a strong predilection for adventure which my father afforded me every facility in his power to gratify, and for three or four years, much, perhaps most, of my time was devoted to the defense of our frontiers against the Indians and Mexicans. I will briefly allude to the principal conflicts in which I was engaged. I was a member of a company of about thirty men, which in May 1835 went to attack the Keechi village on Boggy creek—a tributary of the Trinity river. When we got near the village some of the Indians met us in a friendly manner. We charged them with stealing horses from the whites which accusation they denied and to prove that they were at a good understanding with the settlers in Robinson's [Robertson's] colony they exhibited a treaty with them signed by the Empresario, Sterling C. Robertson. We were about to depart without molestingg them when some of our men in looking about the village, saw, and recognized several horses which had been stolen from the settlements on the Colorado. Finding they were detected the Keechies seized their arms. We fired on them and they took refuge in a thicket contiguous to the village. We knew not what loss the Indians sustained. None of our men were injured. We immediately collected about thirty head of horses and started homeward. As we expected the Indians would pursue us and make an effort to recover their horses, a strong guard was placed around our camp the ensuing night. At a late hour one of our sentinels fired off his gun and ran into the camp crying “Indians!” The night was unusually dark, and the men, suddenly roused from sleep mistook one another for the enemy. Some clubbed their rifles and knocked down their messmates. Several shots were also fired and one man (Benjamin Castleman) was killed and another wounded before the mistake was discovered. I think it probable that the sentinel really saw Indians, but they did not molest us. We returned home without further mishap. 91 Both Major Oldham and Capt. John York claimed the command of this company and were constantly quarreling about it, but neither of them was ever fully recognized as such by the men.
Difficulties with the Mexicans commenced about the close of this summer (1835) and I was among the very first who repaired to the field of strife. This was about the last of August or first of September, and I didnot return home until after the surrender of Bexar to our arms in December of the same year. I was engaged in the sharp conflict at the Mission of Conception, 28th Oct. I was also in what is known as the “grass-fight” and fully participated in the storming of the town of San Antonio de Bexar. After my return home I had but a few weeks respite from the toils of war. The wave of Mexican invasion was rolling towards our frontier. The time had arrived that really “tried men's souls.” Our next campaign opened the first of March 1836. During this campaign I was a private in Capt. Heard's company of the first Regiment, (Burleson's), and fought in the battle of San Jacinto. As a true account of the capture of Santa Anna has probably never been published I will here relate the particulars.
I was one of a detachment of thirty or forty men commanded by Col. Burleson, which left the encampment of the Texas Army at sunrise of the morning after the battle, to pursue the fugitive enemy. Most of us were mounted on horses capturerd from the Mexicans. We picked up two or three cringing wretches before we reached Vince's Bayou (8 or 9 miles from our camp). Col. Burleson gave them a few lines in pencil stating that they had been made prisoners by him, and sent them back to our camp without a guard. 92 When we got within about two miles of Vince's bayou we discovered, some distance to our left, five or six mounted men coming from towards the head of the bayou. Supposing them to be Mexicans we rode towards them, and they fled. We pursued and chased them to Vince's bayou, below the road, where they dismounted and went into a thicket. When we got to their horses we found that they were caparisoned in American, or rather, Texian, style, and some of the horses were American. Inferring from these circumstances that the riders were our countrymen we called to them and they quickly came out of the thicket. It proved to be Doctor Phelps and others on their way to our army. They had mistaken us for Mexicans, as we had mistaken them. Phelps and his little party proceeded on towards our army. Col. Burleson with the greater part of the detachment went up Vince's bayou—but six of us, to wit, Sylvester, Miles, Vermillion, Thompson, another man whose name I have forgotten, and myself, proceeded a short distance farther down the Bayou, but not finding any Mexicans we turned our course towards our camp. About two miles east of Vince's Bayou, the road leading from the bridge to the battleground crossed a ravine a short distance below its source. This ravine extends to Buffalo Bayou. Along its course, between the road and Buffalo bayou are or were, several small groves or mots with considerable space of prairie between them. As we approached this ravine we discovered a man standing in the prairie near one of the groves. When we got near him he sat down on a small bundle, but ere we quite reached him he rose up and stood again. He was dressed in citizens clothing, to wit, blue cottonade, (frock) coat and pantaloons. I was the only one of our party who spoke any Spanish. I asked the prisoner various questions which he answered readily. In reply to the question whether he knew where Santa Anna and Cos were, he said he presumed they had gone to the Brazos. He said he was not aware that there were any of his countrymen concealed near him, but said there might be in the thicket along the ravine.
Miles mounted the prisoner on his horse and walked as far as the road—about a mile.— Here he ordered the prisoner to dismount, which he did with great reluctance. He walked slowly and apparently with pain. Miles, who was a rough, reckless fellow, was carrying a Mexican lance which he had picked up during the morning, with which weapon he occasionally slightly pricked the prisoner to accelerate his pace—which sometimes amounted to a trot. At length he stopped and begged permission to ride—saying that he belonged to the cavalry and was unaccustomed to walking. We paused and deliberated as to what should be done with him. I asked him if he would go on to our army if left behind to travel at his leisure. He replied that he would. Miles insisted that the prisoner should be left behind—but said if he were left that he would kill him. He urged the rest of us to proceed on, saying “I will stay with him.” At length my compassion for the prisoner moved me to mount him behind me. I also took charge of his bundle. He was disposed to converse and as we rode along, asked me many questions, the first of which was “Did General Houston command in person in the action of yesterday?” He also asked how many prisoners we had taken and what we were going to do with them— When, in answer to an inquiry, I informed him that the Texian force in the batle of the preceding day was less than eight hundred men, he said I was surely mistaken—that our force was certainly much greater. In turn, I plied the prisoner with divers questions. I remember asking him why he came to Texas to fight against us, to which he replied that he was a private soldier, and was bound to obey his officers. I asked him if he had a family. He replied in the affirmative, but when I enquired “Do you expect to see them again?” his only answer was a shrug of the shoulders.
We rode to that part of our camp where the prisoners were kept in order to deliver our trooper to the guard. What was our astonishment, as we approached the guard, to hear the prisoners exclaiming “El Presidente! el Presidente!” by which we were made aware that we had unwittingly captured the “Napoleon of the South.” The news spread almost instantaneously through our camp and we had scarcely dismounted ere we were surrounded by an excited crowd. Some of our officers immediately took charge of the illustrious captive and conducted him to the tent of Genl. Houston.
I remained in possession of the bundle and after I went to my company I opened it. It consisted of an inferior Mexican blanket, a white linen sheet, a fine grey cloth vest with gold buttons and a Mexican bottle-gourd (guage). I afterward called on Santa Anna and offered to restore the bundle but he declined receiving it, and expressed himself very grateful for the kindness I had shown him.
After the rank of our prisoner became known I reviewed all the circumstances of his flight and capture and arrived at the conclusion that, contrary to the opinion since generally entertained, he did not reach the crossing of Vince's bayou, nor Vince's Bayou at any point. It is true that the horse upon which he fled was found near the bridge, within less than one hundred and fifty yards of Vince's house; but this fact is no evidence that the rider went that far. The horse (a fine black stallion belonging to Mr. Vince and taken from his stable be [by] the Mexicans a few days before) if abandoned by his rider even at the distance of many miles from Vince's, would very naturally have gone thither and been found near his stable.
