Vol. VI. APRIL, 1903. No. 4.
The publication committee and the editor disclaim responsibility for views expressed by contributors to the Quarterly.
In her narrow prejudice, Mexico pursued a policy towards her colonists in Texas which finally led to open revolt. She first offered liberal encouragement to colonization by the national colonization laws of January 4, 1823, and August 18, 1824, which were followed up by the State of Coahuila and Texas in its colonization law of March 24, 1824. These laws led to a rapid influx of immigrants, especially from the United States. Realizing the advantage the acquisition of Texas would be to her, the United States government instructed its minister at Mexico, Mr. Poinsett, in 1825, in 1827, and in 1829 to make propositions to the Mexican government for the purchase of all or a part of Texas. A jealousy of the views of the United States and a fear of the growing strength of the colonists in Texas drove Mexico to pass the famous law of April 6, 1830. 1 The national colonization law of August 18, 1824, had provided, in Article 7, that “Until after the year 1840, the general congress shall not prohibit the entrance of any foreigner, as a colonist, unless circumstances shall require it, with respect to the individuals of a particular nation.” 2 In 1830, the Mexican general congress took advantage of the reservation in the last clause of this article. Lucas Alamán, secretary of state, by his iniciativa influenced Congress to pass a decree against colonization from the United States. He gave a minute account of the policy of the United States in acquiring foreign territory. He called especial attention to their method of procedure 3—“They commenced by introducing themselves into the territory which they covet” upon various pretenses. Then `these colonies grow, set up rights, and bring forward ridiculous pretensions.' “Their machinations in the country they wish to acquire are then brought to light by the appearance of explorers” who excite by degrees movements which disturb the political state of the country in dispute. Texas, he says, has reached this point. Next “the diplomatic management commences.”
The complaint of Alamán indicates the Mexican standpoint so clearly that it deserves quoting at length. In regard to the affairs of Texas, he says, “If we now examine the present condition of Texas, brought about by the policy which I have unveiled at length, we will find that the majority of the population is composed of natives of the United States of the North; that they occupy the frontier posts on the coast and the mouths of rivers; that the number of Mexicans inhabiting that country is insignificant, when compared with the North Americans; that they come from all directions to settle upon the fertile lands, taking notice that most of them do so without previously complying with the requisites of our laws, or in violation of existing contracts. The Mexican population is, as it were, stationary; while theirs is increasing, particularly from the number of slaves introduced by them, and whom they retain, without manumitting them, as they should do, in conformity with the 2d article of the law of 13th of July, 1824.
“This numerical superiority, and the legal supremacy which they will acquire from the act of the Legislature declaring to be citizens all who have resided five years in the State, (in consequence of which, nearly all these foreigners will become so next year;) their having rendered themselves masters of the best points, and their having had it in their power to execute their policy with impunity, and without having been compelled to fulfil the contracts entered into for their establishment, or refrained from locating themselves on the frontiers, and other parts, from which they were excluded by existing laws and orders; and, above all, the unrestrained introduction of adventurers: all this has given them a preponderance in Texas, which now hardly belongs in fact to the Mexican confederacy, since the orders of the Government are obeyed or not according to the choice of the colonists; and the moment seems to be near at hand when that territory will be taken from us and added to the United States of the North.
“The violation of the colonization laws and of existing contracts has continued without any effect having been produced by the orders issued on the 15th July and 22d August, 1826, against the admission of colonists from the conterminous nations; by that of the 2d of June, 1827, restricting to those contracted for the number of families in the new settlements; or that of the 23d [of April], 1828, providing that the colonies formed on the lands adjoining the dividing line between the United Mexican States and the United States of the North should be composed of families not natives of the said United States of the North. These provisions, which, if faithfully executed, would have checked the execution of the North American policy, and neutralized their projects, have remained without effect; and the colonists coming from those States have located themselves wherever they thought fit, not only for their own interests, but also for that of their fellow-citizens generally; the colonization laws and their own stipulations remaining a dead letter. Hence we find that, besides this territory having been occupied by colonists who never ought to have been admitted into it, there is not one among them, in Texas, who is a Catholic: and this is a circumstance which has been attended to, in all the contracts which have been formed, as one of the leading articles. Another abuse which recommends itself to attention, is the introduction of slaves, and the number already there.”
Alamán then points out the remedies for these mistakes. The measures proposed by him were formulated and adopted in the decree of April 6, 1830. The fourth article of this law provided for a military occupation of Texas. It decreed that, “The executive shall have the power to take the lands it may consider desirable for the purpose of fortifications or arsenals and for new colonies, crediting the states with their value on account of the State debt to the federation.” 4 The most important of all the articles was the 11th. It prohibited the further introduction of Anglo-American colonists into Texas. “In the exercise of the privilege that the general congress retained in the 7th article of the law of August 18, 1824, the citizens of foreign conterminous territory are prohibited from colonizing in those states and territories of the federation bounded by their nations. In consequence the unfulfilled contracts which are contrary to this law shall be suspended.” 5 In a letter to Stephen F. Austin, dated New Orleans, December 4, 1830, Mr. James Wm. Breedlove of the Mexican consulate in that city encloses a clipping from a Baltimore newspaper in which the Mexican minister, José M. Tornel, published the 11th article of the decree of April 6 and warns the citizens of the United States against violating it. He says, “Wherefore I declare in the name of the Mexican Government, that whatever contract shall have been made in violation of the said law, will be null and void, it being understood that colonization in the State of Coahuila and Texas, and the territory of New Mexico, by citizens of the United States, has been prohibited.” 6 Breedlove as well as Austin himself believed that this law did not extend to Austin's colony. The former said, “I feel very certain that Colonel Tornel did not mean this publication to extend to any grant which stood on the same grounds yours does, and so I have explained his meaning to all who have called on me.” Austin's opinion was this: “The 10th article of that law declares that no variation shall be made in the colonies already established—my colony is established and no legal impediment can of course be interposed to the removal of emigrants to it.” 7
Alamán's report to congress called attention to the need of an adjustment of the trade relations with Texas. The 13th article of the decree was a fruitful source of discord in the colony later. It provided that “The free introduction of lumber for building and of all kinds of foreign provisions is permitted in the ports of Galveston and Matagorda for a period of two years.” 8 Article 1 allowed the introduction of cotton goods through the ports of the Republic until January 1, 1831, and through the ports of the Pacific until the end of June of the same year. Speaking of these articles Austin says, “No duty of any kind will be collected except tonnage duties until after the expiration of the law of 1823 excepting Texas from duties for seven years from its publication in the capital of Texas,—It expires November next.” 9
Some idea of the intense feeling aroused by these laws is obtained from a letter by T. J. Chambers calling Austin to San Felipe de Austin on account of the “most violent and fatal measures,” taken by both the State and general governments in regard to the Americans. “The ebullition of public feeling in our quarter is fearful.” 10
The government was in earnest and promptly took measures to carry out the decree of April 6, 1830. General Mier y Terán, 11 general commandant of the Eastern Internal States, requested and obtained from the federal government the authority to use half a million dollars in order to perform the duties that this law imposed on him and to carry out a project he had formed of introducing twenty poor families from each Mexican State to colonize the frontier, and, with the Mexican soldiers stationed at suitable places, to act as a counterpoise to the foreign population. 12 His plan for introducing Mexican families failed on account of neglect on the part of the governors of the States.
In July, 1830, Terán was at Matamoras with two or three hundred men awaiting the arrival of larger forces to be used in the establishment of posts and custom-houses in Texas. Col. Davis Bradburn was already under orders for Galveston. It was reported that he was to leave for Texas on one of the two schooners which were expected from Tampico, to survey the coast of Texas and act as commissary for supplying the troops with provisions from New Orleans. 13 In the early part of 1831, General Terán gave the final order for Bradburn, with fifty militiamen fom Pueblo-Viejo and the 12th regiment of regular infantry, to embark at Brazos de Santiago in a small vessel for Galveston. Thirty men from the presidial company of Espíritu Santo were to join these by land. 14 This force was stationed on Galveston Bay at a place which had formerly been known as Perry's Point and now received the name, Anahuac, 15 given to the City of Mexico by the original inhabitants of that country. 16 Another small detachment of infantry and cavalry was stationed at Arroyo de la Vaca. At Tenoxtitlan, where the road from San Antonio to Nacogdoches crossed the Brazos River, there were stationed the presidial company of the Alamo of Parras composed of seventy men and a like force from the presidial company of Bexar. Between Nacogdoches and Anahuac the general established Fort Terán and at the mouth of the Brazos River Fort Velasco was erected. One detachment was stationed at each of these forts. Mexican troops were also placed at Nacogdoches, Bexar, and San Felipe de Austin.
As the seven years had expired which were allowed by the law of 1823 for importation of goods into Texas free of duty, General Terán appointed officials for the custom-houses to be established at Galveston and Matagorda and the receiver's office at Velasco. The last two offices were provisional in character.
On the 18th of May, 1830, George Fisher undertook the duties of administrator of the custom-house of Galveston. 17
In conformity with the colonization laws, grants of land had been made in 1828 to the inhabitants living east of the San Jacinto River. 18 The population in this quarter increased rapidly, and it became necessary to provide for the issuance of land titles and the administration of law in the district. At the suggestion of Stephen F. Austin, a petition with seventy-two signatures was prepared for this purpose and sent to the governor of Coahuila and Texas. In 1830, the governor commissioned Francisco Madero, a citizen of Monclova, to issue titles to the people settled in that district. 19 In January, 1831, Madero arrived on the Trinity River. At a meeting of the people held at Atascosita, “Smith's Place” was selected as the county seat and the name of Liberty given to it. 20 Madero installed the ayuntamiento, and with the assistance of his surveyor, José María Carbajal, 21 he assigned the people their lands.
Bradburn immediately informed General Terán of Madero's arrival. Terán sent an order both to Bradburn and to Colonel Piedras at Nacogdoches for the arrest of Madero and his surveyor. The reason given by Bradburn for making the arrest was that it was by order of his superior. Terán gave as his reason, that Madero was violating the decree of April 6, 1830. At the opening of the congress of the State on January 2, 1832, the governor in his message said, “The public tranquillity not been disturbed in any manner in any place in the State, even though Col. Davis Bradburn assumed without the authority of the government the power of arresting a commissioner of the government itself for the distribution of lands . . .”
The next illegal act committed by Bradburn was hindering an election for alcalde and members of the ayuntamiento, 22 ordered by the governor of the State, to be held at Liberty by the alcalde of that town, Hugh B. Johnson. Bradburn threatened to use military force for preventing the election. Filisola says that from the moment that the ayuntamiento was established, the alcalde and regidores began to oppose Colonel Davis and the collector of customs, Fisher. They even threatened the latter with pistols in his own house. 23
“The general commandant without authority from the State took possession of and appropriated such lands as he deemed proper. 24 Bradburn took the property of the colonists without their consent and without consideration.” 25
December 10, 1831, Bradburn, by order of General Terán, dissolved the ayuntamiento of Liberty, which had been established by Madero, though not up to that time confirmed by the State government. Without the authority of the State, Bradburn established a new ayuntamiento at Anahuac.
