CAP. ABNER KUYKENDALL,
The Indians have robbed a large drove of horses from a traveller who stopped at Ratcliff's on [the] Lavaca. They were pursued two days by a few men and overtaken between the Colorado and Brazos below the San Antonio road. The men in pursuit were too few to attack, and retired without being seen. There was one American, or a white man supposed to be an American, with the Indians, and about fifteen Indians. It is highly important that the trail should be followed, so as to ascertain what Indians and white man or men have been so base [as] to commit this depredation, and punish them and also recover the horses. A party of volunteers is ready at Beason's to follow the robbers, and a number will go from here. It is their wish and also mine that you should take the command, and I have sent up Mr. Miller to you for that purpose; and I hope and expect that you will undertake the expedition if your health will permit. I hereby authorize you in the name of the Govt. and of the civil authority whom I have consulted, to take the command of said party of volunteers and to pursue and kill said robbers be them Indians or Whites and to recover the stolen horses and do such other acts as in your judgment may be deemed necessary and equitable and proper to punish the robbers and afford security to our exposed and scattered settlements, by making a severe and striking example which will have the effect to prevent the repetition of similar outrages by the lawless bands who are moving through these unsettled wilds. You will however be cautious of offending innocent persons as you will be responsible for any wanton cruelty committed by your men while acting by your orders, on the innocent. You will keep a journal of your proceedings and report the same to me on your return. Town of Austin, Augt. 22d. 1829.
STEPHEN F. AUSTIN, Col. of Ma. Should sickness or other circumstances prevent Cap. Kuykendall from going to take the above command, the volunteers will meet at Beason's on the Colorado and choose their commander. Said choice will be endorsed on this order and also reported to me, and the officer so chosen will take the above official order and be governed by it the same as Cap. Kuykendall is ordered to do, for which purpose he will send it to them by Miller. S. F. AUSTIN, Col. of Ma.
The above order was received the evening of the same day it was written, and in obedience thereto the ensuing morning, father, accompanied by brother William and myself, started for the Colorado, where we arrived the same evening and were joined by eight men most of whom were old frontiersmen, to wit: Norman Woods, John F. Berry,—Hazlitt, Elijah Ingram, John Williamson, Thomas Thompson, Seaborn Jones, and —. We now counted eleven men, and father resolved to pursue the Indians without losing further time to increase our force. We forded the Colorado at the crossing of the Labahia road and had proceeded eight or nine miles up the west side of the river, when, about noon, we discovered people moving about an old cabin. As we knew that the inhabitants of this neighborhood had, some time previously been driven from their homes by the Indians, this circumstance excited some surprise, and Hazlitt and another man were dispatched on foot towards the cabin to ascertain the character of its visitors. The rest of us sat in our saddles, concealed by a point of woods.
In order to approach near the house, Hazlitt and his companion had to pass through a corn-field. They had not proceeded far in the field when an Indian shot an arrow at Hazlitt and raising a war whoop, fled towards the cabin. As he ran straight between two rows of corn, Hazlitt shot him in the back. The instant we heard the alarm we galloped forward and saw five Indians on foot, running up the river, evidently aiming to get to a thicket on its bank, two or three hundred yards above the cabin. Spurring our horses to their best speed, we intercepted them a short distance below the thicket. As we dismounted each man dropped the coil of his tethering rope from the pommel of his saddle and charged the Indians on foot. They were now compelled either to fight us in the open prairie or leap down the precipitous bank of the river. They chose the latter alternative[.] Norman Woods shot one as he was in the act of leaping off the bluff. The remaining four threw away their arms and plunged into the Colorado. As they swam towards the opposite shore we plied them with two or three rounds of rifle balls, and sank two midway the river. The remaining two reached the opposite shore with mortal wounds from which we could distinctly see the blood flowing. One of them uttered a few words in a very loud voice and almost instantly afterwards our ears were assailed with terrific yells from the thicket just above us, accompanied by a flight of arrows and discharge of fire-arms. Turning towards our unexpected assailants, we saw several of them running towards our horses. We also ran in the same direction, and all the Indians, except two, returned to the thicket. These two Indians succeeded in reaching our horses, of which each selected and mounted one and drove all the rest, save two, before them—yelling and firing off their guns to frighten the horses and urge them to greater speed. The two men whose horses were left, mounted them and pursued the Indians, the rest of us following as fast as possible on foot. After travelling nearly a mile and a half, we discovered our horses standing in a grove. Suspecting a ruse we approached them with caution, but found no enemy. Having now recovered all our horses but two (those of Thompson and Williamson) we returned to the scene of action; but every Indian had disappeared. The one shot by Woods was still alive, sitting under the bank. Deeming it an act of mercy to put an end to his sufferings, Woods shot him in the head. After collecting the arms of the defeated Indians, consisting of bows and arrows and one or two shot guns, we went into the field to look for the Indian shot by Hazlitt. We did not find him but picked up his belt which had been cut in two by the rifle ball. This satisfied us that he had received a mortal wound. His body was afterwards found outside the field. The remains of the two who reached the opposite side of the river were also found afterwards—making six killed. Not one of our party was hurt, though Berry, after the engagement, fainted from the effect of heat and over-exertion. There were at least forty or fifty of these Indians—Wacoes and Tawacanies. They were well provided with ropes and bridles and had doubtless come on a stealing expedition. The survivors left the Colorado without committing any depredations.