Nor is it reasonable to suppose that Santa Anna after arriving at the Bayou and finding the bridge destroyed would have liberated his horse and walked back nearly two miles, across an open prairie to conceal himself.— The fugitive Mexicans on the evening of the battle were closely jursued and many were cut down by our cavalry, and I doubt not that when Santa Anna arrived at the ravine before described, he abandoned his horse and concealed himself in the nearest thicket.
It is worthy of remark that Santa Anna was less crouching than other Mexicans in whose capture I had assisted. His complexion was rather fairer than was common among the Mexican soldiers, which, together with his manners led me to suppose that he was a Frenchman. This supposition the more readily occurred to me from the circumstance that a Frenchman in the Mexican service had been made prisoner near our camp the day before the battle.
My father was a member of the first Congress of the Republic of Texas which convened at Columbia in the autumn of 1836. During the session he bought some groceries and sent them to the house of Mr. Stevens who resided about five miles south of my father and within the present limits of Fayette County. In February 1837— shortly after he returned from Columbia, my father went down to Mr. Stevens's with his cart to bring home his groceries. He was accompanied by his brother, Walter Robinson—who was quite a youth. They went with the intention of staying all night with Mr. Stevens. At that time I was at my fathers on a visit—my residence being at Washington on the Brazos. Very early in the morning after my father left home, I started down to Mr. Brecden's (he resided on Cummins's creek about eight miles below my father) purposing to go thence to Washington. When I arrived at Mr. Breeden's, I learned that the night before the Indians had stolen all his horses. Knowing [sic] that my father and uncle intended starting home early that morning and that they were unarmed, I was instantly seized with a presentiment that the Indians would fall in with and murder them. I returned as speedily as possible to my mother and told her the news. She was very uneasy. It was now about noon. I armed myself and proceeded on the road towards Stevens's. I had scarcely gone a mile, when, in the open post oak woods, I found my father's cart and oxen standing in the road. The groceries were also in the cart. But neither father nor uncle was there. I had now no doubt of their fate. The conviction that they were murdered shot into my heart like a thunder bolt. Riding on a few yards farther I discovered buzzards collecting near the road. My approach scared them away and revealed to my sight the body of my father, nude, scalped and mutilated! I dismounted and sat down by the body. After recoving a little from the shock I looked around for my uncle. I found his body, also stripped scalped and mangled, about fifty yards from my father's remains. His body was small and light and I carried it and laid it by the side of my father's. The vultures, in black groups, were perched on the trees around, and I knew they would quickly devour the bodies if I left them exposed. I covered them with my coat and saddle-blanket and piled brush upon them. I then hurried back with the woful news to my aged mother. There were between thirty and forty of these Indians. Cimcumstances placed it out of my power to pursue them. A few days after they murdered my father and uncle, it was ascertained that on the very same day, after going about twenty miles, they killed Mr. Gotier and his wife and carried three of their children into captivity. These children were afterwards recovered.
(Born in Kentucky, 1795.)
Judge Duke was born in the State of Kentucky in the year 1795. In his youth he served a campaign under General Harrison and was in the battle of the Thames. He is one of many engaged in that battle who assert that Dick Johnson did not kill Tecumseh. Judge Duke left N. Orleans for Texas on board the Schr. Lively in May or June 1822. The Lively was wrecked on the west end of Galveston Island, whence the immigrants were taken by the Schooner John Motley and landed at the mouth of the Colorado in June 1822. Thence the immigrants proceeded a few miles further up the Colorado to “Jennings's camp.” Judge D. continued on up to the settlement near the locality of the present town of Columbus.
The immigrants left most of their provisions and other property at the landing in charge of three men, who were shortly after-wards murdered by the Carancawas, who carried away or destroyed all the goods belonging to the settlers. This was the first outbreak of these Indians. Not long after this J. C. Clark, —, and another man, were coming up the Colorado from Kincheloe's canebrake in a pirogue laden with corn, when they were attacked by the Carancawas. Allen and the man whose name is forgotten were killed. Clark was severely wounded but escaped. Shortly afterwards Robert Kuykendall headed a party of settlers in an attack on the Carancawas at the mouth of Scull creek where the Indians were defeated with considerable loss. In December 1822 the Baron de Bastrop arrived at the upper settlement on the Colorado with authority to organize the colony. The settlers convened near the locality of the present town of Columbus where they took the oath of allegiance to the Emperor Iturbide and held an election for civil and militia officers which resulted in the choice of John Tomlinson for Alcalde, Robt. Kuykendall for Captain, — Jackson for first and Moses Morrison for second Lieutenant. The whole number of voters then on the Colorado did not exceed thirty. Judge Duke acted as secretary for the Baron de Bastrop in effecting this organization. The Baron did not proceed as far as the Brazos, as he had intended but authorized Josiah H. Bell to organize the colonists on that river. Bastrop went back to San Antonio but returned to the colony again in 1823 as commissioner to extend titles to the colonists— but his health became impaired, and he soon afterwards returned again to San Antonio. He was subsequently a delegate to the State Congress of Coahuila and Texas and Judge D. thinks he died at San Antonio in the year 1826. 93 When the Baron first came to Austin colony D. thinks he was nearly eighty years of age, but very hale and active. He was says Judge Duke, a native of Holland, but at an early age went into the service of Frederic the Great of Prussia. He soon distinguished himself and was ennobled by Frederic. At a later period he received from the King of Spain a large grant of land in Louisiana; but after the acquisition of that territory by the United States he could not sustain his claim. He thought that great injustice had been done him and always spoke in bitter terms of the United States Government. He always signed his name “El Baron de Bastrop.” Judge Duke never learned his family name. 94
In consequence of repeated thefts committed by the Wacoes and Tawacanies, Austin, in July 1824, sent Captain Aylett C. Buckner to make a treaty with them. Judge Duke, James Baird, Thomas H. Borden, Selkirk, — Jones and McCrosky, accompanied Buckner on this mission. They took with them some goods to barter with the Indians for horses. They crossed the Brazos at the San Antonio road and proceeded up the river on the east side to the Tawacanie village—thence they crossed over to the Waco village—the site of the present town of Waco. They were well received by the Indians who had recently returned from their summer buffalo-hunt and were feasting on buffalo meat, green corn and beans. They had also pumpkins and melons. They dwelt in comfortable lodges, conical in shape, the frames of which were of cedar poles or slats and thatched with grass. The largset of these lodges (their council-house), was fifty nine paces in circumferance. The Wacoes and Tawacanies spoke the same language, and were essentially the same people. Judge D. thinks the two tribes could then number between two and three hundred warriors. They smoked the pipe of peace with the embassy and pledged themselves to peace and amity with the colonists. They had a great number of horses and mules. A small plug of tobacco was the price of a horse &a plug and a half that of a mule.
The embassy remained between two or [and] three weeks with the Indians and returned home by the same route they went out.
“In the year 1819” says Judge Duke “I was at Natchitoches where I formed the acquaintance of a man of the name of Scamp, who had traded with the Comanches. He informed me that he and others had, a year or two previously, obtained in the Comanche country a mass of metal weighing more than half a ton and which they believed to be platinum. They took it to New Orleans to have it tested, but not succeeding to their satisfaction they sent it to Europe for that purpose, but never heard of it again. During this expedition to the Wacoes and Tawacanies I related this story, to my companions and it resulted in our projecting an expedition the ensuing autumn towards the head of the Brazos, for the purpose of bringing away another mass of the supposed precious metal much larger than that just described. A man by the name of McWilliams, an old Comanche trader, then living on the Brazos near the San Antonio road, had stated that he had seen this metallic mass and could find it again. He also stated that the Comanches regarded it as sacred and even worshipped it. A god of platinum seemed worthy of our homage also, and we were determined to brave almost any danger to obtain it. We had an interview with McWilliams who agreed to conduct us to the hallowed deposit; but our golden visions were soon afterwards dissipated by the death of McWilliams. (May not this mineral body be identical with that said to have been obtained by Major Neighbors a year or two since on the upper Brazos, and which has been pronounced an aerolite or meteoric stone?—K.)