The establishment of custom-houses in Texas was followed by innumerable troubles. It has been stated that on May 18, 1830, George Fisher entered upon the office of collector of customs at Galveston. In a letter dated February 16, 1831, to José María Letona, Terán says he had learned of the establishment of the custom-house at Galveston by George Fisher under authority of the government. He also adds that the said establishment was suspended “because there is to locate a custom-house at present.”
The seizure of the schooner Cañon with its contraband goods by George Fisher just before the suspension of the custom-house at Galveston gave rise to an attack on that official by the Texas Gazette. To vindicate himself, Fisher had Terán's official statement in regard to the affair published in an extra of the “Guia del Pueblo” as given below:
“ALCANCE AL NUM. 37.
“Manuel de Mier y Teran, Gen. of Division of the army of the Mexican Republic, commandant in chief of that of the operations, and Gen. and Inspector of the Eastern Internal States.
“I certify: that in the office of secretary to the general commandancy of these states under my charge, there are proofs, that the schooner. Cañon and her captain have been surprised at the Bar of Rio Brasos de Dios, with a contraband of 160 quintals of tobacco, and in consequence of the fine of 25 dollars for each arroba of said article which the particular law of the state of Coahuila and Texas imposes, the said vessel was seized by citizen George Fisher Administrator of the maritime custom-house of Galveston, in compliance to the said law; and by means of suitable requisites. In this state of the matter, the administration of said maritime custom-house was suspended; for reasons very different from the acts of said Administrator Fisher, and the cognizance of the contraband was remitted to the commissary at Bexar, remaining Fisher in my opinion exempt from all responsibility, by having surrendered said vessel in quality of seized, to the civil authority of the town of Austin.
“In testimony of which I give the present in Matamoras, this third day of May, one thousand eight hundred and thirty one.
Manuel de Mier y Teran.
NOTE.
“From the foregoing certificate of His Excellency the commandant general, it is evident that the administration of the Maritime custom-house of Galveston which was under my charge in Texas, has not been suspended on account of my acts; but for reasons very different, from them; and that the calumny published by order of the ayuntamiento of the town of Austin in the Texas Gazette No. 45 of the 23 of Oct: 1830; criticized and corroborated in its editorial paragraph; and that, propagated afterwards by Edward L. Petitt, captain of schooner Cañon; are in part refuted and proved to be infamous slanders; prompted by a spirit of vengeance and persecution which I have suffered, for having supported the rights of the nation and of the people of the colonies in Texas; shall appear in course of time, according to my former binding promises.
George Fisher.”
In a letter of the 16th of February, 1831, to Governor Letona Terán says, “Fisher informed me of the acts and the communications of the municipality of Austin, and I saw that they were very illegal and violent, and to the letter relating to them which that corporation sent me, I answered that the review of the said acts was not one of my functions but that it devolved on the political governor of the State.” Terán complains to the governor “that it appears that in the villa of Austin the decrees and orders of the government do not circulate when they are contrary to the interests of the enterprise of colonization, some which Fisher desired to publish being kept from the knowledge of the community.”
Even before the trouble just mentioned in collecting duties at Galveston, contraband goods were being seized at other points of Texas. Erasmo Seguin, at Bexar, reported June 2, 1830, that “In the inspection that I have just made of the goods presented by the citizen Don Juan Sol, I have found forty pairs of men's shoes of foreign manufacture, which I have held back on account of the provision forbidding their introduction in the last law concerning the maritime custom-house and frontier.” Two months later a report was received by Gaspar Flores at Bexar, from José M. Salinas, notifying him of the seizure of eight sacks of ammunition of foreign manufacture which had been introduced from New Orleans, through the custom-house of Matagorda, though their entry was prohibited. 27
In the first part of November, 1831, Terán and George Fisher arrived at Anahuac to reestablish the custom-house, which had been located at Galveston. 28 During the interval of its suspension, George Fisher's correspondence shows him to have been at Matamoras. After a visit of twelve or fifteen days, Terán left Anahuac and reached Brazos de Santiago in the middle of December, 1831. George Fisher was hardly installed in his office again when he began to cause trouble by his regulations. Stephen F. Austin wrote to Terán, February 5, 1832, from the mouth of the Trinity River while on his return from a visit to Colonel Bradburn, a letter in which, while he reported that all was then tranquil, he complained of the troubles caused by a very impracticable rule made by Fisher on November 24, 1831, in regard to the commerce in the river Brazos. Austin thought that the trouble could have been avoided if, instead of this measure, Fisher had made provision for the trade of the Brazos River to be attended to at the mouth of the river, until the custom-house on Galveston Island should be reestablished. He asked Terán for “the removal of Fisher from the office of administrator of Galveston.” 29
Bradburn's administration of the customs soon developed into an absolute tyranny, which began with an order, in the fall of 1831, closing all the ports of Texas except Galveston. December 16, 1831, a meeting of citizens was held at Brazoria to consider the conduct of the Mexican government and to ascertain public sentiment in the colony relating to the order. 30 The committee was persistent and Bradburn was forced to grant its request.
A few days later, Bradburn proclaimed “the whole country, lying within ten leagues of the coast, to be under martial law, and threatened the civil authorities with exemplary punishment if they should dare to assert a rival jurisdiction.” 31
In the meantime the law closing the ports had been resisted by force at Velasco. At this time there were several vessels, the Nelson, the Williams, the Ticson, 32 and the Sabine, engaged in trade between Velasco and New Orleans. The Mexican authorities had not been very strict in collecting duties at Velasco, but learning that the trade was becoming very profitable the commander at Fort Velasco sent word to the captain of the Sabine, Jerry Brown, that he must pay a certain duty and get permission from the commander at Anahuac before his vessel could leave. 33 As there was no easy means of communicating with Anahuac except by water, and the schooner was now prohibited from sailing, its owner, Edwin Waller, went to the commander and offered to pay a duty of fifty dollars, but this was refused, and the sum of one hundred dollars demanded. Waller declined to pay this amount and withdrew. He persuaded Captain Brown to “run the blockade,” and with the assistance of William H. Wharton the vessel was untied and started down the river on the 15th of December, 1831. It was fired on by the Mexican guards, but was well protected with bales of cotton and escaped all injury except in its rigging. Another vessel lying farther up the river followed the example of the Sabine. Wharton and Waller were arrested, but through the influence of the former they escaped punishment. 34 The captain of the Sabine was instructed to buy two cannon with the proceeds from the sale of his cargo and return with them to Velasco.
The receiver at Velasco reported to Terán that the merchants testified that these offenses were due to the hardships imposed on the captains of the vessels and on the trade, since they had to unload at the mouth of the river, where there was no building to shelter the goods from the weather, and after that to go as far as Anahuac, thirty leagues distant, to present their reports. 35 The receiver's office was therefore transferred from Velasco to Brazoria and the Ensign Juan Pacho was sent to take charge of it. He arrived on the night of the 22d of January, 1832. His attention was attracted by a crowd of excited colonists on the shore, and he sent an orderly to investigate the cause of the disturbance. As the soldier refused to answer their questions the mob knocked him down. This incident so frightened Pacho that he fled to the interior to a place of safety. 36
While things were in this condition, the schooner Sabine returned with the two cannon on board and cast anchor at Brazoria, January 39, 1832.
When Terán heard of the departure of the Sabine, in defiance of the Mexican authorities, he dispatched Col. Domingo Ugartechea to act as second in command to Bradburn and to go with troops and public employees to establish a custom-house at the mouth of the Brazos River. As soon as Colonel Ugartechea reached Anahuac with the troops furnished him by Terán to reinforce that place, he was sent by Bradburn on April 2, 1832, with one hundred and ten men and an eight pounder, to establish a fort at the mouth of the Brazos. Bradburn had previously received a reinforcement of one hundred and thirteen men under Añorga, on February 27, 1832. 37
A letter from Samuel Williams to Stephen F. Austin, dated April 12, 1832, contains an interesting report from the custom-house at Anahuac which runs as follows: 38 “It is to be observed that although the account that was received bearing the date of the 31st of last December includes all the amount that I have collected, nevertheless there must be in the hands of the officers of the federation, other amounts that belong to the State. Their collection is difficult to make on account of the great distance from this villa to Anahuac where the administrator of the custom-house of Galveston is. The net total from the funds in my power belonging to this department is as is shown by the account, 315 pesos, 7 reales, 11 granos, of which account you may dispose according as it seems best to you.”
On the 19th of June, 1832, Stephen F. Austin wrote to D. Domingo Ugartechea from Matamoras, claiming that some indulgence ought to be shown at the custom-house in allowing necessities to pass free, on account of the newness of the country and its small resources. He said that the new law had extended the time for free introduction of some things, but said nothing about iron tools, iron, steel, and coarse bagging for cotton. Thus it had been put in the power of the custom-house officials to make or mar the country.
A few words should be said in regard to the character of the troops and officers stationed in Texas.
Bradburn 39 was said to be naturally of an overbearing disposition. The odium which he had incurred from the colonists and soldiers led Piedras to believe that the troubles at Anahuac to be detailed further on were personal matters. 40 His unwise and tyrannical measures soon brought Texas, as well as himself, into trouble.
The Mexican law of September 29, 1826, provided for the enlistment of convicts as soldiers, and a large number of the soldiers sent to the garrisons of Texas were of this character. On one occasion, an emigrant at Anahuac so violently wounded his wife in a fit of passion, that she died a few days later. He fled but was captured. He was afterwards offered a reprieve provided he would enlist in the Mexican army, and he consented. One of the soldiers at Anahuac was notorious for having killed not less than eleven persons. 41 But in spite of their criminal character, these soldiers were abject cowards.
The Mexican officers varied greatly in their sympathies and conduct towards the Texans. Some of them were exiles on account of their political views. Mexico was in a turmoil at this time owing to the contest between Santa Anna and Bustamante. In February, 1832, Terán sent the four leaders of a revolt in Matamoras which he had quelled to different points in Texas. 42 Such men as these, because of their liberal tendencies, must have felt rather sympathetic towards the Anglo-Americans. In their dealings with the colonists, Piedras and Ugartechea were courteous, considerate, and full of tact. 43 Ramón Musquiz, political chief at Bexar, was a friend much respected by the colonists. General Terán, however, made himself very unpopular among them by his arbitrary acts. 44
Another cause of friction lay in the fact that the suspicion of the Mexicans was aroused by rumors from New York and New Orleans which were brought to the officials that the colonists were only waiting for a pretext for open revolt against the Mexican government. Reports were received that toasts were being offered in New Orleans to the independence of Texas. There was also a large increase in immigration in December, 1831, and in the spring of 1832. In the early part of 1832 this suspicion led Terán to order that the two cannon which he knew were in the possession of private parties in Brazoria be brought and placed in the battery at the mouth of the Brazos or taken to Anahuac. 45 His object, of course, was to get them out of the hands of the colonists. As later events show, the order was never carried out.