As we were now reduced to but nine mounted men, two of whose horses were already broken down, father was constrained to forego the pursuit of the thieves who had stolen the cavallada and return home. That evening we traveled about five miles on our return and slept at a spring about three miles above the present town of LaGrange.
Immediately after father returned home and reported to Col. Austin, he received the following order.
“You will call a muster of your company and endeavor to raise volunteers to go against the Indians. If you cannot get volunteers enough to make one fourth the number of men composing your company, you will raise them by draft. You will rendezvous at this place with at least one fourth the men composing your company on the 12th September next, armed and equipped as the law directs, with provisions for a campaign of forty days. By order of S. F. Austin[.]
CAPT. ABNER KUYKENDALL. OLIVER JONES, adjt.”
Similar orders were issued to the other captains of Militia in the Colony. The greater part of the required number of men volunteered. The deficiency was supplied by draft. The contingents of the different companies convened on the east side of the Colorado about twelve miles below the present town of LaGrange, between the 15th and 20th September, 1829. The entire force of nearly one hundred mounted men was placed by Austin under the command of my father. 131 Adjutant Jones accompanied the expedition. A Mexican who had resided with the Wacoes and Tawacanies and who professed to be well acquainted with the route to the San Saba river, where the Indians were supposed to be, was employed as a guide. The second night after leaving the place of rendezvous we slept at Alum Creek at the point where it is crossed by the San Antonio road. Thence our guide led us nearly due north until we crossed the river San Gabriel; thence up the north side of that stream to the head of its north branch; thence to the head of what is now known as the Salt fork of the Lampazos. Here the expedition encamped and spies were despatched under the guidance of the Mexican, to seek the Indians. The second morning after they left our camp, the spies returned and reported that they had, the preceding night, found a large encampment of Indians on the west bank of the Colorado river two or three miles below the mouth of the San Saba. They approached sufficiently near the Indians to ascertain that they were engaged in a dance, as they could distinctly hear the sound of a sort of castanet which the Indians use on such occasions. It was evident that they were unaware of the approach of our expedition.
A few hours after the return of the spies, the command was again in motion. After travelling a few miles we halted and rested. It was our commander's plan to make a night march and surprise the Indians at daybreak. Accordingly, when the sun had nearly declined to the horizon, we resumed the march. Night soon closed around us. There was no moon but the sky was cloudless and starry. Our route lay over a prairie country, studded with low hills, and in some places very rocky. Hour after hour, the long double files of horsemen followed the guide. There was no confusion in our ranks—rarely was a word spoken, yet our march was far from being noiseless. The hard, metamorphic limestone rang like metal beneath the tread of our horses, and ever and anon we invaded the domain of a community of rattlesnakes, of which we were promptly notified by the rapid vibrations of their rattles. Our guide conducted us towards nearly every point of the compass, and at length, long after midnight, declared he was bewildered and could conduct us no farther until daylight. We were accordingly ordered to halt and rest until morning.