Judge Duke was with Capt. Randall Jones in his fight with the Cokes in Gulf Prairie in Sept. 1824. His account of which differs little from that which has been published. Sometime during the same year he was one of a small party who were looking for Indians in the Colorado bottom; when they came upon a man and woman at their camp. They were Carancawas, and as they did not run on their approach the party resolved to make them prisoners. Capt. Robert Kuykendall was about to seize the squaw when she ran; the man also ran but did not get far as he was shot down by Daniel Rawls. Kuykendall, a man of extraordinary fleetness, pursued the squaw. She leaped across a deep ravine. With much difficulty Kuykendall performed the same feat and continued in pursuit some distance further; but the squaw effected her escape. It is Judge Duke's opinion that the Carancawas in 1822 could count between two and three hundred warriors. In this estimate he includes the Cokes and Cohannies—who were, in fact, but fragments of the Carancawa tribe.
In the year 1826 Buckner defeated a party of Carancawas below Elliott's crossing. In the winter of 1826 the families of Flowers and Cavanagh were murdered by the Carancawas. Capt. Buckner pursued them with a company. He found the Indians camped in a mot on the bay, about three miles east of the present town of Matagorda. He surprised them at daybreak and completely routed [them]—killing about thirty. This was the greatest loss these Indians ever sustained in any one fight with the Colonists.
In the year 1828 Judge Duke was elected first constitutional Alcalde of Austin's Colony. This court had both original and appellate Jurisdiction. In cases of appeal the inferior Alcaldes sat with him. The laws that governed him were few and simple, and “might have been written” says Judge D. “on half a page of fools cap.”
Judge Duke was always a friend of Austin and has conferred his name on one of his sons; yet he thinks that his (Austin's) enemies sometimes fared better than his friends.— “Buckner and the Rabbs” said he “were at one time clamorous against him and he conciliated them by extending them favors.”
Judge Duke was intimately acquainted with Capt. A. C. Buckner, who he says was a man of fair education and intelligence and of undoubted courage, but his irritability or rather irascibility, was excessive; in illustration of which Judge Duke relates the following anecdotes. “As we were returning home from our visit to the Waco village we traveled nearly all one day without any thing. I was very hungry and after we camped in the evening and before our supper was done cooking, I took a bit of meat out of the pot to appease a little the cravings of hunger. Buckner eyed me sternly, and said testily `Duke, I wouldn't be a d—d dog.' I made some reply which transported him with anger. He challenged me to fight him on the ground and on the instant—proposing rifles as the arms and ten paces as the distance. I kept my temper and alternately laughed at him and reasoned with him. His choler soon subsided, and by next morning he was as agreeable as usual. He and Joshua Parker were once bringing home a cavallada from the Rio Grande. At their camp one night, Buckner from some trifling cause, became greatly enraged at Parker and challenged him to fight instanter with rifles. Parker, who knew his man, at once agreed to fight him, but as it was quite dark, proposed to postpone the duel until next morning at daylight. Buckner reluctantly assented to the proposal and passed a sleepless night. At the dawn of next morning he rose to prepare for the combat, but found Parker still asleep. Daylight came and Parker still snored on. Buckner became impatient and touching Parker, awoke him. “Come Parker” said he “we are to fight this morning.” Parker, after stretching his limbs and yawning said “Buckner, I have been thinking upon this matter and have come to the conclusion that we had better not fight, for if we should both fall what in the h—ll would become of the cavallada?” This stroke of humor had the desired effect. Buckner quickly pacified, and the partners resumed their journey perfectly reconciled.
Buckner, like Herbert's Scandinavian “champion” seems to have been—
“mild and kind” Save when the fury his mind.” 95
“In the year 1841” said Judge Duke “while I was collector of customs at Paso Cavallo, an old Portuguese sailor lived with me for some time. He told me in substance the following story which I credit.— He had served under Lafitte at Barataria and Galveston but was discharged by him when he broke up his establishment at the latter place. Afterwards he again met with Lafitte at Charleston S. C. Here Lafitte had purchased an interest in a vessel which soon after sailed to the Island of Mugeres where she was laden with dye-woods and sent back to the United States. Lafitte remained in Yucatan and his old Portuguese follower remained with him. Lafitte went from Merida to the Indian village of Celan(?) where he died. His old follower attended him in his last illness and after seeing the remains of his beloved commander interred in the Campo Santo of Merida, went to Honduras. The old sailor did not remember the year of our Lord in which Lafitte's death happened, but recollected that the passport he obtained at Merida immediately after that event was dated, to use his own words “in the year two.” (Probably 1825 or 1826.)
Austin, says Judge Duke, tried to induce the Tonkewas to cultivate the soil. He gave the chief, Carita, hoes and other farming implements and an ample supply of seed corn and Carita promised that his people should clear land in the Colorado bottom and plant corn. But with this promise he had, probably, no intention to comply. He made bread of the seed corn and after it was all consumed visited Austin and informed him that the Great Spirit had told the Tonkewas not to raise corn but hunt as they had always been accustomed to do, and look to their white friends for the staff of life. Whereupon Austin informed that he was inspired to say that the Tonkewas would starve if they did not go to work. The Tonkewas, however, never essayed to till the soil.
Carita, says the Judge, was a very shrewd Indian and quite sharp at driving a bargain. He was wont to say that if Austin would trade with him he could cheat him out of his Colony.
In the year 1834 or 1835, the Tonkewas, instigated by the Mexicans of Victoria, treacherously assassinated fifteen or twenty of the Carancawas. The Tonkewas went to the camp of the Carancawas, taking with them a small boy who secretly cut the bowstrings of the Carancawas, upon which the Tonkewas fell upon them and murdered all but two or three.
The DeLeons and other Mexicans of Victoria had large stocks of cattle near the coast. They charged the Carancawas (and probably with truth) with stealing their cattle, and one of them resolved to exterminate the Indians by means of poison. The person to whom he applied for the poison, divining his purpose, gave him cream of tartar instead of arsenic. A large quantity of boiled corn was the vehicle of this supposed poison. The savory hominy was charitably distributed to the red men who took it to their camp and ate it. The next morning to the astonishment of the hospitable Don, the Carancawas presented themselves before him and begged for another supply of boiled corn!
In the spring of 1836 the Carancawas could still count twenty five or thirty warriors. When the Mexican army of invasion reached our frontier they joined it and fought against us at the Mission of Refugio in March 1836. They had previously offered to fight for the Americans but their offer was either rejected or neglected. 96
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTICES.
The November issue of Publications of the Southern History Association (Vol. VI, No. 6) is devoted entirely to the publication of documents and book reviews. The documents are: “A Southern Sulky Ride in 1837”— from Taboro, North Carolina, to Alabama—(to be continued); “General Sumter and his Neighbors” (concluded); and “Early Quaker Records in Virginia” (continued).