To make things worse, Bradburn, at various times, arbitrarily arrested certain colonists who expressed their views of his conduct. 46
Among the immigrants who settled in Anahuac in the spring of 1832 were William B. Travis and Patrick C. Jack. They came in order to learn Spanish and to practice law. On May 1, 1832, a meeting was held at Anahuac and arrangements made to organize a company ostensibly for protection against the Indians, but really to resist the arbitrary exactions of Bradburn. Patrick C. Jack was elected captain. When Bradburn heard of these proceedings he arrested Jack, but before long released him, and Jack then resumed his command. 47
It seems that there were seven citizens thrown into jail by Bradburn later in May, and that an attempt was made to arrest George M. Patrick and James Linsley, who, however, succeeded in escaping to Austin's colony. 48 Among those actually arrested were William B. Travis, Patrick C. Jack, Monroe Edwards, and Samuel T. Adams. 49
As to the cause of the arrests, the evidence is so conflicting that it seems better to present both sides. The Mexican account is as follows: In the early part of May, 1832, some of Bradburn's convicts made an attack upon a woman, 50 and an American living in the neighborhood failed to respond to her cries and come to her assistance. Bradburn refused to punish the convict soldier on the demands of the colonists. They therefore gathered in a mob and seized the American. He was tarred and feathered and driven through the town with so much noise that a lieutenant, accompanied by a corporal and four men, came out from the post to ascertain the cause of the disturbance. The soldiers were driven off with blows and pistol shots; but on the appearance of a larger force the mob abandoned their victim and dispersed. Travis, Jack, and two others who took part in the affair were seized and thrown in prison. Some of the official reports mention that in all there were five colonists in prison. 51
Dr. N. D. Labadie gives an entirely different account of the arrest of Travis and his companions. According to his version of the story, Bradburn offered freedom to all the slaves who presented themselves to him. In consequence of this offer three runaway slaves from Louisiana claimed his protection. When William M. Logan, the owner of the slaves, demanded them, Bradburn refused to turn them over to him unless he presented proof of his ownership. Logan went back to Louisiana to obtain the necessary evidence, and in a short time presented himself again to Bradburn, who made an appointment on the following day for an examination of the documents. At the proper time Logan appeared, but Bradburn said that the three negroes had asked for the protection of the Mexican flag, and therefore he refused to surrender them. One dark rainy night, soon after this, a tall man wrapped in a cloak appeared before a sentinel and handed him a letter, directed to Bradburn. The letter was signed “Billew.” It contained a friendly warning “that a magistrate on the Sabine was organizing a company of one hundred men to cross the river” and forcibly take the three negroes. This letter alarmed Bradburn and caused a great commotion in the Mexican garrison. Scouts were sent out in every direction, but after a week's absence they returned and reported that they had discovered nothing. Bradburn believed that this was a trick played on him by Travis. A few days after this occurrence a guard of soldiers appeared at the office of Travis and Jack and arrested both. 52
Sometime after these arrests, an anonymous letter was discovered in a bundle of the prisoners' clothes as they were being sent out to wash. The letter was addressed to “O. P. Q.” Labadie says it was a notice “to have a horse in readiness at a certain hour on Thursday night.” In a letter to Bradburn, Juan María Pacho, speaking of the letter, says, “in this they invite the men of Austin's colony to come to rescue them from the clutches of thirty convict soldiers under sentence who guard this point.” 53
This letter caused Bradburn some uneasiness about the safety of the prisoners. For better security an old brick kiln was repaired and furnished with a cannon, and the prisoners were confined in it. There was great excitement throughout the colony. Judge William H. Jack came over to Anahuac to intercede for his brother and Travis, but Bradburn refused to turn the prisoners over to the civil authorities to be tried. When Judge Jack went away he promised to return soon with assistance. In the meantime it seems that the case of Patrick Jack and Travis was being tried at Anahuac by military law. In a report, “Juan María Pacho, prosecutor,” in the case of Patrick C. Jack, Travis, and others, on the 10th of May, says, “the case which I represent against Travis, Jack and associates, plainly reveals that either an expedition of adventurers from North America is upon us, or the two individuals referred to have a private plan to separate this territory from the supreme authority of the State and federation. I am still making investigations into the matter.” Pacho advises Bradburn to communicate this state of affairs to the general commandant in order that he might do what he could to reinforce that point. On the 25th of May Bradburn sent Pacho's letter to Terán, and on June 25, 1832, he sent a copy of it to Francisco Medina in his petition for aid. 54
When William H. Jack returned home, to San Felipe, he appealed to the people of Austin's colony. They adopted the plan of sending committees to all parts of the colony to stir up the colonists to resist the tyranny of Bradburn. Col. William Pettus and William H. Jack went to the settlements of Fort Bend, Brazoria, etc.; Robert M. Williamson was sent to the settlements of Mill Creek, Cole's and Washington; and Benj. Tennell and Francis W. Johnson went to the settlements on Spring Creek, Buffalo Bayou, San Jacinto, and Trinity River. 55
The colonists soon began to gather and organize at Minchey's, near Liberty. Francis W. Johnson was elected first, Warren D. C. Hall second, and Thomas H. Bradley third in command. William H. Jack succeeded in collecting about ninety men in Brazoria, including John Austin, Capt. Wily Martin, Henry S. Brown, W. J. Russell, Geo. B. McKinstry, and others. On the fourth of June this force set out from Brazoria under the command of John Austin. 56
When they passed by Velasco, Ugartechea came out and tried to dissuade them from their bold undertaking. 57 Then Austin agreed to ask for the release of the prisoners in “terms of a petition and friendship.” 58 At the request of John Austin, Ugartechea also wrote a petition for their release and sent his adjutant, D. N. Dominguez, with Austin. A force of forty men joined Austin from the neighborhood of Liberty. 59 Forces continued to arrive through the whole of June.
On the 9th of June, 1832, Bradburn learned of the proximity of these troops. 60 The forces took up their march from Liberty towards Turtle Bayou with an advance guard of sixteen men under Robert M. Williamson. When they had marched about half the distance they came upon a reconnoitering force of eighteen Mexican soldiers under Lieutenant Nieto. 61 Miguel Arciniega reported to Ramón Musquiz that on their way to Anahuac the Americans captured five soldiers and an American, who they said was the confidant of Bradburn. 62 The party was surprised and captured at La Verdura by the colonists without a shot.
The Texans marched on with their prisoners and encamped on Turtle Bayou at White's crossing. Next day, June 10, at 8 o'clock a. m., they continued their march to Anahuac, which they reached the same morning. A committee composed of Austin, G. B. McKinstry, H. B. Johnson, H. K. Lewis, and Francis W. Johnson was appointed to visit Bradburn. As the force of the Texans was constantly increasing by late arrivals, it is difficult to learn the exact number that reached Anahuac. June 19, 1832, the commandant of Fort Terán, Gavino Aranjo, reported to Col. José de las Piedras that a soldier, Julio Esparsa, had just arrived from Anahuac with information in regard to the revolt in that quarter. He added that he had sent this same Esparsa to Piedras so that he might question him in regard to the events in Anahuac. Piedras seems to have gained the desired information from Esparsa, for in a letter to Col. Antonio Elosua he says: “The annexed copy will notify you of the letter that the commandant of the military detachment of Terán gave me. The bearer of the memorial which pertained to the affair of Anahuac, has shown me that he has been detained on seeking to enter said place by a party of about one hundred and sixty Americans who were besieging it.” 63
All the accounts agree in the main in regard to the attack and the parleys with Bradburn. John Austin took by far the most important part in these troubles; indeed, the Mexican authorities claim that he was captain of the Texans. 64
When the committee visited Bradburn, Austin presented the recommendation of Ugartechea. Bradburn made various evasive replies—that Colonel Subarán, who had arrived a day or so previous on the schooner Martha from Matamoras, was commander of the garrison, 65 and that he had to put the question to a vote of his officers. 66 The question was put to the officers, and their answer was that the prisoners ought to be tried “by military jurisdiction according to article 26 and various others of title 10 subject 8 of the general laws of the army, and that they ought not to be given up on any account. The Texans withdrew and quietly occupied the plaza called La Malinche, and the Mexican soldiers retired to the fort. 67 Bradburn ordered the colonists to leave the settlement and make their demands from without. Another committee waited on Bradburn, but to the same demands they received the same reply. The committee retired, and a light skirmish was kept up between the troops all that day and the following.
On the 11th of June John A. Williams, for the colonists, solicited an interview with Subarán. This was granted by Bradburn, and a committee composed of Subarán, Juan Cortina, Juan María Pacho, and Juan Hurtado met with him. It was agreed that the Texans were to deliver up the Mexican prisoners in their possession and retire six mile from Anahuac, and, on the other hand, the Mexicans agreed to surrender their prisoners in twenty hours after the Texans left Anahuac. 68 The colonists refused to keep the agreement made by Williams, and on the 12th they demanded another meeting of commissioners, which Bradburn granted. To this meeting he sent the same committee that served before, but the colonists sent John Austin, Hugh B. Johnson, Wily Martin, and others. The same terms were agreed on as before, and the Mexican soldiers were turned over to Bradburn. The colonists then marched to Turtle Bayou to wait for the prisoners and commissioners to return. A small party of the Texans, fifteen to thirty in number, who lived in Anahuac, remained there with the commissioners. 69
During the night Bradburn prepared to defend himself by taking possession of a large quantity of ammunition that was stored in the town, and by sending couriers to every military post in Texas for assistance. 70 The general commandant, José Mariano Guerro, had given orders, on May 31, 1832, to Piedras at Nacogdoches to proceed at once to Anahuac and adopt measures to put an end to the disturbances at that place. 71 In a letter dated Bexar, June 19, 1832, Ramón Musquiz says that “In answer to entreaties and on account of the condition of affairs his presence is necessary, and that by the next day at 12 o'clock he will set out with an escort of ten men in charge of an officer, a secretary, and a clerk to go as far as Anahuac if necessary.” Another letter from him 72 dated Villa de Austin (San Felipe), June 26, 1832, states that he started from Bexar on the 20th of June and arrived at Villa de Austin on the 24th day of June. He immediately began to collect information concerning the trouble at Anahuac.
Francisco Ruiz, in command at Tenoxtitlan, reported to Elosua on the 23d day of June, that he received a letter from Piedras on the 19th of June saying that he intended to start that day for Anahuac and he hoped soon to receive aid from Tenoxtitlan. Ruiz wrote that it was impossible for him to give assistance owing to a practice that was resorted to by commanders on the frontier of allowing all who could, among the troops, to go out in the country and seek means of livelihood. This was done because of the scant provision made for the frontier troops. He said that he allowed eighteen men to go out on the 12th day of June, and, as they had not returned, he was almost defenseless. 73 On the 20th of June Ruiz received an order from Guerro to send at once twenty-five men and an officer to Brazoria to reinforce Ugartechea. Ruiz reported his absolute inability to comply with the order. 74 June 25 Bradburn called on Francisco Medina at Nacogdoches for assistance. Medina was unable to help him, and sent the letter to Elosua. Piedras wrote to Elosua for assistance on the eve of his departure for Anahuac. 75 According to a report made by Angel Navarro of the troops located at Bexar, Dec. 31, 1832, 76 the whole force at that point amounted to only eighty-eight men.