All, now suspected the fidelity of our guide. The preceding night he had conducted our spies straight to the encampment of the Indians, manifesting a perfect acquaintance with the country. Perhaps he was actuated by cowardice, perhaps by revived affection for his quondam friends; but whatever his motives, it is highly probable that but for his conduct the expedition would have been completely successful. Our commander determined to rely no longer upon his guidance, and early the ensuing morning, six men, viz. William Dever, Amos Gates, Seaborn Jones, Jefferson Pryor, another white man, and a Chickasaw Indian named John, were despatched on foot to explore a route to the Colorado river—supposed to be within two or three miles of our camp,—and search for a ford. They had proceeded about a mile and a half when they discovered twenty five mounted Indians who charged towards them, yelling like demons. Our men ran back towards our camp and when the Indians pressed them too closely, turned and presented their guns and the Indians halted or slackened their pace. This was repeated several times. At length John, the Chickasaw, began to fail and fall in the rear. The Indians could have shot or speared him but seemed intent upon making him prisoner. They ran up by his side and one of them caught him by the hand. At this critical juncture, John's friends again turned and pointed their guns at the pursuers, which enabled John to extricate himself and rejoin his party, who now made a stand in a clump of bushes. Meantime the loud cries of the Indians had been heard at our camp and the whole command was hastening to the rescue. When William Dever perceived that succor was close at hand he shot at one of the Indians and it was believed mortally wounded him. At this moment our whole force came up and the Indians fled at full speed. We pursued them as rapidly as the nature of the ground and a due degree of caution would permit. When we arrived at the Colorado river we forded it at the same place where the Indians had crossed. A low wooded hill encroached on the west side of the river. John Shipman and I were ordered to dismount and proceed on foot in advance of the command. We walked briskly to the top of the hill, and looking down into the smooth, level prairie in a bend of the Colorado beheld it almost literally covered with mounted Indians—men, women and children, flying from their encampment to the yellow-cedar-brakes in the adjacent hills. We hastened back and reported and the command advanced at a gallop. We charged into the camp of the Indians just as the last one mounted his horse to leave it. He was shot down by Holmes Peyton and Seaborn Jones. Nearly all the Indians had by this time gained the covert of the cedar brakes. Detachments were sent a few miles in pursuit, but no Indians were found except a few squaws, who, when overtaken were riding slowly along apparently unconscious of danger or indifferent to it. When spoken to they made no reply. Indeed, neither by look nor gesture did they manifest recognition of our presence. Of course they were not molested.
We encamped upon the ground evacuated by the Indians. Their conical, buffalo skin lodges were still standing, and within them we found their entire store of winter provisions, namely, several hundreds of bushels of corn and beans, and a quantity of dried buffalo meat. Many buffalo robes were also found and on the fires were still boiling several kettles of corn and beans—all of which property was consigned to the flames or otherwise destroyed. The site of this encampment was very beautiful and had apparently often been temporarily occupied by the Indians; but there were no traces of agricultural operations. Early the ensuing morning Capt. Henry Brown with a company of thirty men from Gonzales, rode into our camp. One of Captain B's men who had traded with the Wacoes and Tawacanies at their villages on the Brazos, recognized the body of the Indian killed the day before, as that of a Tawacanie chief. It is also worthy of remark that the deceased was dressed in a hunting shirt and vest, one of which garments had belonged to Williamson and the other to Thompson and were tied to their saddles when the Indians took their horses in the fight in Wood's Prairie on the 25th of August.
This day we commenced our homeward march. When we reached the Salt fork of the Lampazos we had the satisfaction of finding Hazlitt (left there very sick on our upward march) convalescent and able to travel. When he was left behind our commander wished to detail one or two men to remain with him, but Hazlitt would not consent that this should be done—believing that every man might be needed in the anticipated conflict with the Indians. When the expedition reached the San Gabriel, it was disbanded and the men, in small squads, returned to their homes by different routes.
In the month of November 1830, a Chickasaw Indian brought intelligence from the frontier that a party of eleven Wacoes were on their way to the neighborhood in which I resided (22 miles northwest from San Felipe) for the purpose of stealing horses. The approach of the Indians was very soon confirmed by one of my neighbors who had seen them on his return from the up country. He stated that they were on foot and well provided with ropes and bridles. He also learned that at one or two houses where they had called their deportment had been menacing and insulting. The day this news was received a few of the neighbors armed and assembled for the purpose of seeking and attacking the Indians, who, we learned late in the evening, were camped near the residence of James Stephenson, on Caney creek. As the Indians outnumbered our little party, William Cooper and I rode nearly all night to raise more men. At the dawn of next day, with a force of eleven men, precisely that of the Indians—we stole upon their camp which was a little grove on the bank of a spring branch within less than a hundred yards of Stephenson's house. Favored by a gully and a dense fog we approached within thirty feet of the Indians, (part of whom had not yet risen) before they perceived us, at which moment we delivered our fire. One of the Indians also fired and William Cooper fell, exclaiming that he was shot. The Indians ran and were pursued a short distance by our leader, Adam Lawrence, who reloaded his rifle and fired at them again—but further pursuit was prevented by the fall of young Cooper, who was shot through the heart and expired in a few minutes.
Late in the morning the trail of the Indians was followed as far as the bottom of Caney creek, some five or six hundred yards. Seven red stripes marked their course across the prairie and two or three conically shaped pieces of spongy, rotten wood, with which these Indians are generally provided to plug their wounds, were picked up on their trail, saturated with blood. The carcass of one of the Indians was afterwards found in Caney bottom. Seven of the eleven never reached home as will appear in the sequel. One shot gun, several bows, and arrows, and ropes, and bridles fell into our hands. It was my painful duty to take the news of young Cooper's death to his parents who resided about five miles from the spot where he was killed. Of the eleven men engaged in this affair only the following names are recollected, viz: Adam Lawrence, Thomas Stevens, Adam Kuykendall, Charles Gates, George Robinson, William Cooper, B. Kuykendall.