Out West, which in the past has published numerous sources bearing on the history of Spanish activities in the West, has now turned to the history of the English in that quarter. The November number (Vol. XVII, No. 5) begins a series of documents entitled Early English Voyages to the Pacific Coast of America (From their own and contemporary accounts.) The first number is the story of Sir Francis Drake's voyage to the Pacific, from a contemporary English account. The editor promises the resumption of the publication of translations from the Ramirez collection.
The October number of the American Historical Review (Vol. VIII, No. 1) contains The Financial Relations of the Knights Templars to the English Crown, by Eleanor Ferris; Habeas Corpus in the Colonies, by A. H. Carpenter; John Quincy Adams and the Monroe Doctrine, II, by Worthington C. Ford; and Lincoln and the Patronage, by Carl R. Fish. We are told by the author that the last named article “is a by-product of a work on the history of the patronage.” The documents published in this number are: English Policy Toward America in 1790-1791, II; Two Letters of Richard Cromwell, 1659; A Letter of Marquis de La Fayette, 1781; and A Letter of Alexander H. Stephens, 1854.
The following is the table of contents of The Gulf States Historical Magazine for November, 1902 (Vol. I, No. 3):
“The Necessity for a New Life of Andrew Jackson,” by Arthur S. Colyar; “The Continuity of Constitutional Government in Mexico under President Juarez,” by Clarence Ousley; “Louisiana History in Government Documents,” by William Beer; “How the News of the Assassination of President Lincoln was Received by the Confederate Prisoners on Johnson's Island,” by John W. Inzer; “Florida Historical Documents,” by Edwin L. Green; and “The Ross Family,” by Thomas M. Owen. Among the documents printed in this number is a letter of John C. Calhoun's which escaped Prof. Jameson's search.
Dos Antiguas Relaciones de la Florida. By Genaro Garcia. (México: J. Aguilar y Comp. (S. en C.) 1902. Quarto, Pp. CII, 226.)
Under the above title Señor Garcia publishes for the first time two valuable documents, namely Vida y Hechos de Pero Menendez de Avilés, etc., by Bartolomé Barrientos, and Relacion de los Trabajos que la Gente de Una Nao Llamada Nra Señora de la Merced Padecio, etc., by Fray Andrés de San Miguel.
Señor Garcia's introduction to the volume, occupying more than ninety pages, is divided into three chapters. The first is made up of biographical and bibliographical notes on the authors whose works he publishes. Chapter II, entitled “La Florida,” contains nine sections, devoted respectively to early explorers, to Juan Ponce de León, Lucas Vásquez de Ayllón, Pánfilo de Narvaez, Hernando de Soto Jean Ribaut, René de Laudonniére, Pedro Menendez de Avilés, and to the natives. In the third chapter, treating of the natives of America under Spanish rule, Señor Garcia writes in a vein in keeping with his recently published Carácter de la Conquista Española en América y en México según los Textos de los Historiadores Primitivos (reviewed in The Quarterly, Vol. VI, No. 1). He exhibits from the Spanish historians themselves the harsh treatment received by the natives at the hands of the conquistadores. Nor does he spare the Spanish rulers, but charges them with not taking care to properly regulate the management of the Indians in the interest of humanity. He disproves of calling Isabella protector of the natives, and accuses Charles V. of neglect to clothe the local authorities in America with power to proceed against individuals guilty of ill treatment of the Indians. Although this chapter is not a constructive study of Spanish colonial institutions, it throws valuable light on some phases of the question with which it deals. In this connection the editor takes occasion to reply, in a foot note of perhaps a thousand words, to two Spanish writers who have attacked his recent work mentioned above. Señor Garcia knows his ground, has a high spirit, and can take care of himself in a tilt with his critics.
Among the few things that Señor Garcia is able to tell us about Barrientos, author of the Vida y Hechos, are the facts that he was professor of Latin in the University of Salamanca, an accomplished scholar, and an ardent Catholic. The work was written in 1568, but soon disappeared, and in spite of the efforts of bibliophiles to find it, remained hidden until 1885, when it was unexpectedly offered for sale in Madrid. It is divided into 52 chapters, occupying 152 pages. It deals in part with a description of Florida, but more largely with the deeds of Menendez de Avilés. Barrientos was partisan enough to look upon the massacre of the Huguenots as an `heroic deed' brought about by divine agency, and perhaps his prime motive in writing it was to give Philip II. the satisfaction of reading about the destruction of the `Lutherans.' Barrientos was probably not in Florida with Menedez, but, says Señor Gracia, as he wrote from plentiful first-hand material, furnished by personal witnesses of the events he describes, he has given us, perhaps, in spite of his strong Catholic bias, the most authentic account of the Menendez expedition.
Fray Andrés de San Miguel came to the New World in 1593, in a ship called Nuestra Señora de la Merced. His detailed account of the voyage is the second Relacion published in the volume under review. He came to America a second time in 1597, entered a religious house at Puebla, and later became a noted scholar and engineer. Commenting on his Relacion Señor Garcia says: `Independently of the unquestionable merit it possesses of having been written by a witness of the events embraced in it, other circumstances exist which make it doubly valuable, such as its constant truth, its delicate beauty, its natural and exquisitely tasteful grace, the ingenuous fidelity of the characters, the dramatic interest, sustained without effort, and the valuable teachings in which it abounds.'
H. E. B.
Aus Meinen Lebensführungen. Von C. Urbantke. Cincinnati: Druck von Jennings &Pye für den Autor. 1902. 12 mo., 168 Seiten; Leinwand.
This carefully written autobiography contains interesting material touching portions of the history of our State during the fifty years just past. A brief synopsis of this material may be of service, so the narrative is summarized as follows:
The great emigration of Germans to Texas in 1848-49 caused numerous reports of the excellence of the climate and of the fertility of the soil to be published in various parts of Europe. These reports caused the author to remove hither. He landed at Harrisburg in October, 1853. From Harrisburg he proceeded by rail to Walles Station, the terminus, seventeen miles distant; flat cars were used for transportation and four hours required for the trip. At Milheim he attended a German ball, and he gives a description of men's clothing and of the culture of the company. After serving for three years for hire, he purchased a piece of raw land and began to open up a farm. Barring Indians, he suffered nearly all the hardships of earlier colonists. The privations entailed by the Civil War are touched upon.
Exempted from service in the war on account of physical ailment, he came in contact with Methodist missionaries in 1862, was converted, and finally became a circuit rider in the M. E. Church, South. However, since the church published no church literature (catechisms, hymnals, disciplines, etc.) in the German language, the Germon churches of Texas used those of the Northern Church. The relations thus maintained and the outcome of the war prompted a movement having for its end the reunion of the German churches of the North and South. The German missionaries in Texas conferred with each other on this matter, laid the subject before their congregations, and in several instances reunion was determined upon. On January 3, 1867, the Texas Mission Conference was organized at Houston; Bishop Simpson presided and eighty or ninety ministers attended, of which number only eight or ten were white—three German. In 1873 the Texas Conference was divided into four annual conferences—two colored and two white; the Southern German Conference included the German missions in Texas and Louisiana. The growth of this conference (which is sketched briefly) created a demand for additional workers, and led to the founding in 1882 of Mission Institute at Brenham. The last chapter of the book gives an account of the history of this school over which the author presided for seventeen years.
E. W. Winkler.
NOTES AND FRAGMENTS.
Some Corrections.—In the notes to the Reminiscences of Sion R. Bostick in The Quarterly for October, 1901, the name of Joel W. Robison is incorrectly spelled “Robinson”; and in the number for October, 1902, p. 168, the name “Joel W. Robinson” should be James W. Robinson. See note page 241.