The most contrary accounts exist in regard to the forces that Col. Davis Bradburn had available. The American historians estimate the number at one hundred and fifty. Bradburn himself said he was reduced to eighty soldiers after reinforcing Ugartechea. 77 Filisola 78 estimates the garrison at forty-one. A pay roll in the Bexar Archives shows the force to have been one hundred and sixty-two soldiers and four officers, May 31, 1832. Another of May 3, 1832, gives a total of one hundred and sixty-two soldiers and three officers.
The morning after the withdrawal of the colonists to Turtle Bayou, when Bradburn had secured himself and sent for aid, the men of the garrison in Anahuac noticed that some of the houses remained closed up unusually long. 79 They suspected the colonists of breaking the agreement. Bradburn sent word to Austin “that it was already time, that he was well fortified, and that he might come and receive the prisoners.” 80 Preparations were then made for an attack on the Texans. Lieutenant Colonel Subarán was to make a sally with a force of about forty-five men carrying a four pound gun. 81
On receiving the notice from Bradburn that he did not intend keeping the agreement, Austin reported it to the small party who remained with the commissioners. An express was sent at once to the main body of the troops, encamped on Turtle Bayou. In the meantime the Mexicans advanced and a short engagement took place in which five Mexican soldiers and one American were killed. 82 As soon as the messenger arrived at Turtle Bayou to report Bradburn's perfidy, the company set out immediately for Anahuac to reinforce the party with the commissioners. 83 Soon after leaving their camp, they met the party from Anahuac. The whole force then returned to Turtle Bayou in order to enlist reinforcements and to formulate some plan of action. 84
While the colonists were reassembled at Turtle Bayou, a meeting was held and their grievances considered. Reports had already reached them of the revolution in progress in Mexico, and of the pronunciamento in favor of Santa Anna and the constitution of 1824. A committee was appointed “to draw up a preamble and resolutions declaratory of the wrongs and abuses committed by the chief magistrate of the nations and his minions of the army; and also of the determination of Texas to repel further aggressions by the military, and to maintain their rights under the constitution of 1824.” 85 The resolutions were unanimously adopted, June 13, 1832. They are as follows:
“Resolved, That we view with feelings of deepest regret, the manner in which the government of the republic of Mexico is administered by the present dynasty; the repeated violations of the constitution; the total disregard of the law; the entire prostration of the civil authority and the substitution in its stead of a military despotism, are grievances of such a character as to arouse the feelings of every freeman, and impel him to resistance.
“Resolved, That we view with feelings of deepest interest and solicitude, the firm and manly resistance which is made by the highly talented and distinguished chieftain, Gen. Santa Anna, to the numberless encroachments and infractions which have been made by the present administration upon the constitution and laws of our adopted and beloved country.
“Resolved, That as freemen devoted to a correct interpretation and enforcement of the constitution and laws, according to their true spirit, we pledge our lives and fortunes in support of the same, and of the distinguished leader, who is now so gallantly fighting in defense of civil liberty.
“Resolved, That the people of Texas be invited to co-operate with us in support of the principles incorporated in the foregoing resolutions.” 86
It was then decided that John Austin, George B. McKinstry, Henry S. Brown, Wm. J. Russell and others should go to Brazoria for men and three cannon that were in the hands of private citizens living in Brazoria. Col. Wm. Pettus and Robert M. Williamson were sent to San Felipe to collect men. The colonists were joined by Capt. Abner Kuykendall from Austin's colony with from forty to sixty men. 87 Parties were arriving daily. 88 Another attack was not to be made until the arrival of the cannon from Brazoria.
A meeting of citizens was held at Brazoria to decide whether they should take part in the war against the Mexicans. After much, debate upon the subject, the matter was left in the hands of a committee: Edwin Waller, W. J. Russell, Thomas Westall, J. W. Cloud, and P. D. McNeil. Although there was some disagreement, the committee at last reported a unanimous vote for war. 89 Forces were rapidly gathered and placed under the command of John Austin. In the following letter John Austin acknowledges the offer of a kind service by Father Muldoon, an Irish priest, very popular among the early Texans:
“Revd. M. Muldoon. “My Dear Sir:
“In answer to your note of this date offering yourself as a hostage for the liberty, etc., of the persons imprisoned at Anahuac, I have only to say that it is not in my power at this time to prevent the march of the citizens, they have declared in favor of the constitution and General Santa Anna and I consider all opposed to said declaration as enemies to their cause, but I assure you so long as I may have any influence there shall be no injury done to any private individual, either to their person or property, and beg leave to assure you that wherever you may be, you will always have a warm friend and protector, as far as his abilities may extend, in your
devoted parishoner, John Austin.” “Brazoria, June 21, 1832.” 90
The colonists started from Brazoria one hundred and twenty strong to attack Ugartechea at Velasco. 91 The number who attacked Velasco is put at one hundred and fifty by Ramón Musquiz and this number is accepted by the ayuntamiento of San Felipe de Austin in a communication to Musquiz, June 30, 1832. The Mexican force under Ugartechea was composed of ninety-one men. 92
Father Muldoon made another effort to prevent bloodshed. While visiting Ugartechea on private business he tried to make an adjustment of the difficulties, but failed. 93
On the 3d of June, four of the revolutionists appeared at the fort and called on Ugartechea to proclaim his adhesion to the plan of Vera Cruz, and to allow the Brazoria with the cannon from the town of that name to pass. The Brazoria had been dislodged from a sand-bank in the Brazos River a few miles above its mouth, and floated down in the charge of Capt. William J. Russell and forty colonists. Ugartechea of course refused the demand of the colonists, knowing that the force intended to attack Anahuac. During the next few days the revolutionists were arriving and making ready for an attack. On the night of the 26th of June, the schooner was seen approaching the fort under full sail. At the same time the revolutionists approached by land. 94 The attack was made a little before midnight of the same day. Austin's force advanced in three divisions from three different directions. An incessant fire was kept up on both sides until half an hour after sunrise on the 27th. One of the hardest showers that had ever been experienced in that neighborhood put a stop to the fighting, and the colonists were compelled to retreat. The schooner Brazoria, however, remained in position, about one hundred and fifty yards from the fort, well supplied with ammunition and ready to renew the attack. In the intermission, James B. Baily was sent out to raise a reinforcement of fifteen or more men to resume the attack. 95 Ugartechea spent the interval in replenishing and renovating his scant store of ammunition.
On the 28th a conference was held between Ugartechea and John Austin. The revolutionists then offered that, if Ugartechea would evacuate the fort and surrender his arms, he might set out with his troops wherever he chose, and they would supply the necessary assistance. Ugartechea, however, refused to surrender on any other consideration than that he might retire with all his forces, all their arms, ammunition, and equipments, and with honors of war. The colonists would not agree to let him go without surrendering his arms. Thé conference broke up, and Ugartechea returned to the fort to prepare to meet another attack. That night a committee waited on Ugartechea at the fort and announced that the colonists had come to an agreement and that another conference would be held the next day.
On the 29th the commissioners appointed by Ugartechea, Lieutenant Moret and Ensign Rincón, met those of the colonists, W. H. Wharton and W. J. Russell, and signed an agreement which was approved by John Austin and Ugartechea. 96 They agreed that,
First.—The garrison will be permitted to march out with all the honours of war, that is to say, with their arms, ammunition and baggage.
Second.—There shall be a vessel made ready for their embarkation to Matamoras, they paying to the captain of the same, 600 dollars for the voyage.
Third.—If the collector, Don Francisco Duclor, should wish to embark, he may do so, the Sargt. Ignatus Lopez, and two soldiers, who remain with the former, shall be suffered to come and incorporate themselves.
Fourth.—All the wounded military of the garrison who can march, shall carry arms, and those who cannot, must remain to be cured, receive good treatment and hospitality, being supplied with food, which will be satisfied by the nation.
Fifth.—The 600 dollars, which the captain of the vessel is to receive, shall be free of duties, and the troops shall be disembarked outside the bar of the Brazos Santiago.
Sixth.—Lieut. Col. citizen Domingo Ugartecha, the two officers who sign, and the ensign Don Emanuel Pintardo, remain by this treaty, obliged not to return to take arms, against the expressed plan above cited—formed under the orders of General Antonia Lopez de Santa Anna, and by the garrison of Vera Cruz.
Seventh.—This day at 11 o'clock in the morning, will be ready, the schooner, Brazoria, in which the garrison of the fort is to embark, but previous to her going to sea, the schooner Elizabeth should arrive at this point, the garrison shall be put on board the latter.
Eighth.—The cannon of eight, and the swivel gun, shall remain at Fort Velasco, with all the public stores, supernumerary guns and ammunition.
Ninth.—All sorts of provisions, after the garrison shall have taken what may be necessary for its march, are to remain in the fort, at the disposal of the owners, given the corresponding promissory notes, that their pay may be satisfactorily made to the captain of the transporting vessel, who shall carry the power of the owners for the recovery of their import.” 97
The Brazoria was found to be so badly damaged by the fire from the fort that it could not be readily repaired, nor could another vessel be obtained. Thus the Mexican troops were compelled to go by land to Matamoras. 98 All the other provisions of the treaty were carried out.
The reports of the battle show that the Mexicans lost five killed and sixteen wounded, while the Americans lost seven killed and fourteen wounded. 99 Foote 100 and Yoakum 101 say that seven Texans were killed and twenty-seven wounded, while there were thirty-five Mexicans killed and fifteen wounded. The number of killed and wounded on both sides is very much exaggerated by other Texas historians. 102
While these events were taking place at Velasco, Piedras was advancing to the aid of Bradburn. On the 19th of June, Piedras received an account of the affairs at Anahuac through a messenger from the commander of Fort Terán. Piedras's whole force at Nacogdoches did not exceed three hundred men. As he had received repeated accounts of a rising among the Ayish Bayou colonists to join the insurgents, he hesitated to go to Anahuac. He, however, wrote to Elosua for assistance, telling him of the condition of affairs at Ayish Bayou. At the same time he said, “I am not able to count upon ten dollars in silver for the expenses of this expedition, and I hope that you may procure some aid of this kind for me, without which I shall find myself in danger.” He went on to say that he had sent Colonel Bean to enlist the support of the Indians, and that he would set out immediately with two companies of the 12th battalion and some civilians, leaving Medina in command at Nacogdoches. 103 In a later report 104 he said that he had started on June 19th with sixty infantry and fifty cavalry. He stopped at Fort Terán where he received a reinforcement of cavalry. 105 Here he was informed that the object of the colonists was not only to reclaim the prisoners, but also to have the plan of Vera Cruz adopted. 106 He marched on to “Chere's House,” where an advance of twenty colonists had been stationed, but they withdrew on his approach. A little beyond this place he stopped for a time in order that he might not be too far from Nacogdoches to give assistance in case there should be a rising there. He delayed several days to gather information about the object of the colonists in revolting. Having been informed that meetings had been held in the Ayish Bayou settlement, and that fifty men had gone from the Sabine and from Bevil to join the insurgents, and also that there was a gathering of forces at Brazoria to make an attack on Velasco, he began to fear that a similar rising would take place at Nacogdoches, and he was anxious to get home. In order to make some arrangement for the suspension of hostilities, he sent an officer and a civilian to ascertain the wishes of the colonists. He was informed of the grievances due to Bradburn's repeated breaches of faith. The colonists requested an interview with Piedras on the following day. Instead, he sent a commission with an agreement ratified by himself to treat with a similar commission from the colonists. The commissioners agreed upon the treaty which follows:
“Second adjutant D. Gavino Aranjo, National Ensign Juan Lasarin, and Mr. George Pollitt, as representatives of the citizen Col. José de las Piedras, met at the Atascosito Creek Frank W. Johnson, James Lindsay, 107 and Randall Jones elected by the citizens of that district—all empowered to make and agree to some treaty that would put an end to the existing disturbances and free the country from the sad consequences of civil war—and after deliberating they agreed to the following articles:
1.“The prisoners that Colonel Bradburn has at Anahuac, who are not soldiers and on whose account the disturbances have arisen, shall be given up to the jurisdiction of the civil authorities of the villa of Liberty, who shall try them according to the laws of the country. Colonel Piedras shall appoint a committee to carry out this article.