About a fortnight after the above events, Col. Austin sent father, with six or seven men, of whom I was one, to Tenoxtitlan, then a recently established military post on the Brazos, garrisoned by one or two companies of Mexican regulars under the command of Capt Ruis. The precise object of our mission I have forgotten, but it had reference to the relations of the colonists with the Wacoes and Tawacanies. When we arrived at Tenoxtitlan several northern Indians and two or three Wacoes were there. One of the latter was a chief. These Wacoes informed the Mexicans that in the late affair on Caney they sustained a loss of seven men—which corresponded well with my own opinion. Father having dispatched his business with Capt. Ruis, we were about to start home, when James Cooper of our party and brother of the young man killed in the recent attack on the Indians, to avenge the death of his brother, shot at one of the Wacoes and would probably have killed him had not his gun hung fire. The Indian escaped with the loss of a thumb. Cooper immediately secreted himself to avoid being arrested by the Mexicans. The rest of us, after a short delay, left the place, but Cooper did not rejoin us until the succeeding day. He skulked for several hours in the thickets about the post, seeking an opportunity to shoot at the Wacoes again; nor did he depart until he ascertained that they had been escorted away from the post by a file of soldiers.
STEPHEN F. AUSTIN,
Civil Commandant of the colony forming on the Colorado and Brazos rivers in the province of Texas.
Permission is hereby granted to Abner Kuykendall &family to emigrate and settle in the colony forming by me under the authority and protection of the Government of New Spain at the points above stated. Settlers are required to comply with the general regulations hereunto annexed:
STEPHEN F. AUSTIN.
No person will be admitted as a settler who does not produce satisfactory evidence of having supported the character of a moral, sober and industrious citizen.
2.Each settler must, when called on by the Governor of said Province take the oath of allegiance to the Government exercising the sovereignty of the country.
3.Six hundred and forty acres of land will be granted to the head of each family, and, in addition to that, three hundred and twenty acres to a man's wife, one hundred and sixty acres for each child and eighty acres for each slave; which land will be laid off in two equal tracts, one on the river in an oblong; the other is to be located so as not to interfere with the river lands. One of said tracts must be actually inhabited and cultivated by the person and family who has permission to settle it, within the year from the first of January 1822.
Twelve cents and a half per acre must be paid me for said land, one half on receipt of title, the other half in one year after, which will be in full for surveying fees and all other charges—each settler will choose his own tracts of land within the limits designated by said Austin.
4.Mechanics and men of capital will receive additional privileges in proportion to their capacity to be useful.
5.Each settler is required to report himself to me or the officer who has charge of the colony, immediately on his arrival, and to furnish a list of the number of his family, giving the names of his children and their ages, the number of negroes, designating those under twelve years of age, those over twelve and under twenty one, those over twenty one, and whether male or female; and if any of the family are mechanics to state what kind. (Copied from the original printed document).
5. Extracts from a biographical sketch of Capt. John Ingram. (A native of Kentucky).
Among the first immigrants to Austin's colony in Texas, was the old frontiersman and veteran Indian fighter, Thomas Williams, who with his family, left Arkansas Territory for the promised land in the autumn of 1821. The subject of this sketch, a poor orphan boy fourteen years of age obtained permission of his guardian to accompany Mr. Williams to Texas on condition that he would return to Arkansas the ensuing year. When Mr. Williams arrived at the Brazos river at the crossing of the San Antonio road it was crusted over with ice from shore to shore. This was about the 25th of December 1821.
In consequence of the inclemency of the weather, Williams determined to remain here until spring. Game was abundant and Williams and young Ingram were good hunters, hence there was never a scarcity of wild meat at their camp. Early in the spring of '22 they continued on to the Colorado and settled at a point about twenty-five miles below the present town of La Grange. A few families from Arkansas had already settled on the Colorado. Here Williams, assisted by Ingram cleared a piece of land and planted corn. They raised about ten bushels to the acre— But before the corn had matured, to wit, in the month of June, young Ingram, mindful of his promise to his guardian, returned to Arkansas, hoping he would be able to induce the old man to move to Texas. He found him, however, entirely indisposed to emigrate, nor would he consent that his ward should return. But our young pioneer was not to be with held by a mere dictum— In the year 1823, William Rabb and James Gilleland—with whom Ingram was acquainted—emigrated from Arkansas to Austin's colony. Ingram secretly withdrew from the house of his guardian and joined these emigrants. In a few weeks he was again on the banks of the Colorado. . . .