Materials for Texas History at the State University.—The Bexar Archives, the Austin Papers, the Papers of the Texas Veterans' Association, the Roberts Papers, and the most valuable documents belonging to the collection of the Historical Association are now stored in the fireproof vault of the University. The work of classifying and indexing them is being pushed forwarded as energetically as possible. The task, however, is too great to be accomplished quickly. The materials in the Bexar Archives are now arranged in separate groups according to date, one for each year from 1730 to 1835, and it is possible for an industrious and well equipped investigator to exploit the mass for any given year in a comparatively short time and with a fair degree of assurance that he has missed nothing; but the work of reading and indexing, which must follow, is vast. It is much increased by the multitudes of puzzles arising from the bad Spanish and bad chirography of many of the documents, and it will probably require considerable time to put them in anything like good condition for reference.
Landmarks Preserved by Daughters of the Republic of Texas.—In pursuance of one of the objects of this organization, the Daughters of the Republic of Texas have, within the last two years, marked some important places connected with the history of the State. Realizing the importance of preserving the identity of different points on the battle field of San Jacinto, and acting in concert with the Texas Veterans' Association, San Jacinto Chapter carried out the scheme of placing iron markers wherever the truth of history required. The following account of the occasion, July 4, 1901, when the markers were placed, is taken from the Houston Post for June 4, 1901:
“The party leaving the Grand Central depot at 9:45 a. m., on the La Porte train, comprised Mrs. J. J. McKeever, Jr., President San Jacinto Chapter; Mrs. Maggie Houston Williams, Mrs. J. R. Fenn, Miss Belle Fenn, Miss Millie Thatcher, Mrs. Frank Moore, Mrs. J. J. Fenn, members of the Daughters of the Republic, and the following guests and friends of the Association: Judge S. J. Hendrick, member of the Legislature and San Jacinto Commissioner; Mr. J. W. Winters, one of the survivors of the battle of San Jacinto, and his son, J. W. Winters, Jr., of Big Foot, Frio county; Mr. J. W. Maxcy, of Houston, civil and landscape engineer; George A. Hill, Secretary of San Jacinto Commission, and son of Colonel James M. Hill, of Austin, Vice-President of Veterans' Association and survivor of battle of San Jacinto; Col. J. R. Fenn, of Houston; S. Houston Williams, grandson of the immortal hero, Sam Houston; Mr. J. J. Fenn, Houston; Mr. Ingham S. Roberts, Houston, and Mr. T. S. Gibbs, of Huntsville. These were met at Deer Park, on the La Porte and Northern Railway, by Mr. E. E. Adams and J. W. Baldridge, of Deer Park, and teams from La Porte, which took the party to the battle grounds.
“No time was lost after the arrival on the scene where Houston's army encamped on the bayou. Mrs. McKeever called the meeting to order and inaugurated the practical business that brought them to this sacred spot.
“Upon motion, Judge Hendrick was made chairman, and George A. Hill, secretary.
“Judge Hendrick delivered quite an interesting historical talk from a commanding spot, and pointed out at a distance the movements of the two armies from the time of their joint arrival to the noted battles of the 20th and 21st, and using a list of the events prepared by the Daughters suggested that the monuments be at once established, commencing in their order with the camp of General Houston, where he lay wounded under a treee on the bayou, and the spot where Santa Anna was delivered to him a captive.
“The temporary improvised monuments consist of a galvanized one-inch pipe about 12 feet in length, and a cross at the top, which was driven in the ground to a depth of about nine feet. The driving process is not a picnic exercise, but this was not fully understood in the initiatory proceedings, as all of the gentlemen were cheerful volunteers, but Judge Hendrick claimed the privilege of driving in monument No. 1, which he did, but it was observed that he modestly retired and never volunteered thereafter.
“Following No. 1 the other monuments were placed in the following order:
“No. 2. Position of Twin Sisters cannon on 20th, during the cannon battle and cavalry skirmish.
“No. 3. Camp of General Burleson's regiment.
“No. 4. Camp of General Millard's regiment.
“No. 5. Camp of Cavalry regiment.
“No. 6. Camp of General Sherman's regiment.
“No. 7. Line of Sherman's advance on 21st.
“(b) Iron pipe on the line of Burleson's advance on the 21st.
“(a) Iron pipe on the line of artillery advance on the 21st.
“(m) Iron pipe on the line of Millard's advance on the 21st.
“Double locust tree, Lamar's artillery, on the 21st.
“Double post oak tree marked X, position of Mexican artillery on 20th, in Post Oak Grove.
“Iron pipe south of west Post Oak Grove, near old Sewell homestead, in shell bed, where cavalry fought on 20th.
“No. 8. Iron cross south end of Mexican breastworks and cavalry engagement on the 21st.
“No. 9. Where Houston was wounded and lost his first horse, killed from under him.
“No. 10. Iron cross, Mexican cannon.
“No. 11. Iron cross north end of Mexican breastwork.
“No. 11½. Iron pipe cast iron cross No. 10, where General Santa Anna had his hammock swung supported by four brass posts.
“No. 12. Iron cross where Mexicans were captured, including General Almonte, in a grove across the Santa Anna slough, where the dead Mexicans and horses made an effective pontoon bridge for over 100 yards.”
In placing these markers, Mr. J. W. Winter indicated the different localities, he having been appointed by the Texas Veterans' Association for this purpose. Mr. Winters had been on the battle field several times since the memorable battle, thus keeping the recollection of places and events fresh in his mind.
Whenever the State places a substantial fence around the field, making of it a State park, it is designed to replace these iron markers with stone tablets.
At San Antonio, De Zavala Chapter has placed tablets in two historic buildings as follows:
Inscription of tablet on the Veramendi house:
“The Veramendi House, Where Ben Milam was killed Dec. 7, 1835, And where Bowie won his bride. De Zavala Chapter, Daughters of the Republic of Texas.”
Inscription of tablet on the Hugo &Schemltzer building, which is part of the old convent of the Mission San Antonio de Valero, and is adjoining the Alamo:
“Part of the Franciscan Mission San Antonio de Valero, With the Alamo and this square, The scene of heroism unsurpassed. De Zavala Chapter, Daughters of the Republic of Texas.”
Perceiving that the old Spanish Mission of San José, the most artistic of all these fine old buildings in the neighborhood of San Antonio, was much in need of fencing to prevent our modern vandals from chipping its walls away, a fence was put around it by the same chapter, and some very necessary repairs made in the building itself. In this work the chapter was materially aided by a donation of $50.00 from Miss Helen Gould, and $25.00 from the local chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution, the total outlay being $318.38.
The Henry Downs Chapter, Daughters of the American Revolution, at Waco, has pledged itself to assist the Daughters of the Republic of Texas in restoring or preserving the other missions, and it is hoped that their example may be followed by the other chapters throughout the State.
The interest recently awakened among the Federated Women's Clubs of Texas on the subject of Texas history and the preservation of our old missions furnishes a very encouraging note in the hitherto apathetic tone of public spirit regarding this urgent public work.
Adele B. Looscan, Historian, Daughters of the Republic of Texas.
AFFAIRS OF THE ASSOCIATION.
The members of the Association are reminded that the regular annual meeting will be held at Waco on San Jacinto day. The Texas Veterans' Association and the Daughters of the Republic of Texas will be in session there at the same time, and the exercises will be at least partly in common. No further notice is to be expected. These joint annual meetings have proved themselves highly enjoyable; and if the members who have never attended them will try the experiment they will need no persuasion to come again.