2.“ When the chief of the department shall order the establishment of the ayuntamiento of the villa of Liberty, it shall be established from the moment these articles are ratified by Colonel Piedras.
3.“ Colonel Piedras shall request Señor Bradburn to surrender the command of Anahuac to an officer whom he may choose from that or another garrison, and in case Bradburn refuses he shall lay before the commandant of the department the causes which the inhabitants have had for being displeased with him; for which purpose Colonel Piedras shall be furnished with an account of the acts of which Bradburn is accused.
4.“ The inhabitants are at liberty to present a remonstrance to the superior authorities against said Colonel Bradburn for the injuries which they declare he has caused them, or for the errors he may have committed in the execution of the laws.
5.“ The property and business interests which Bradburn has appropriated for the use of the garrison at Anahuac shall be indemnified after having been determined by law.
6.“ As soon as these articles are ratified by Señor Piedras, the force of the inhabitants, which has collected, shall disperse to their homes to busy themselves with their private occupations, and none shall continue hostilities.
7.“ The alcalde of Liberty, or two persons that he may name from the members of his ayuntamiento, shall go to Anahuac to receive the prisoners, which the committee of Señor Piedras shall deliver to them.
“And having agreed to the above articles, both committees signed them on the said Atascosito Creek on the 28th day of June, 1832. Gavino Aranjo, Juan Lasarin, George Pollitt, James Lindsay, Frank W. Johnson, Randall Jones. I ratify these articles this 29th day of June, 1832. José de las Piedras.” 108
Piedras's excuse for giving such favorable terms was that it was merely a truce to give time for help to arrive from the interior.
In writing to Ramón Musquiz of the condition of affairs after the treaty of peace, Hugh B. Johnson says: “I have the satisfaction of informing you that your fatherly advice together with the interposition of Col. José de las Piedras, has restored peace and tranquillity among the inhabitants, and upon a basis not likely soon again to be disturbed. Colonel Piedras has re-established the ayuntamiento of Liberty in the exercise of the functions of three officers. I am now on the eve of going with the Colonel to the garrison of Anahuac for the purpose of receiving the prisoners there detained by the commandant of the post.” 109
Piedras proceeded at once to Anahuac accompanied by the alcalde and first regidor of the ayuntamiento of Liberty, which had met on the day previous. They reached Anahuac on July 1, 1832. During the night a party of six men, who belonged to a company of volunteers—tories from the neighborhood who had joined Bradburn—went to a house where the alcalde, regidor, and William Hardin were spending the night and tried to sieze them. The three succeeded in making their escape through a window. 110 Piedras had guaranteed the safety of these men when they came with him, and was uneasy lest the affair be misunderstood. A party was sent out to look for them, but only the alcalde was found. He returned, but the other two fled to the Texas camp.
The Texan prisoners were turned over to the alcalde, who had them placed in confinement in the town of Liberty to await their trial. Very soon after this they were released. 111
Piedras sought to collect some evidence in support of the accusations made against Bradburn. In his report, Piedras says, “I acknowledge that wisdom and prudence have not been exercised in that place. I do not find him guilty of as many abuses as are imputed to him, and the only blame that it is possible to attach to him, is that he permitted himself to be guided by a rascally presidario, who acted as his secretary and was called Ugarte, a very criminal, wicked, intriguing, and seditious man.” 112 Bradburn relinquished his command, though he remained in the service, and Piedras placed Second Adjutant Juan Cortina in charge, admonishing him to “act with much tact in order to avoid a rupture.” 113 He ordered the fortifying of the town to be carried on so that it would be perfectly secure. To Bradburn, Piedras writes: 114 “I ask you only to act prudently in order to prolong the armistice, which I only hold as such without interfering for the present by putting into execution some orders from the general commandant, which tend to increase the indignation, until the government is able to compel the colonists to obey the law and reduce them to the blindest obedience.”
In a letter of June 26, 1832, 115 Ramón Musquiz speaks in the highest terms of the service, during these troubles, of the members of the ayuntamiento at Liberty, of Samuel Williams and Thomas J. Chambers, and of José Antonio Navarro, the commissioner, and of José M. Carbajal, the surveyor.
After these arrangements, Piedras set out for Nacogdoches, leaving an order for Subarán to follow him immediately. On his arrival in Nacogdoches, he learned that the Ayish people had held their meeting but did not embark in the revolt, owing to their fear of the Indians. 116
An account of the pronunciamento at Anahuac is given by Cortina in a letter to Piedras, 117 which I translate as follows: “I have to inform you that at 12 o'clock the 11th inst., [in the month of July] the troops of this garrison revolted, taking up arms and turning them against me and the eleven officials who were trying to check the disorder. According to your direction, I gave up the command at the time to Colonel Davis, and he never succeeded in pacifying the spirit of insubordination of the soldiers who cried: `Long live General Santana. We do not wish our officers to command us. Sr. Subarán is our commander.' Seeing this, Señor Davis caused Señor Subarán to be acknowledged commander of the force, who had never agreed that the officers they had should command the troop. On the 13th, six of us, officers, left Anahuac in order that we might save ourselves from the clutches of the insubordinate soldiery; for Señor Subarán said that within the limit of two hours he would be unable to answer for the lives of the officers, because the troops did not want them. We presented ourselves to Alcalde Thomson in Atascosito, and he offered us his protection. The follies committed by Subarán are many, and through the copy that I enclose you of the letter that I have passed on to the said chief, you will ascertain what they are. Colonel Davis also departed on the 14th, no one knows where. The troop of cavalry has gone, under its commandant, to La Bahia, as I am informed. In Anahuac the only forces are the Twelfth and the Tampico, risen in revolt and prepared to leave, with Tampico or Vera Cruz as destination, in the two vessels which they went to San Jacinto to get. I judge it to be necessary that you immediately set out for this post. You may feel assured that the colonists are for order.”
Subarán consented for Bradburn to leave on the condition that he would go by water and without the knowledge of the troops. Bradburn found the port blockaded and was forced to go by land. His friends furnished him with a horse and guide. He succeeded in getting away from Anahuac at 8 o'clock on the night of the 13th of July, 1832. 118 It is said that he crossed the Sabine with eight men in pursuit. They came so close upon him that they got his horse, and he was forced to swim the river above the ferry. 119 On Bradburn's arrival in New Orleans, a vessel was immediately chartered, and he was sent back to Mexico. He afterwards appeared in Texas in the rear-guard of the Mexican invading army of the Revolution.
Subarán wrote to Alcalde Thomson, asking him to secure the officers, Montero, Landavazo, Dominguez, and Añorga, and to surrender them as prisoners. This, Thomson refused to do.
When Colonel Mejía left Brazoria on the night of the 23d of July, he made a short visit to Galveston, reaching that port about the 24th of July. As he passed the bar Subarán and his troop were going on their way to Matamoras. Cortina and his party were left in Anahuac, to depend upon the colonists for subsistence.
Later we hear of Cortina through a report from General Filisola. On his way to Texas, Filisola reached Saltillo March 20, 1833. While he remained there gathering information concerning the condition of affairs in Texas, he received a letter from the governor containing a report from Juan Cortina at Galveston. Cortina said that on the 29th of September, 1832, the receiver of the Brazos, Juan Francisco Duclor, and Ensign Ignacio Dominguez, left for New Orleans, because they could not endure the ungovernable disposition of the inhabitants of Brazoria, who refused to pay duties. He reported, that on the night of the 29th of November, the colonists set fire to the military quarters of Hidalgo and the fortifications of the place, destroying part of the foundation and building materials for the fortified house that was being constructed. He concluded by saying: “My stay in this establishment, as well as that of Lieutenant Montero and Aspirante Añorga, is useless, because we have for our whole force only three to command respect as is shown by the statement that I have the honor of forwarding to you. The lack of resources, etc., compels me to send Añorga with these communications to you.” 120
A letter from Stephen F. Austin, at Matamoras, May 30, 1833, tells of the plans to re-establish the custom-house at Galveston. He says:
“The General [Filisola] has orders to re-establish the custom-house and the military garrisons, and will proceed to do so, for the purpose of protecting the public revenue, and stopping the scandalous contraband that has been carried on in tobacco from the ports of Texas. I have assured him that he would receive the support of the colonists in sustaining the Revenue Law, and that they would do their full duty faithfully as Mexican citizens. . . . Mr. George Fisher will leave here shortly to enter upon the duties of Collector of Galveston, with only a sufficient number of troops for necessary guards, etc.
“Whatever ideas and opinions may have heretofore existed as to Mr. Fisher, they should now be consigned to oblivion and forgotten. He returns as an officer of the Government, and as such it is the duty of the people to respect and sustain him. I will also observe that I have investigated very minutely all the past transactions in which he was concerned, and have formed the opinion that the excitement which unfortunately grew out of them, was produced by misconceptions and suspicions too hastily entertained, and not from an intention to do wrong or injure any one. I believe there were misconceptions on both sides, and probably as much on one part as on the other. Mr. Fisher will make an useful collector. His knowledge of the English language will give more facilities in his intercourse with the people than could exist with a collector who was unacquainted with that language. I therefore particularly recommend the utmost harmony with him, and that he be sustained in the discharge of his duty by all, regardless of the clamors of a few transient traders who would involve the honest farmer in difficulty with the authorities, if they could increase their profits thereby.” 121
“The government of the State of Texas has never secured or preserved but one memento of the Alamo. A small but finely executed monument was made from the stones of the fortress in 1841 by an artist named Nangle, and after lying long neglected it was purchased by the State. It now stands in the hall of the capitol at Austin; but neither at the Alamo itself, nor at the forgotten grave of its defenders, does any legend or device, like the stones of Thermopylae, remind the stranger of those who died for their country's rights.” 122
In the conflagration of the capitol on November 9, 1881, perished wholly or in part the State library and many valuable documents and relics. A fragment only of the Alamo monument was saved from the ruins. Fortunately, however, that fragment has on its sides, unobscured and perfectly legible, all the heroic inscriptions. It is now kept with the historical relics in the State library.
On the evacuation of San Antonio by the Mexicans in May, 1836, the Alamo was dismantled and many of the stones from its walls were scattered over the adjoining plaza, thus affording the material for the monument.
I think it proper to state here, though somewhat anticipating the documentary evidence, that two men wrought in the construction of the monument, one Nangle, a lapidary, and Joseph Cox, a stone-cutter.