In the winter of 1823-4, Ingram assisted the Rabbs to clear land in the Colorado bottom, on the west side of the river, eight or nine miles above the present town of La Grange. Near the close of the winter, the Indians (probably Wacoes) stole nearly all the horses belonging to the Rabbs. This they effected during a dark night by building a pen in the clearing into which they drove the horses and caught them. Shortly afterwards John Rabb moved to the Brazos near the infant town of San Felipe. The Indians continued troublesome and about the beginning of spring the rest of the Rabbs resolved to move to a place of greater security. Their wagons were loaded, cattle and hogs collected, and nearly every other preliminary accomplished for departure, when, at the distance of about four hundred yards in the prairie, they discovered about thirty mounted Indians in the act of stringing their bows. They rode briskly towards the house, the inmates of which made hasty preparations for defence. When the Indians got near the house they made signs of friendship. They said they were Wacoes. At this moment the hogs ran into the bottom and Ingram pursued and drove them back to the house. He was absent but a few minutes, but when he returned, the numbers of the Indians had increased to two hundred—all mounted warriors. The Rabbs had unloaded the wagon and shut themselves up in the house. The Indians crowded around Ingram and were clamorous for corn. Ingram told them he would get some for them. He rode close to the cabin and asked for a bag—Mrs Andrew Rabb thrust a sheet through a crack and whispered [to] Ingram “bring some men.” This was Ingram's sole purpose, but it was necessary so to act that the Indians should not suspect his design.
The nearest house was Thomas Williams's, about twelve miles farther down the Colorado on the west side. As soon as Ingram was out of sight of the Indians he urged his horse to a gallop. When he arrived at the Williams's and gave information of the perilous situation of the Rabbs 132, John H. Moore, James Gilleland and Jesse Robinson immediately armed and started back with Ingram to their relief. Night came on before they reached their destination, and perceiving a great light ahead they apprehended that Rabb's house had been set on fire—but they soon discovered that the light proceeded from the camp fires of the Indians which nearly encircled the house. The little party rode briskly up to the house, the Indians apparently alarmed giving way before them and offering no resistance. The principal chief, an old man, enquired if any more Americans were coming. He was told—a great many. This information had a visible effect upon the demeanor of the Indians. They remained quiet the rest of the night but did not sleep. The return of Ingram with three men probably saved the lives of the Rabbs. Duing Ingram's absence the Indians more than once essayed to set the house on fire, but as often as they made the attempt the men within cocked and presented their rifles and the Indians desisted. They also wounded some of the cattle by spearing them. They ceased to molest the kine. Early next morning the Indians marched down the river. Suspecting that their destination was Williams's, Moore, Gilleland and Robinson endeavored to get ahead of them by travelling a different route. But the Wacoes arrived first. Williams's house was inclosed with pickets, a portion of which the Indians tore down and went into the yard, but ere they could do further harm, Moore, Gilleland and Robinson returned. The Rabbs began to move a short time after the departure of the Indians. They forded the Colorado and went down on the east side of Cedar creek, where they camped.
The ensuing morning upon reaching a point nearly opposite Williams's and where the river was fordable, Ingram was requested to go to Williams's and ascertain whether the Indians had done any damage. Before he got within a mile of Williams's, Ingram heard the Indians whooping, yelling and singing, and just as he got within sight of the house, two Indians, one on either side of the path, presented themselevs with strung bows in hand. Ingram deemed it prudent to retrace his steps. The Indians did not pursue him. He went to Duty's creek, where the Rabbs were camped, and reported what had occurred. The Rabbs expressed fears that the Williamses had been murdered. After some deliberation it was determined that another attempt should be made to get to Williams's the ensuing night. The service was assigned to Ingram and Thomas Rabb. A little after night they crossed the river and concealing their horses in a thicket proceeded through the bottom (about two miles) on foot. The moon had not yet risen and the darkness was intense. Ever and anon they could hear the warwhoop of the Indians “making night hideous.” Approaching stealthily within a few paces of the house they perceived that the yard was crowded with Indians—whose numerous camp fires illuminated every object for some distance around. Notwithstanding the caution of our spies, the acute hearing of the Indians detected their approach. Simultaneously they hurled a hundred fire brands into the thicket to illuminate it and discover the lurkers who threw themselves on the ground and lay motionless until the fiery shower had ceased. Presently they heard a voice in the house which they recognized as that of James Gilleland. Encouraged by this circumstance they rose and walked boldly to the gate where they were met and admitted by old man Williams. They found twenty armed Americans in the house who had assembled from far and near to protect Mr. Williams's family. The Wacoes said they were in quest of the Tonkewas, with whom they were at war; but they were evidently very strongly disposed to make an onslaught on the settlers. The preceding day a party of them had charged on two settlers with every demonstration of hostility and their murderous intent was frustrated only by the resolute bearing of the men who stood by their horses with rifles presented, until the Indians withdrew.