2. Fisher's Memorials, 11.—Archives of Texas, C, File 28, No. 16.
3. Extract from The New Orleans Bee, October 14, 1835, in Fisher's Memorials, 29-30.
4. Extract from The New Orleans Commercial Bulletin (no date) in The Telegraph and Texas Register, October 31, 1835.
The committee appointed consisted of James H. Caldwell, Wm. Bogart, James P. Nevin, Wm. L. Hodge, and Thomas Banks. William Christy and James Ramage were added by a special resolution, and practically assumed direction of the committee.
5. Journal of the Proceedings of the Consultation, 24; also Fisher's Memorials, 47.
6. Ibid., 25. One naturally wonders if this reference to the navy was meant to apply directly to the Tampico expedition. There is no way of determining, but I am of the opinion that it was.
7. Austin to Provisional Government, November 5, 1835.—Archives of Texas, File 1, No. 8, Diplomatic Correspondence.
8. Mexia to the Gentlemen Directors of Public Affairs in Texas, October 29, 1835. Translation by L. de Zavala.—Archives of Texas, File 13, No. 1251, Diplomatic Correspondence.
9. They were Messrs. Barrett, A. Huston, Martin, Macomb, Williamson, and Zavala.—Journal of the Proceedings of the Consultation, 37.
10. Journal of the Proceedings of the Consultation, 40. The Mexican authorities, too, realized the importance of the expedition. Filisola says (Memorias para la Historia de la Guerra de Tejas, II, 189) that the success of Mexia would have made their projected invasion of Texas impossible, and would have rendered temporarily useless the troops collected for the defense of Bexar, Matamoras, and the States of Tamaulipas and Nuevo Leon.
11. See Kennedy, II 154-55; Yoakum, II 36-7; Thrall, 219, 590; Bancroft, II 189-90; Brown, I 441.
12. Archives of Texas, File 3, No. 277, Diplomatic Correspondence; and Vol. 3, p. 47 of records in vault No. 1.
Filisola says (Memorias, etc., II 190) that they had three vessels, and Bancroft in his History of Mexico (V 146), has followed him. This is a mistake, however, and may perhaps be accounted for by the fact that after the attack upon Tampico had been repulsed, the authorities established a partial embargo and refused several American vessels admission to the port, among them the “Kanawha,” which, it was said, had a cargo of provisions for Mexia (See Niles' Register, XLIX, 339). In his North Mexican States and Texas, Bancroft declares there was only one vessel.
13. Filisola, Memorias, etc., II 190; Mexia to Governor of Texas, December 7, 1835.—Archives of Texas, File 13, No. 1256, Diplomatic Correspondence.
14. Edward, History of Texas, 265.
15. Including some of the wounded, thirty-one were captured. See list of names in Edward's History of Texas, 266-7; Niles' Register, XLIX 338-9; Dienst Collection, I 3.
16. Mexia to Governor of Texas, December 7, 1835.—Archives of Texas, File 13, No. 1256, Diplomatic Correspondence.
17. Proclamation of Gregorio Gomez (translation) November 18, 1835.—Archives of Texas, File 13, No. 1254, Diplomatic Correspondence.
18. A writer in El Correo Atlantico, of May 9, 1836 (the liberal organ in New Orleans) questioned the legality of this execution, declaring that, if they were considered as soldiers at all, they should have been treated as prisoners of war; and if they were considered as pirates, a military court had no jurisdiction over them. The New Orleans press as a whole seems to have considered the execution justifiable (see editorial from the New Orleans Bee, in Edward's History of Texas, 260-1); but in support of the Correo Atlantico's position it should be noted that France, in 1838, demanded and received an indemnity of 20,000 piastres for two of the prisoners who were Frenchmen (see Blanchard and Dauzats' San Juan de Ulùa, 241).
19. Declaration of the prisoners, in Edward's History of Texas, 264-6, and Niles' Register, XLIX, 364.
20. Letter from Tampico (no name signed), December 15, 1835, in Edward's History of Texas, 262; Niles' Register, XLIX 339-40; Dienst Collection, I 3.
21. Mexia's report to Governor of Texas, December 9, 1835.—Archives of Texas, File 13, No. 1255, Diplomatic Correspondence.
22. Mexia's report of twenty desertions during the engagement, would, perhaps, point this way; and four private letters written by the condemned prisoners have found their way into print (see Edward's History of Texas, 268; Niles' Register, XLIX 339, 365; Dienst Collection, I 3), three of which corroborate their public statement, but this is of no particular significance when we reflect that the Mexicans were expected to read them, too. The writer of the fourth, James Farrell, was twice wounded during the assault, and, obviously, could not have pleaded with any great force a reluctance to the battle, so he contented himself with silence as to details. Bancroft declares (North Mexican States and Texas, II 189) that the schooner cleared at the custom house in New Orleans with a cargo of emigrants for Matagorda. This, however, does not, as he thinks, prove that the men were deceived; it was more likely a device for evading interference from the United States authorities. Mexico had lodged complaints at Washington against the assistance which Texas was receiving from the United States, and the government had declared itself unable to interfere so long as the aid was furnished by individuals (see correspondence in Niles' Register, L 211-12). And, as has already been seen, the New Orleans committee spoke of all volunteers that it enlisted as emigrants (see letter of October 20, l. c.).
23. Mexia to Viesca, December 3, 1835.—Archives of Texas, File 13, No. 1252, Diplomatic Correspondence. Translation in Fisher's Memorials, 48-9.
24. Mexia to Governor of Texas, December 7, 1835. l. c.
25. Report of information given by Julian Miracle, December 5, 1835.— Archives of Texas, A, File 2, No. 151. This report is in the handwriting of Austin. It has been published in full in the Quarterly, V 299-300.
26. Journal of the Proceedings of the General Council, 112.
27. On the 13th “the accommodations furnished Gen. Mexia” were already “considerable,” and he, with his entire force, had accompanied Colonel Pettus as far as Columbia, on the way to lay his plans before the general council. The time for all this would hardly have been sufficient, if Pettus had waited for the final passage of the bill on December 9.—See Pettus to General Council, December 17, 1835.—Archives of Texas, A, File 2, No. 239.
28. Journal of the Proceedings of the General Council, 132.
29. Ibid., 134.
30. Pettus to General Council, December 17, 1835.—Archives of Texas, A, File 2, No. 239. For the dates see Austin to General Council, December 14, 1835, File 1, No. 20, Diplomatic Correspondence.
31. Journal of the Proceedings of the General Council, 166.
32. Austin to General Council, December 14, 1835.—Archives of Texas, File 1, No. 20, Diplomatic Correspondence.
33. Mexia to Viesca, December 15, 1835.—Fisher's Memorials, 68; to Robinson and Smith respectively—Archives of Texas, File 13, No. 1262 and File 13, No. 1258, Diplomatic Correspondence.
34. As a further indication of the sincerity of Mexia's desire to help Texas, this proclamation is worth printing. The picturesque translation in the archives reads:
“General José Antonio Mexia to the besieged forces in Bejar—
“Soldiers y old companion in arms:
“My want of health prevents me personally apearing before you, for the sole object of which i come to texas, where is defended Mexican Liberty, the Federal constitution, the rights of the insulted and injured citizens against servile ambition—
“in defense of these same rights the fourth batalion have accompanied me in our movements on Queretaro Silao and Guanajuato in 1833 and the same a long time in the presidial campaigns of that time in the year 1832—the[y] assisted in the siege of St. Louis, in support of the same principles, with an officer who now abandons them y uses them as instruments in supporting the views of the aristocratic party.