On the next page is a reproduction of a lithographic view 123 of the Alamo monument.
The following was the list of names inscribed thereon:
M. Autry, R. Allen, M. Andress, Ayres, Anderson, W. Blazeby, J. B. Bowman, Baker, S. C. Blair, Blair, Brown, Bowin, Balentine, J. J. Baugh, Burnell, Butler, J. Baker, Burns, Bailey, J. Beard, Bailess, Bourn, R. Cunningham, J. Clark, J. Cane, Cloud, S. Crawford, Cary, W. Cummings, R. Crossan, Cockran, G. W. Cottle, J. Dust, J. Dillard, A. Dickinson, C. Despalier, L. Davell, J. C. Day, J. Dickens, Devault, W. Dearduff, J. Ewing, T. R. Evans, D. Floyd, J. Flanders, W. Fishbaugh, Forsyth, G. Fuga, J. C. Goodrich, J. George, J. Gaston, J. C. Garrett, C. Grimes, Gwyn, J. E. Garwin, Gillmore, Hutchason, S. Hollaway, Harrison, Hieskell, J. Hayes, Horrell, Harris, Hawkins, J. Holland, W. Hersie, Ingram, John, J. Jones, L. Johnson, C. B. Jamison, W. Johnson, T. Jackson, D. Jackson, Jackson, G. Kemble, A. Kent, W. King, Kenney, J. Kenny, Lewis, W. Linn, Wm. Lightfoot, J. Lonly, Lanio, W. Lightfoot, G. W. Lynn, Lewis, W. Mills, Micheson, E. T. Mitchell, E. Melton, McGregor, T. Miller, J. McCoy, E. Morton, R. Mussulman, Millsop, R. B. Moore, W. Marshall, Moore, R. McKenny, McCaferty, J. McGee, G. W. Main, M. Querry, G. Nelson, Nelson, J. Noland, Nelson, Wm. G. Nelson, C. Ostiner, Pelone, C. Parker, N. Pollard, G. Paggan, S. Robinson, Reddenson, N. Rough, Rusk, Robbins, W. Smith, Sears, C. Smith, Stockton, Stewart, A. Smith, J. C. Smith, Sewall, A. Smith, Simpson, R. Star, Starn, N. Sutherland, W. Summers, J. Sumerline, Thompson, Tomlinson, E. Taylor, G. Taylor, J. Taylor, brothers; W. Taylor, Thornton, Thomas, J. M. Thruston, Valentine, Williamson, D. Wilson, Walsh, Washington, W. Wells, C. Wright, R. White, J. Washington, T. Waters, Warnall, J. White, D. Wilson, J. Wilson, A. Wolf, L. J. Wilson, Warner.
The following description of it is taken from Baker's Texas Scrap Book, 114:
“This monument is ten feet high, and made from stone taken from the ruins of the Alamo. The style of architecture is the Composite, and is divided into ten sections. The 1st section, or base of the monument, is one solid piece, bearing the whole structure. The 2d section is a square plinth, neatly empaneled. The 3d section is a sub-plinth, with Gothic molding and roped bead, symbolical of binding the whole structure firmly. The 4th section is the die, or main body of the monument, consisting of four panels in recess, supported by rude fluted pilasters at each corner. On two of these panels are raised shields, on which are inscribed, in raised letters, the names of every man who fell at the ever-memorable battle of Alamo. Each shield is suspended from a beautiful wreath, in the center of which is a bouquet of flowers. The shields and wreaths sustaining them are encircled by honeysuckles and vines. On the other panels of section 4th is represented the skull and bones crossed. Above the skull are two angels facing each other, blowing trumpets. Below the cross bones are the symbols of Time—the hour-glass, scythe, and wings. Section 5 is a solid cap resting on the main body, projecting with Gothic moldings handsomely carved, representing oak leaves at the corners. On the top of the cap is a square facia forming recesses in which is inscribed, in large raised Gothic letters, the names of the gallant spirits who fell at the head of the heroes of the Alamo. Each name—that of Crockett, Bonham, Travis, and Bowie—stands out singly in bold relief, on each of the four fronts. From the center of this cap springs the main shaft or spire, and upper structure.
“Section 6 is a Corinthian base, forming four square angles. At each angle is a dolphin, in solid carved work. On each side, in the center, is a bomb-shell of full size, and made of solid stone. Section 7 is the base of the shaft, with raised fluted corners, and rests upon the Corinthian base, supported at the corners by the tails of the dolphins, and at each side by the bomb-shells. In the panels on the base and over the bomb-shells, are raised hands in the grasp of friendship. Section 8 is the 1st division of the shaft, with raised fluted corners and panels in recess. At the base of each panel are cannon crossed in bold relief. Above these cannon, on each panel, is the Cap of Liberty, surrounded by branches of oak and laurel. Immediately above these, in raised letters, is inscribed, on each of the four fronts, March 6th, 1836, the date of the memorable battle. On top of this section of the shaft is a cap, with raised fluted corners and recess panels. In two of these panels stand in relief, the heads of angels with wings. On one of the other panels is, in relief, a heart pierced with two crossed daggers; and on the other panel is a skull with twigs crossed underneath. Section 9 is the second division of the shaft, with the devices in raised Gothic letters, as printed on each side of the wood-cut of the monument above. Section 10 is a cap on top of section 9, forming four Gothic points; and in each, in a recess panel, stands in bold relief The Lone Star of Texas. Underneath the stars are raised daggers. In the center of the cap above the stars stands an urn with flame issuing from it; and at each corner of the cap on which the large urn rests, are four smaller urns, out of which also issues flame.
“This monument was made in the Republic of Texas by American artists. Viewing the work as a whole, both as to boldness and appropriateness of design and beauty of execution, it would reflect credit on any artist of ancient or modern times.”
The first notice of the monument after its construction in San Antonio to meet my eye is the following from The Morning Star, 124 published in the city of Houston:
“MONUMENT OF THE ALAMO.
“Mr. Cox has recently set up the monument of the Alamo in this city for exhibition. It is doubtless the most beautiful and impressive piece of sculpture ever completed in the Republic, and will be found one of the most interesting objects that has even been exhibited in this city. It is formed entirely of stones taken from the walls of the Alamo, which are arranged in the form of a monument, consisting of a pyramid resting upon a square pedestal and ornamented with beautiful and well executed carved work and appropriate inscriptions. It is impossible, however, to give any description that will give an accurate idea of the work. It must be seen to be appreciated, and we recommend our fellow citizens who are desirous to encourage domestic artists or who feel a single emotion of respect for the martyred heroes of the Alamo, to go and view it in person. It is a relic hallowed by the blood of martyrs, and as we gaze upon its inscriptions we feel that the very stones cry out against the inhuman murderer of our heroic countrymen.”
The subjoined card appeared in four successive issues of the same paper, beginning July 25th.
“THE ALAMO MONUMENT.
“The proprietor takes this opportunity of informing the inhabitants of the city of Houston and its vicinity, that in consequence of the present hard times, he has determined on lowering the price of admission to 25 cents.
“Joseph Cox.”
The monument must have come on a wagon from San Antonio to Houston, as that was the only practicable way then for moving heavy freight overland. There is evidence further on to show that Cox with his monument was at Galveston also in 1842 or 1843. Then it is lost to view for eight or nine years.
In The State Gazette, 125 published in Austin, we find the following extract from The New Orleans Crescent:
“THE ALAMO . . . AN INTERESTING MONUMENT.
“Passing by St. Patrick's yesterday, our attention was attracted to a white, freestone monument, on which are carved many military emblems. On stopping to examine it more carefully, we learned it was intended to be placed over the grave of those who fell at the Alamo. The rock was taken from the walls of the Alamo. It was chiseled on the spot by an English and a German artist who had fought in the battles of Texas and who after the virtual peace which followed the battle of San Jacinto spent several months in this pious labor. It was purchased by the Republic of Texas; but the artist claimed the privilege of exhibiting it in the United States. It was brought here but did not prove attractive. The artists had no money and it was sold for the charges of exhibition. For several years it has been lying among the rubbish of a marble yard. Of course it is valuable only as a local monument. We trust the citizens of San Antonio de Bexar will pay a fair price for it and return it to its proper locality. The monument is of white freestone, composed of a pedestal on which rests an obelisk. On two sides of the pedestal are escutcheons containing the names of the soldiers—while those of Travis, Bowie, Bonham and Crockett are inscribed on the upper lines. The faces of the obelisk have these inscriptions in alto relievo, arranged in the usual urnlike form. Upon the east side of the obelisk is inscribed in raised characters: `To the God of the Fearless and Free is dedicated this Altar made from the ruins of the Alamo.'
“Upon the south side is the following inscription: `Thermopylae had her Messenger of Defeat; but the Alamo had none.'
“Upon the west side is the following: `Be they enrolled with Leonidas in the Host of the Mighty Dead.'
“Upon the north side is the following: `Blood of Heroes hath stained me; let the Stones of the Alamo speak that their Immolation be not forgotten.' ”
The original article in the Crescent, which appeared weeks before it was copied into The State Gazette, called forth the following letter, also published in the Crescent 126 and copied into The Texas Monument, 127 published at La Grange, whence it is taken:
“INTERESTING MONUMENT.
“Messrs. Editors: An article appeared in the Crescent of Wednesday, calling the attention of the public to a splendid monument which is to be seen in Camp street near St. Patrick's Church in the yard of a stone-cutter.
“You will not, I presume, take offence at the following questions from one who knew the artist while in Galveston, and who took a deep interest in supplying the wants of his sick and starving family.
“Questions—1. How did the monument get into the stone-cutter's yard in Camp Street? 2. Where has it been since the summer of 1842? 3. What has become of poor Cox, the genius who combined the rare qualities of sculptor, poet, and historian? 4. On what authority is it asserted that the monument was purchased by the Republic of Texas?
(Signed) “An Inquirer.”
The next communication is an attempt to answer the above. It is evidently from Captain R. M. Potter as shown by the initials in the signature. Captain Potter is a most painstaking and conscientious writer, and his statements may be accepted as entirely trustworthy. The letter appeared first in The New Orleans Crescent, 128 and was copied into The Texas Monument 129 along with that of “Inquirer”:
“From the N. O. Crescent, Mar. 28, 1851. “THE ALAMO MONUMENT.
“The Alamo monument, which is now to be seen in a marble yard, near St. Patrick's Church, seems to be attracting the attention it merits, both on account of the artistic skill of its construction, and the heroic associations with which it is connected; and, as any information touching it may be acceptable, you will, I trust, permit me to correct a wrong impression entertained by our Thursday's correspondent, `An Inquirer,' as to the name of the artist by whom that monument was made. I passed the summer of 1841 at San Antonio, and found there two men, an artist and a stone-cutter, engaged in manufacturing, from the stones of the Alamo, various small mementos, such as vases, candle-sticks, seals, etc. The artist was a Mr. Nangle, who, as he told me, had formerly been established in Philadelphia as a seal cutter and jeweler; but had left there on an imprudent enterprise, in which he had been plundered and ruined by the man who had induced him to embark in it. Being unwilling to return in poverty to his former associates, he had come to Texas, and, after a few years of campaigning and other occupations, had turned his professional skill to account in the manner above mentioned. His productions were, many of them, executed with rare beauty, the fine work being done by him, and the first roughing out by his companion.