The moon rose about midnight, and the Wacoes, who said they had not slept for three nights, now lay down in the yard and were soon under the dominion of Somnus. A large majority of the settlers present were in favor of attacking them while they were asleep, but James J. Ross, who was captain and two or three other influential men, overruled the suggestion. Ingram's voice was for war. His plan was to use the knife silently and rapidly until the Indians should awake, and then to fire on them. Some time after the moon rose, Ingram and Rabb set out on their return to their camp on Duty's creek, and the next day the Wacoes went in quest of the Tonkewas, whom it was said they found and fought. The Wacoes were probably beaten as they immediately returned north to their hunting grounds.
The Rabbs and Ingram proceeded forty or fifty miles farther down the Colorado to the neighborhood now known as Egypt. Here they burned off a cane brake and planted corn.
The Wacoes and other northern tribes rarely if ever made incursions this far south, but a still more savage and warlike tribe, to wit, the Carancawas, ranged along the coast from the mouth of the Nueces to the mouth of the Trinity—but their favorite resort was along Matagorda Bay and up the Colorado as high as Eagle Lake. Fish and alligators were their principal food. They were also cannibals. In stature they were scarcely surpassed by the Patagonians, the average height of the men being fully six feet, and every warrior's bow when strung, was precisely as long as his person and as useless in the hands of a man of ordinary strength as was the bow of Ulysses in the hands of the suitors. The arrow formed of a cane, was about a yard long, including a piece of solid wood the size of the cane and two or three inches in length, neatly fitted into it at each end. The larger piece of wood received the arrow head which was fastened with sinews; the smaller piece had a notch or groove to receive the bow-string.
These Indians had no horses or other domestic animals, except dogs. They were expert swimmers and skillful canoe-men. The entire tribe was rarely embodied. Divided into small parties and wandering about the heads of the shallow bays, which they navigated with their canoes, and through the dense forests and tangled cane brakes of the Colorado bottom, they found a bountiful subsistence. They commenced hostilities against the whites almost as soon as they camped upon their hunting grounds.
It was in June or July of this year that a party of these Indians came within a few hundred yards of the residence of Capt. Robt. Kuykendall on Peach creek, a few miles below Eagle Lake, and killed one of his calves. His little son, ten years of age, was hunting the calf when he discovered several of the Indians in a thicket butchering it. As he turned his horse to retreat an Indian shot an arrow at him which narrowly missed him. Fearful that the Indians would attack his house (or rather his camp), Kuykendall dispatched his little son for aid and concealed his wife and smaller children in a thicket. Ingram was the first man that went to his assistance. He met Kuykendall a short distance from his camp anxiously looking for the expected aid. After Ingram joined him he proposed that they should go to his camp and await further reinforcement. Before they reached the camp they discovered an Indian in the bottom. Ingram would have shot him, but K., deeming it premature, forbade him. They retraced their steps a short distance and met a dozen of their neighbors. With this force it was resolved to attack the Indians. But it was soon ascertained that they had retreated. The settlers followed their trail which wound for several miles through a dense cane-brake. When the pursuers arrived at the Colorado river they espied the Indians on the opposite bank, where they had camped and spread out the meat of the calf to dry. As the Indians were beyond rifle range, the party resolved to ford the river in the face of the enemy. Spurring their horses to a gallop they plunged into the stream—agitating the water till it foamed and casting the spray far and wide. Meantime the Indians saluted them with a swarm of arrows, none of which took effect. When they reached the camp of the Indians they had all disappeared in the adjacent cane-brake. John Clark and Alexander Jackson immediately dismounted. As Jackson stooped to pick up a buffalo robe a “cloth yard” arrow was driven through his elbow. At this moment Clark saw the Indian who had shot Jackson, in the cane brake, with his bow raised to shoot again. Clark fired at him. The Indian fell and when found, a few minutes afterwards, was dead. The rifle ball had cut his left wrist in two and penetrated his breast. Firmly grasped in his right hand was a large butcher knife.
Deeming further search for the Indians useless the settlers returned home. On their return they found some of the arrows shot at them as they charged across the river. These formidable missiles, though impelled nearly two hundred yards, were driven to the feather in the alluvial bank.