“Companions they deceive you, who informed you that the Texians wish a separation from the Mexican federation; therefore do not believe it—What they desire is what i and all federalists desire, that is the constitution of 1824, and that we should not be governed neither by friars or Aristocrats, that the Nation may enjoy Liberty and that the power of a dictator should not impose upon us the yoke of slavery. the resistance that you are making in the besieged City is in every respect criminal, and the only effect it will produce is your ruin and the ruin of the soldiers that I know are the friends of liberty the knowledge of which grieves my heart.
“In the field there are multitudes of Mexican soldiers Chiefs and officers with whom you should unite, do so and you will accord with my views which is to strengthen the lines of the federation.
“José Antonio Mexia
“Brazoria Decr. 15, 1835.”
35. Journal of the Proceedings of the General Council, 174. Without Fisher's statement, there is nothing particularly objectionable in this, and it is possible that he did not put the matter quite so baldly as Power reported. It had always been his opinion that Texas could best concentrate the liberals by placing Viesca in the executive seat, and he perhaps expressed this opinion to Power.36. Robinson to McKinney, December 17, 1835.—Archives of Texas, Vol. 3, pp. 3-4 of records in vault No. 1.
37. Journal of the Proceedings of the General Council, 195.
38. McKinney to Council, December 29, 1835.—Archives of Texas, Vol. 3, pp. 172-3 of records in vault No. 1.
39. One cannot but respect him for the dignified letter in which he announced his determination to Governor Smith. He said (Archives of Texas, File 13, No. 1263, Diplomatic Correspondence):
“Sir:
“Since my arrival in Texas on the 3d inst. I have communicated to Your Excellency all my movements, the views with which I came, the causes that prompted me to undertake the Expedition against Tampico, and finally that I was returning to this place, with the intention of sending my troops, cannon, arms, and ammunition to the Copano. During all this time I have not received a single official communication, and this circumstance, and the last success of Bexar does convince me that my services are neither of any utility in Texas, nor are they desired or necessary. Thus persuaded I have determined to return to New Orleans, where acting in concert with the Federalists in the Interior I shall be able to employ my time and person in the common cause of the Nation, which I believe is the one which at present Texas sustains. . . .
“I leave here with Thomas F. McKinney Esqr. the cannon, arms, and 2—Q ammunition, which belonged to my Expedition, in order that they may be sent to the Copano, agreeably to the Resolutions of the Honorable the General Council.
“I am Your Excellency's Most Obedient Servant,
“José Antonio Mexia.
“Quintana 23d December 1835.
“To His Excellency the Governor of Texas,
“San Felipe de Austin.”
40. McKinney to General Council, December 29, 1835, l. c.41. For an account of Escandon's operations, see Bancroft, Mexico, III 340-347; Prieto, Historia, Geografia y Estadistica del Estado de Tamaulipas, chs. XIV, XV, XVI; The Quarterly, VI No. 2, 88-91. Escandon's report to the viceroy is in volume 55 of the Archivo General de Mexico.
42. Of these volumes, numbers 55 and 56, entitled (on the backs, in manuscript) Expedientes relativos á Ynspeccion y Estadistia de la Colonia de Santander, contain the primary results of Tienda de Cuervo's operations, in the form of autos, diligencias, declaraciones, etc., written on the ground where the examinations were made. Number 54 called (on the title page) Informe del Reconocimiento e Ynspeccion de la Colonia del Seno Mexicano, etc., is Tienda de Cuervo's autograph report to the viceroy summarizing the results of his survey, and making recommendations based upon it; while number 53, designated (on the title page) as Descripcion General de la Nueva Colonia de Santander, y Relaciones Individuales, etc., is Lopez's description of the colony based upon the documents in volumes 55 and 56, supplemented by his own observations.
43. Archivo General, Sección de Historia, 54, folios 208-213, document number 19. This report to the viceroy is dated October 13, 1757.
44. Thrall (Pictorial History of Texas, 30), copying a mistake from the Texas Almanac (1868- p. 111), says Laredo was founded in 1757.
45. Prieto (Historia, Geografia y Estadistica, 188) says that Sanchez had crossed the Rio Grande and established his rancherías where he later founded Laredo.
46. It is interesting to note how the rancheros occupied this district in advance of the government. Sanchez was a proprietor of Coahuila who, in search of grazing lands for his stock, had reached the Rio Grande. Similarly, Dn. José Vasquez Borrego, who in 1750 founded Dolores under the authority of Escandon, had previously pastured his stock and begun a settlement there. Prieto, Historia, 175, 187, 188.
47. Revilla had been founded in 1750 on the right bank of the Rio Grande some twelve leagues below Dolores. Prieto, Historia, 173.
48. Escandon had sent Captain Basterra, in 1749, with some families from Nuevo Leon, to found a settlement on the left bank of the Nueces. Finding the designated place unsuitable, they returned south, and after experiencing hardships, founded the villa of Soto la Marina. Prieto, Historia, 155, 167, 188.
49. Prieto (Historia, Geografia y Estadistica, 188) makes it appear that Borrego did not, at this juncture, refer the matter to Escandon. He also says (Ibid.) that Sanchez threatened to give up the enterprise unless allowed to settle at Laredo, the place he had formerly designated.
50. This division was not made till 1767. In that year the commissioners known as La General Visita distributed the land, heretofore held in common, and made the official foundation of the town. The report of their acts, called La General Visita, is in the Archivo General de Mexico. In the Spanish department of the General Land Office of Texas, at Austin, is an imperfect copy of the same, with a translation. The latter bears the title, Act of Visit of the Royal Commissioners to the Village of San Augustin of Laredo in 1767.
51. The two tables given in these documents, though essentially the same, in some ways supplement each other.
52. I can not, from the sources at hand, give with certainty the meaning of Indios congregados and Indios agregados, but among the explanations I have found the most plausible is as follows: Indios congregados were those belonging to a single family or tribe, grouped together for the purpose of religious instruction, government, or employment. They might or might not be at a mission or a presidio. It sometimes happened that these different congregations, from their number or their distance apart, could not be managed separately, and so they were brought together—aggregated—at a presidio or mission, and were called Indios agregados. Señor Dn. Luis González Obregón, of the City of Mexico, inclines to the above view, and has kindly furnished me an extract tending to support it. Usage of these terms seems to have lacked uniformity.
53. Archivo General, Historia, 56, document number 10, thirteen folios.
54. Ibid., folio 1 and vuelta.
55. Archivo General, Historia, 56, document number 10, folio 1 and vuelta.
56. Ibid., folios 5-9.
Three depositions were taken at Laredo on the same day. Juan Eusebio Treviño was first sworn, then Thomas Sanchez, captain of the place, followed by Juan Baptista Sanchez. The questions asked of all were identical in substance, and nearly so in form. The answers given by the deponents were also to a large extent the same. Hence to avoid repetition only the testimony of Thomas Sanchez, the founder and chief person of the place, is given here in full. In each case where the other witnesses supplemented or contradicted the captain's testimony, the fact is indicated in the notes.
57. Prieto (Historia, Geografia y Estadistica, 188) carelessly says that the settlement was begun with eleven families, which is the number it had in 1757. Treviño (Archivo General, 56, Document number 10, folio 2), in his deposition, says the first settlers were five in number; but Juan Baptista Sanchez says (Ibid., folio 9, vuelta) that the captain brought three families.
58. Captain Tienda de Cuervo explains more fully than the witnesses the circumstances leading up to the founding of Laredo. (See ante, p. 188.)