“At the time referred to, a gentleman, then in San Antonio, suggested to Nangle by way of bringing his skill into better notice, the idea of making and presenting to the Government of Texas a miniature monument, of a fit size for a mantle or table ornament, and also suggested inscriptions and devices for it. Nangle acted on the idea, and commenced the small monument, but afterwards adopted a larger and more elaborate plan, which resulted in producing the beautiful work now to be seen in Camp street. Three of the inscriptions, and some of the devices originally suggested were made use of in executing it.
“The artist was probably induced to expend so much labor on it, as he did by the hope that it would be bought by the Republic of Texas; but I never heard there that it was ever purchased, conditionally or otherwise, by that government.
“Mr. Nangle died in Texas, as I understand, at the time, soon after completing the monument, which, after being exhibited there, was brought to this city for exhibition by his partner, the stone-cutter.
“The object of this communication is not to answer your correspondent's queries as to the possession, etc., of the monument, which I know nothing about, but to correct an error as to the identity of the sculptor, whose skill in design or execution ought not not to be ascribed to the wrong person, whether the right one be living or dead. Before closing, let me, however, express the earnest wish that steps be taken by those interested to restore this monument to the locality where it properly belongs, and which alone can invest it with the interest to which it is entitled by the names and events it commemorates. Though the Government of Texas was too poor to purchase it in 1841, I have no doubt the needful amount could now soon be raised among the people of that State by subscription, if the matter were properly brought to their attention.—R. M. P.”
The fate of the monument is for awhile wrapt in mystery, and we know nothing of its vicissitudes. But four years later The Texas State Times of Austin (Col. John S. Ford's paper) has this to say on our subject in its issue of December 8th, 1855:
“ALAMO MONUMENT.
“This work of art, executed in commemoration of the fall of the Alamo, is now standing in the vestibule of the new capitol. The names of many of those fell at this modern Thermopylæ are inscribed on the monument. It is a work of much merit, prompted by a deep sense of patriotism and a profound love of liberty. It is one of those productions which reflect upon the originator a degree of honor highly creditable. As a work upon a national subject—as a vestige of nationality—a memento of one of the proudest achievements of a people struggling for freedom—as a tangible proof of gratitude for the heroes who consecrated that spot with their blood, made the Alamo a battle cry upon other fields, as an heirloom rich in recollections of the past—of the mighty dead—this monument should belong to Texas, it should stand at her capitol to remind all future generations of the services these patriots rendered their country in the dark hour of peril, and that they should ever feel grateful to these martyrs of liberty for the enjoyment of the republican institutions they so nobly aided in rearing in this land `of love and sunny skies.' ”
Meanwhile public sentiment was aroused, and in 1858 the Leglature passed the act, the terms of whch are as follows:
AN ACT FOR THE PURCHASE OF THE ALAMO MONUMENT.
section 1.Be it enacted by the Legislature of the State of Texas, That the sum of twenty-five hundred dollars be and the same is hereby appropriated out of any money in the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated, for the purchase of the Alamo Monument.
section 2.That the Governor be and he is hereby authorized and required to draw the above sum from the Treasury, and pay out of the same the sum of one thousand five hundred dollars to the present owners of the Alamo Monument; and the remainder of the appropriation he shall pay to the widow and children of — Nangle, deceased, the sculptor who executed the work. Provided, That for the above consideration, the owners of the Alamo Monument shall transfer all their right and title to the same to the State of Texas.
section 3.That this Act take effect from its passage.
Approved February 6, 1858.
This precious memento of the heroism of Travis and his band, once domiciled in the capitol, remained unnoticed amid the exciting times of the Civil War, and the unspeakable horrors of Reconstruction. But with the restoration of Democratic rule in 1874 came a revival of patriotic feeling, which made legal holidays of March 2d, Independence Day, and April 21st, San Jacinto Day. Miniature flags of the Republic were everywhere in requisition and on display. Nor were the heroes of the Alamo any longer forgotten. They came in for a share of recognition, as shown by the legislative appropriation of two hundred dollars for the “inscription of the names of those who fell at the Alamo on bronze plates, or other durable material, to be inserted for preservation in Alamo monument in the portico of the Capitol.”
A revision of the list of the names of the heroes of the Alamo was now deemed necessary, and Adjutant General William Steele had an extensive correspondence with many prominent men, supposed to be well informed on the subject.
Among these were ex-Governor E. M. Pease, W. P. Zuber, Rufus Grimes, Frank W. Johnson and Captain Reuben M. Potter. Each of these distinguished gentlemen furnished to the Adjutant General of Texas what, in his judgment, was a true list of the Alamo dead. There was a wide margin of difference in the lists of names submitted. They agreed, however, on one point: that the current lists were all defective. A true list can hardly be expected now, and it may not have been practicable then.
I submit the following extract from Captain Potter's letter of July 10, 1874, to Adjutant General Steele:
“The Alamo Monument was made in 1841, and, as I have understood, the names of the ill-fated garrison was obtained by the artist from Mr. Sutherland, then well known as a member of the Congress of Texas from the lower Colorado....
“As you have alluded to my rumored share in originating this monument, it may not here be amiss to state in what my limited claim to it consists. I suggested the first crude idea of such a memento, made from the stones of the Alamo and furnished some of the inscriptions and devices. In 1841, I found in San Antonio a man named Nangle, a lapidary of unusual skill, then engaged in making from the material above mentioned, for sale, divers small tokens, such as vases and pipes and candlesticks. I advised him to construct a monument of size suitable for decoration of the interior of some public building and offer it for sale to the government of Texas, unless he should prefer to make a present of it by way of advertising his artistic ability. The form I suggested was that of a Roman altar having on the upper entablature of one side, a heart pierced with two crossed faulchions, significant of immolation; on the opposite, a skull with two crossed palm leaves below it; typical of victorious death and on the other two upper fronts, a lone star and a liberty cap, each supported by branches of oak and olive. Those emblems are found on some part of the actual memento. The inscriptions I proposed were: For one side of the main body, the names Travis, Bowie, Crockett, Bonham—and for the other sides, three of the epitaphs which have been adopted. The artist disposed of he four principal names more tastefully on the four fronts of the entablature, and put on the side I had allotted to them, an inscription better than any of mine. “Thermopylae had her messenger of defeat—the Alamo had none.” Where he got it, 130 I know not. The expression occurred in some public address of that day, but I cannot say whether the orator borrowed from the monument or the reverse.
“The altar shape is alluded to in one of my inscriptions, which now seems out of place on an ornate obelisk; but a form so simple and stern as that I recommended, though suitable for a massive structure on the scene of slaughter, was less fitting for an inside decoration; and the artist did well to amplify the primitive idea which I gave him.
“I left San Antonio after the monument was begun, and never saw it till it suddenly turned up in New Orleans in, I think, 1852.
“Nangle died soon after he finished it, and his partner took it to the city aforesaid. He too disappeared and the monument after several years of burial among rubbish, was sold for storage and bought for a trifle by a man named Cavanaugh, whom I persuaded to offer it for sale to the State government of Texas. This eventually led to its being placed where it now is.”
A few years later, and before a proper list of the names of those who fell in the Alamo could be made out, there perished in the flames, almost entirely, this unique little monument—the priceless memento of the most heroic event in Texas history, or, for that matter, in all history.
CAP. ABNER KUYKENDALL,
The Indians have robbed a large drove of horses from a traveller who stopped at Ratcliff's on [the] Lavaca. They were pursued two days by a few men and overtaken between the Colorado and Brazos below the San Antonio road. The men in pursuit were too few to attack, and retired without being seen. There was one American, or a white man supposed to be an American, with the Indians, and about fifteen Indians. It is highly important that the trail should be followed, so as to ascertain what Indians and white man or men have been so base [as] to commit this depredation, and punish them and also recover the horses. A party of volunteers is ready at Beason's to follow the robbers, and a number will go from here. It is their wish and also mine that you should take the command, and I have sent up Mr. Miller to you for that purpose; and I hope and expect that you will undertake the expedition if your health will permit. I hereby authorize you in the name of the Govt. and of the civil authority whom I have consulted, to take the command of said party of volunteers and to pursue and kill said robbers be them Indians or Whites and to recover the stolen horses and do such other acts as in your judgment may be deemed necessary and equitable and proper to punish the robbers and afford security to our exposed and scattered settlements, by making a severe and striking example which will have the effect to prevent the repetition of similar outrages by the lawless bands who are moving through these unsettled wilds. You will however be cautious of offending innocent persons as you will be responsible for any wanton cruelty committed by your men while acting by your orders, on the innocent. You will keep a journal of your proceedings and report the same to me on your return. Town of Austin, Augt. 22d. 1829.
STEPHEN F. AUSTIN, Col. of Ma. Should sickness or other circumstances prevent Cap. Kuykendall from going to take the above command, the volunteers will meet at Beason's on the Colorado and choose their commander. Said choice will be endorsed on this order and also reported to me, and the officer so chosen will take the above official order and be governed by it the same as Cap. Kuykendall is ordered to do, for which purpose he will send it to them by Miller. S. F. AUSTIN, Col. of Ma.
The above order was received the evening of the same day it was written, and in obedience thereto the ensuing morning, father, accompanied by brother William and myself, started for the Colorado, where we arrived the same evening and were joined by eight men most of whom were old frontiersmen, to wit: Norman Woods, John F. Berry,—Hazlitt, Elijah Ingram, John Williamson, Thomas Thompson, Seaborn Jones, and —. We now counted eleven men, and father resolved to pursue the Indians without losing further time to increase our force. We forded the Colorado at the crossing of the Labahia road and had proceeded eight or nine miles up the west side of the river, when, about noon, we discovered people moving about an old cabin. As we knew that the inhabitants of this neighborhood had, some time previously been driven from their homes by the Indians, this circumstance excited some surprise, and Hazlitt and another man were dispatched on foot towards the cabin to ascertain the character of its visitors. The rest of us sat in our saddles, concealed by a point of woods.