Afterwards, but during this same year, a man of the name of White, who resided at La Bahia, came into the mouth of the Colorado with a boat (yawl) laden with salt, to exchange with the settlers for corn. Here he was made prisoner by a party of Carancawas, who, however, released him upon the condition that he would go up to the settlements and bring them down some corn. When White arrived at the nearest settlement and gave information of this occurrence, an express was sent up the Colorado for men to attack the Indians. At that time Ingram was near the locality of the present town of Columbus. He and several others from the same neighborhood responded to the call for aid and set out immediately for the mouth of the river—travelling day and night until they reached the landing which they did late in the night. There were about twenty-five men in all. Early the ensuing morning an old cabin which had once served as a warehouse was set on fire to make the appointed signal. The company was divided into two parties, one of which remained at the landing, and the other was posted in a thicket on the bank of the river several hundred yards farther down. In two or three hours a large pirogue containing twelve or fifteen Indians, was seen coming up the river. When the boat approached within pistol shot of the lower party, they delivered their fire. All the Indians who survived the first fire jumped out of the boat on the farther side and endeavored to swim off with it interposed between them and their assailants. But in holding to the side of the boat their hands were exposed and perforated with rifle balls—which compelled them to let go their hold and endeavor to escape by swimming to the opposite side of the river. Only two—one of whom was mortally wounded—succeeded in reaching the other shore. The captured boat was laden with fish and oysters which were very acceptable to the hungry victors.
Some time during the succeeding year (1825) the Tonkewas who were encamped in the neighborhood of what is now called Egypt, were accused by some of the settlers of stealing their hogs, and nine of them went to the camp of the Indians and demanded that the thieves should be designated and punished. The Tonkewas refused to comply with this demand of their white neighbors, but proposed to fight them. As the whole Tonkewa tribe was present the settlers declined the unequal combat and returned home. Ere long the Tonkewas left the neighborhood but returned again in the autumn of the succeeding year (1826) and encamped. Ingram and Andrew Rabb had a farm in the bottom. One day, while they were absent, the Tonkewas went to their camp and, apparently with a design to provoke, cut their gun-rods in pieces. About the same time some of them went to the house of one [of] the neighbors (Mr. Dyer) who was absent and by rude deportment and menacing gestures so frightened Mrs. Dyer that she fled from her home. Immediately after these events Andrew Rabb and Ingram sent a request to the neighbors to convene the ensuing day for the purpose of seeking and chastising the Indians. At the appointed time and place nineteen men assembled and in the evening set out in quest of the Tonkewas whose trail was soon found but before it was followed far, night came on. The settlers camped and next morning followed the trail again. About noon the horses of the Tonkewas were found grazing in the open bottom. After passing the horses a short distance, the company met two Tonkewas, whom they arrested and required to guide them to the camp of the tribe—telling them that they wished to see and hold a “talk” with their captain or chief.
When the company got near the camp of the Indians the two prisoners attempted to escape by running. One of them was shot down before he had proceeded twenty paces. Several of the party then fired on the Indians at the camp. Altogether six guns were fired, killing four Indians and wounding three.
The Indians evacuated their camp and ran into a thicket a short distance therefrom. The company rushed into the camp where they found several guns, which they broke by striking them against trees. They then retired a few hundred yards and formed in the open bottom, where, as they expected the Tonkewas would pursue and attack them, they awaited them about an hour—at the expiration of which time they set out for home. But before leaving their position they heard at, or near, the locality of the Tonkewa camp, the reports of three guns—one of which was very loud—succeeded by a loud whoop—which was regarded at the time as a mere expression of defiance, nor was its tragical import suspected until the company had travelled four or five miles, when it was discovered that one of the party—a young man of the name of McMillan, was missing. None could tell when or where he had left the company. None, however, recollected having seen him after their departure from the Tonkewa camp. He was armed with a musket which was known to have been very heavily charged, and all, at once concluded that the loud report they had heard was that of McMillan's piece. None doubted that he had been killed, but as it was now too late to return to seek him, the company camped at the edge of the prairie until next morning, when a party returned to the Tonkewa camp and found McMillan's lifeless body, scalped and shockingly mutilated. The Indians had disappeared. In the meantime Ingram hastened to San Felipe to inform Austin of these occurences. When he received the news Austin was highly displeased. He believed that the settlers had been the aggressors. Not long afterwards the Tonkewas went to San Felipe and had a “talk” with Austin who, it is believed never greatly censured them for the part they acted in this unfortunate affair. 133
During this year Ingram was on the expedition against the Wacoes and Tawacanies, commanded by Capt. A. C. Buckner. . . . In the year 1829 Ingram was a member of the San Saba expedition under Capt. A. Kuykendall. . . . In the year 1830 Ingram was engaged in smuggling tobacco on the Rio Grande where he had diverse and “hair-breadth scapes” . . . Ingram was at the residence of Captain A. C. Buckner in June 1832, when that gentleman was solicited to join the colonists of the Brazos in the contemplated attack on the Mexican fort at Velasco. Ingram who disapproved of the movement said all he could do to dissuade his old friend from participating in it, and he parted with Buckner in the belief that he had succeeded. But immediately after Ingram's departure Buckner paid off his hired hands and made his will. Having thus “set his house in order” he went to Velasco and was killed. A Mexican youth whom he had partly reared, was killed in the same action.