59. Treviño (Archivo General, Historia, 56, Doc. 10, folio 2) says that Captain Sanchez gave them `the animals and other supplies needed for their transportation; that the circumstances under which they settled was [sic] with the promise that lands sufficient to maintain their herds would be given them; that the said Captain Dn. Thomas Sanchez thus aided them by virtue of the agreement concerning the matter that he had with Colonel Escandon.'
60. Treviño says (Historia, 56, Doc. 10, folio 2) `this place was passed through before its foundation, by the soldiers of the Presidio of la Bahia del Espiritu Santo, in which way it was discovered. [It was] not used by any other travelers; the said soldiers, in going through this vicinity, crossed by fording the River at the place called el Paso de Jacinto.'
I am informed by Mr. Bethel Coopwood, of Laredo, that, although there has been some doubt as to the location of these fords, the view is probably correct that Paso de Jacinto was what is now called Paso de los Indios, a landmark at the upper side of the Fort McIntosh reservation; and that Paso de Miguel de la Garza (see page 196, note 3) was in the vicinity of “la Cañada de los Abiones” where the third league of the original tract terminated on the left side of the river. Paso de Miguel de la Garza was named in the Borrego grant of Dolores.
61. That is, Sanchez went to see Escandon.
62. Treviño (Historia, 56, Doc. 10, folio 2, vuelta) says it was so called `because of its nearness to the ford which formerly the soldiers of the presidio of Spiritu Sto. used in going to the Province of Coaguila or to Neuvo Rno. de Leon, it being the shortest route.'
63. Treviño (Ibid., folio 2, vuelta) says that Escandon ordered the captain to so name it, but the other Sanchez (Ibid., folio 10) makes a statement similar to that of the captain.
64. Treviño (Ibid., folio 3) says `there has been discovered a new ford across this large River, called the San Miguel de la Garza, three leagues down stream from this settlement, so easy that the sheep and goats cross it; by means of which a direct road is open from this settlement to Coaguila and Texas; and over which numerous travelers pass without any difficulty.'
65. Treviño (Historia, 56, Doc. 10, folio 3, vuelta) says `thus they pasture their flocks and herds, each one according to his will, wherever it best suits his convenience.'
66. Treviño (Ibid., folio 3, vuelta) says: `But the Captain has made it [the beginning] with two yokes of oxen, and between him and other inhabitants they have prepared about enough land to sow a fanega [about one hundred pounds] of corn; and they have sown perhaps about seven almudes.' An almud, as a measure of grain, is in some places about one-twelfth, and in others one-half, a fanega; as a measure of land it is about half an acre.
67. See note 3, page 191.
68. Treviño (Historia, 56, Doc. 10, folio 3, vuelta, and 4) says `the nearest Barbarian Indians are the Borrados and Bocas Prietas, who are some fifty or sixty leagues distant, and whose number he can not estimate; but the common report is that they are many.' Juan Baptista Sanchez (Ibid., folio 11) says that the `Indians nearest are Borrados and Carrizos, who are some twenty leagues from this settlement; that he does not know their number, but that the common report is that they are numerous.' All agree in saying that the Indians have caused no trouble.
69. Treviño (Historia, 56, Doc. 10, folio 4) explains the inability to construct a canal from the river thus: `because of the depth of its bed it never can rise above the elevation of land where this settlement is situated.'
70. Treviño (Ibid., 56, Doc. 10, folio 4, vuelta) says `its not having been put there before now has been because of the scarcity of suitable timbers, it being necessary to bring them a long distance, inasmuch as this vicinity lacks them entirely.'
71. It is interesting to note the different estimates of distances. For example, Santa Dorotea is variously stated to be fifty, thirty-two or thirty-four, and seventy leagues from Nuevo Santander. This shows that the settlers knew very little about the country beyond them.
72. The other deponents did not sign because they did not know how.
73. Historia, 56, No. 10, folios 12-13.
74. To give an idea of the relative unimportance of Laredo in 1757 it need only be cited that Reynosa, founded by Escandon on the south side of the Rio Grande below Laredo, contained 470 inhabitants (Spaniards, Mestizoes, and Indians), 14,000 head of goats and sheep, and 1600 head of cattle. At the same time Camargo, founded also by Escandon, contained 638 inhabitants, 71,770 head of sheep and goats, 2620 cattle, and 1000 horses. Revilla had 357 inhabitants, 45,000 sheep and goats, 4200 horses, 1000 cattle, and 3200 tamed animals. Mier, above Carmago, founded in 1753, contained 400 in habitants, 38,659 sheep and goats, 3760 cattle and horses, and 600 tamed beasts. (Prieto, 154-155, 174, 181-187.) These figures are taken from the Ynspeccion.
75. Historia, 56, Doc. 10, folio 13, vuelta.
76. Ibid., folio 13, vuelta.
3—Q
77. Historia, 53, folios 163-165. Of what Lopez says about Laredo much is nearly identical with what has gone before. The characteristic feature of his report is the geographical setting of Laredo.
78. For the location of most of these, see a map in Prieto, opposite page 152. This is a copy of an original map of the route of Encandon.
79. Ramireña.
80. Illegible.
81. Illegible. Probably Parmenio.
82. Illegible.
83. This term is applied to a class of people of French blood in the rural districts of southern Louisiana. Though popularly supposed to be descendants of the people removed from Acadia by the English, many are of West Indian origin.—Editor Quarterly.
84. The name is torn out.
85. The deer were so poor that some of the settlers preferred the meat of the wild horse; but Capt. C. had a prejudice against equine flesh and never ate any.
86. This “neighbor” resided twelve miles from Mr. Varner.
87. Title for this league was issued to William Gates.
88. See sketch of Capt. John Ingram. [This sketch will be reproduced in a later installment of the reminiscences.—Editor Quarterly.]
89. See Recollections of Capt. G. Kuykendall. [These will be printed in a later installment.—Editor Quarterly.]
90. This name should be Robison. Mr. Neal Robison, tax collector of Fayette county, son of Joel W. Robison, says that the family have always so spelled it.—Editor Quarterly.
91. In a later paper of the same collection is found the following note: “In the recollections of Joel W. Robinson, in the account of the attack on the Keechi tribe in 1835, it should have been stated that two of the Indians were killed—after which their village was burned. Papers were found in the village which were known to have been on the person of a young man named Edwards who was killed by Indians 20 miles below Bastrop, a few months previously.”
92. This was obviously to afford them protection from straggling Texans.—Editor Quarterly.
93. Thrall (A Pictorial History of Texas, 498) says that he represented Texas in the Legislature in 1824 and in 1827, and that he died in 1828 or 1829.—Editor Quarterly.
94. Thrall gives his name as P. N. Tut, and quotes Sancedo, who calls him Felipe Henrique Neri.—Editor Quarterly.
95. Note.—Captain A. C. Buckner lived and died a bachelor.—He was a Virginian by birth, and emigrated to Texas in 1821, bringing with him a considerable quantity of gun powder which he sold to the settlers at six dollars a pound. These facts are on the authority of Capt. John Ingram —an old friend of Buckner.—[J. H. K.]
96. Note.—In the year 1855 the once formidable tribe of Carancawas had dwindled to six or eight individuals who were residing near San Fernando, State of Tamaulipas, Mexico.—J. H. K.
How to cite:
"Issue View", Volume 006, Number 3, Southwestern Historical Quarterly Online. http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/publications/journals/shq/online/v006/n3/issue.html
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