Sometime during this year Ingram led a party of nineteen men in an attack on a large encampment of Carancawas on Live Oak creek, within the present limits of Matagorda county. The party fired on the Indians at the dawn of day, killing four or five and dispersing the remainder (1832). . . . .
About the last of September 1835, Ingram joined the colonial force at Gonzales, and was in the skirmish with the Mexican troops near that place. He continued in the service until after the reduction of San Antonio, in which he fully participated. During the siege of this town he performed a feat of heroism which is worthy of record. After the investment of the place had continued some time, a twelve pounder cannon was received by the Texians, by means of which it was hoped some impression could be made on the Mexican stronghold—the Alamo.
Accordingly, the Texians, favored by a dark night, opened an intrenchment on the right side of the river, within four or five hundred yards of the Alamo, and at daylight the next morning, the twelve pounder, supported by Capt. Goheen's company (to which Ingram belonged) began to thunder. The Mexicans were not slow to reply; but in a short time the fire on both sides slackened in consequence of a dense fog which completely concealed every object beyond the distance of a few yards. After the fog dissolved the cannonade, on both sides, was renewed. At length the artillerymen of the twelve pounder announced that their powder was exhausted. It was immediately asked “who will go to the can for powder?” Without a moment's hesitation Ingram volunteered for the perilous service. The Texian camp was about a half mile from the battery. Ingram leaped out of the ditch and ran. Five field pieces were bearing on him from the walls of the Alamo and a thousand infantry were marshalled outside the walls within long musket range of the intrepid messenger. His course for four hundred yards was over an open field before he could gain the cover of the mill race which led to the camp. Simultaneously the five cannon hurled at him their iron missiles. At the next instant a thousand muskets poured a leaden shower around him—still Ingram sped onward. Again, and yet again, the five cannon thundered in dreadful concert. Again, and yet again, a thousand muskets roared in one platoon—but Ingram is still unscathed, and safe within the mill-race! Yet he paused not until he reached the quarter-master's tent, where, seizing a keg of powder and placing it on his shoulder, he left as he arrived—running. The same perils awaited him on his return. Three swarms of iron and three leaden balls again swept the plain around him—but he seemed to bear a charmed life for he entered the entrenchment untouched amid the huzzas and congratulations of his fellow-soldiers! . . .
In the campaign of the spring of '36, Ingram was a private in Capt. Hill's company and did yoeman service in the Battle of San Jacinto. . . . In the year 1837, Ingram married and settled on the Colorado nine miles above La Grange. In 1847 he was elected a Capt. of militia and was commissioned by Governor J. Pinckney Henderson— . . .
Elijah Ingram, a younger brother of Captain Ingram and who came to Texas at a somewhat later period, was also a brave soldier, and in different conflicts with the Indians had three horses shot under him. In the year 1835, a man of the name of Hibbins, residing on the Guadalupe was killed by the Indians, and his wife and child were taken prisoners. Elijah was with the company that pursued the Indians who were overtaken and attacked. Elijah rushed into the midst of the Indians and rescued the woman and child, but was severely wounded by a musket ball, which entered his wrist, passed up his arm, and lodged in his shoulder. In 1838 or 1839 he was with a company of surveyors at the three forks of the Trinity, who were attacked by an overwhelming force of Indians. After losing several men the survivors mounted their horses to retreat. At this moment a wounded man implored Elijah to save him. He dismounted, placed the wounded man in his saddle, and leaped up behind him; but in the act, was himself shot and killed. The wounded man effected his escape on Ingram's horse.
132. Wm. Rabb, his sons Andrew and Thomas, and his son-in-law, Newman.
133. That the Tonkewas were thievish is unquestionable, but that the course pursued towards them by the settlers was rash and unjustifiable, is apparent. A feud arose between Capt. Robt. Kuykendall and the Rabbs in consequence of the strictures of the former on the conduct of the whites in this affair.
How to cite:
Kuykendall, J. H., "REMINISCENCES OF EARLY TEXANS. A COLLECTION FROM THE AUSTIN PAPERS ", Volume 006, Number 4, Southwestern Historical Quarterly Online, Page 311 - 330. http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/publications/journals/shq/online/v006/n4/article_3.html
[Accessed Tue Dec 2 0:29:11 CST 2008]