In order to approach near the house, Hazlitt and his companion had to pass through a corn-field. They had not proceeded far in the field when an Indian shot an arrow at Hazlitt and raising a war whoop, fled towards the cabin. As he ran straight between two rows of corn, Hazlitt shot him in the back. The instant we heard the alarm we galloped forward and saw five Indians on foot, running up the river, evidently aiming to get to a thicket on its bank, two or three hundred yards above the cabin. Spurring our horses to their best speed, we intercepted them a short distance below the thicket. As we dismounted each man dropped the coil of his tethering rope from the pommel of his saddle and charged the Indians on foot. They were now compelled either to fight us in the open prairie or leap down the precipitous bank of the river. They chose the latter alternative[.] Norman Woods shot one as he was in the act of leaping off the bluff. The remaining four threw away their arms and plunged into the Colorado. As they swam towards the opposite shore we plied them with two or three rounds of rifle balls, and sank two midway the river. The remaining two reached the opposite shore with mortal wounds from which we could distinctly see the blood flowing. One of them uttered a few words in a very loud voice and almost instantly afterwards our ears were assailed with terrific yells from the thicket just above us, accompanied by a flight of arrows and discharge of fire-arms. Turning towards our unexpected assailants, we saw several of them running towards our horses. We also ran in the same direction, and all the Indians, except two, returned to the thicket. These two Indians succeeded in reaching our horses, of which each selected and mounted one and drove all the rest, save two, before them—yelling and firing off their guns to frighten the horses and urge them to greater speed. The two men whose horses were left, mounted them and pursued the Indians, the rest of us following as fast as possible on foot. After travelling nearly a mile and a half, we discovered our horses standing in a grove. Suspecting a ruse we approached them with caution, but found no enemy. Having now recovered all our horses but two (those of Thompson and Williamson) we returned to the scene of action; but every Indian had disappeared. The one shot by Woods was still alive, sitting under the bank. Deeming it an act of mercy to put an end to his sufferings, Woods shot him in the head. After collecting the arms of the defeated Indians, consisting of bows and arrows and one or two shot guns, we went into the field to look for the Indian shot by Hazlitt. We did not find him but picked up his belt which had been cut in two by the rifle ball. This satisfied us that he had received a mortal wound. His body was afterwards found outside the field. The remains of the two who reached the opposite side of the river were also found afterwards—making six killed. Not one of our party was hurt, though Berry, after the engagement, fainted from the effect of heat and over-exertion. There were at least forty or fifty of these Indians—Wacoes and Tawacanies. They were well provided with ropes and bridles and had doubtless come on a stealing expedition. The survivors left the Colorado without committing any depredations.
As we were now reduced to but nine mounted men, two of whose horses were already broken down, father was constrained to forego the pursuit of the thieves who had stolen the cavallada and return home. That evening we traveled about five miles on our return and slept at a spring about three miles above the present town of LaGrange.
Immediately after father returned home and reported to Col. Austin, he received the following order.
“You will call a muster of your company and endeavor to raise volunteers to go against the Indians. If you cannot get volunteers enough to make one fourth the number of men composing your company, you will raise them by draft. You will rendezvous at this place with at least one fourth the men composing your company on the 12th September next, armed and equipped as the law directs, with provisions for a campaign of forty days. By order of S. F. Austin[.]
CAPT. ABNER KUYKENDALL. OLIVER JONES, adjt.”
Similar orders were issued to the other captains of Militia in the Colony. The greater part of the required number of men volunteered. The deficiency was supplied by draft. The contingents of the different companies convened on the east side of the Colorado about twelve miles below the present town of LaGrange, between the 15th and 20th September, 1829. The entire force of nearly one hundred mounted men was placed by Austin under the command of my father. 131 Adjutant Jones accompanied the expedition. A Mexican who had resided with the Wacoes and Tawacanies and who professed to be well acquainted with the route to the San Saba river, where the Indians were supposed to be, was employed as a guide. The second night after leaving the place of rendezvous we slept at Alum Creek at the point where it is crossed by the San Antonio road. Thence our guide led us nearly due north until we crossed the river San Gabriel; thence up the north side of that stream to the head of its north branch; thence to the head of what is now known as the Salt fork of the Lampazos. Here the expedition encamped and spies were despatched under the guidance of the Mexican, to seek the Indians. The second morning after they left our camp, the spies returned and reported that they had, the preceding night, found a large encampment of Indians on the west bank of the Colorado river two or three miles below the mouth of the San Saba. They approached sufficiently near the Indians to ascertain that they were engaged in a dance, as they could distinctly hear the sound of a sort of castanet which the Indians use on such occasions. It was evident that they were unaware of the approach of our expedition.
A few hours after the return of the spies, the command was again in motion. After travelling a few miles we halted and rested. It was our commander's plan to make a night march and surprise the Indians at daybreak. Accordingly, when the sun had nearly declined to the horizon, we resumed the march. Night soon closed around us. There was no moon but the sky was cloudless and starry. Our route lay over a prairie country, studded with low hills, and in some places very rocky. Hour after hour, the long double files of horsemen followed the guide. There was no confusion in our ranks—rarely was a word spoken, yet our march was far from being noiseless. The hard, metamorphic limestone rang like metal beneath the tread of our horses, and ever and anon we invaded the domain of a community of rattlesnakes, of which we were promptly notified by the rapid vibrations of their rattles. Our guide conducted us towards nearly every point of the compass, and at length, long after midnight, declared he was bewildered and could conduct us no farther until daylight. We were accordingly ordered to halt and rest until morning.
All, now suspected the fidelity of our guide. The preceding night he had conducted our spies straight to the encampment of the Indians, manifesting a perfect acquaintance with the country. Perhaps he was actuated by cowardice, perhaps by revived affection for his quondam friends; but whatever his motives, it is highly probable that but for his conduct the expedition would have been completely successful. Our commander determined to rely no longer upon his guidance, and early the ensuing morning, six men, viz. William Dever, Amos Gates, Seaborn Jones, Jefferson Pryor, another white man, and a Chickasaw Indian named John, were despatched on foot to explore a route to the Colorado river—supposed to be within two or three miles of our camp,—and search for a ford. They had proceeded about a mile and a half when they discovered twenty five mounted Indians who charged towards them, yelling like demons. Our men ran back towards our camp and when the Indians pressed them too closely, turned and presented their guns and the Indians halted or slackened their pace. This was repeated several times. At length John, the Chickasaw, began to fail and fall in the rear. The Indians could have shot or speared him but seemed intent upon making him prisoner. They ran up by his side and one of them caught him by the hand. At this critical juncture, John's friends again turned and pointed their guns at the pursuers, which enabled John to extricate himself and rejoin his party, who now made a stand in a clump of bushes. Meantime the loud cries of the Indians had been heard at our camp and the whole command was hastening to the rescue. When William Dever perceived that succor was close at hand he shot at one of the Indians and it was believed mortally wounded him. At this moment our whole force came up and the Indians fled at full speed. We pursued them as rapidly as the nature of the ground and a due degree of caution would permit. When we arrived at the Colorado river we forded it at the same place where the Indians had crossed. A low wooded hill encroached on the west side of the river. John Shipman and I were ordered to dismount and proceed on foot in advance of the command. We walked briskly to the top of the hill, and looking down into the smooth, level prairie in a bend of the Colorado beheld it almost literally covered with mounted Indians—men, women and children, flying from their encampment to the yellow-cedar-brakes in the adjacent hills. We hastened back and reported and the command advanced at a gallop. We charged into the camp of the Indians just as the last one mounted his horse to leave it. He was shot down by Holmes Peyton and Seaborn Jones. Nearly all the Indians had by this time gained the covert of the cedar brakes. Detachments were sent a few miles in pursuit, but no Indians were found except a few squaws, who, when overtaken were riding slowly along apparently unconscious of danger or indifferent to it. When spoken to they made no reply. Indeed, neither by look nor gesture did they manifest recognition of our presence. Of course they were not molested.
We encamped upon the ground evacuated by the Indians. Their conical, buffalo skin lodges were still standing, and within them we found their entire store of winter provisions, namely, several hundreds of bushels of corn and beans, and a quantity of dried buffalo meat. Many buffalo robes were also found and on the fires were still boiling several kettles of corn and beans—all of which property was consigned to the flames or otherwise destroyed. The site of this encampment was very beautiful and had apparently often been temporarily occupied by the Indians; but there were no traces of agricultural operations. Early the ensuing morning Capt. Henry Brown with a company of thirty men from Gonzales, rode into our camp. One of Captain B's men who had traded with the Wacoes and Tawacanies at their villages on the Brazos, recognized the body of the Indian killed the day before, as that of a Tawacanie chief. It is also worthy of remark that the deceased was dressed in a hunting shirt and vest, one of which garments had belonged to Williamson and the other to Thompson and were tied to their saddles when the Indians took their horses in the fight in Wood's Prairie on the 25th of August.
This day we commenced our homeward march. When we reached the Salt fork of the Lampazos we had the satisfaction of finding Hazlitt (left there very sick on our upward march) convalescent and able to travel. When he was left behind our commander wished to detail one or two men to remain with him, but Hazlitt would not consent that this should be done—believing that every man might be needed in the anticipated conflict with the Indians. When the expedition reached the San Gabriel, it was disbanded and the men, in small squads, returned to their homes by different routes.
In the month of November 1830, a Chickasaw Indian brought intelligence from the frontier that a party of eleven Wacoes were on their way to the neighborhood in which I resided (22 miles northwest from San Felipe) for the purpose of stealing horses. The approach of the Indians was very soon confirmed by one of my neighbors who had seen them on his return from the up country. He stated that they were on foot and well provided with ropes and bridles. He also learned that at one or two houses where they had called their deportment had been menacing and insulting. The day this news was received a few of the neighbors armed and assembled for the purpose of seeking and attacking the Indians, who, we learned late in the evening, were camped near the residence of James Stephenson, on Caney creek. As the Indians outnumbered our little party, William Cooper and I rode nearly all night to raise more men. At the dawn of next day, with a force of eleven men, precisely that of the Indians—we stole upon their camp which was a little grove on the bank of a spring branch within less than a hundred yards of Stephenson's house. Favored by a gully and a dense fog we approached within thirty feet of the Indians, (part of whom had not yet risen) before they perceived us, at which moment we delivered our fire. One of the Indians also fired and William Cooper fell, exclaiming that he was shot. The Indians ran and were pursued a short distance by our leader, Adam Lawrence, who reloaded his rifle and fired at them again—but further pursuit was prevented by the fall of young Cooper, who was shot through the heart and expired in a few minutes.
Late in the morning the trail of the Indians was followed as far as the bottom of Caney creek, some five or six hundred yards. Seven red stripes marked their course across the prairie and two or three conically shaped pieces of spongy, rotten wood, with which these Indians are generally provided to plug their wounds, were picked up on their trail, saturated with blood. The carcass of one of the Indians was afterwards found in Caney bottom. Seven of the eleven never reached home as will appear in the sequel. One shot gun, several bows, and arrows, and ropes, and bridles fell into our hands. It was my painful duty to take the news of young Cooper's death to his parents who resided about five miles from the spot where he was killed. Of the eleven men engaged in this affair only the following names are recollected, viz: Adam Lawrence, Thomas Stevens, Adam Kuykendall, Charles Gates, George Robinson, William Cooper, B. Kuykendall.
About a fortnight after the above events, Col. Austin sent father, with six or seven men, of whom I was one, to Tenoxtitlan, then a recently established military post on the Brazos, garrisoned by one or two companies of Mexican regulars under the command of Capt Ruis. The precise object of our mission I have forgotten, but it had reference to the relations of the colonists with the Wacoes and Tawacanies. When we arrived at Tenoxtitlan several northern Indians and two or three Wacoes were there. One of the latter was a chief. These Wacoes informed the Mexicans that in the late affair on Caney they sustained a loss of seven men—which corresponded well with my own opinion. Father having dispatched his business with Capt. Ruis, we were about to start home, when James Cooper of our party and brother of the young man killed in the recent attack on the Indians, to avenge the death of his brother, shot at one of the Wacoes and would probably have killed him had not his gun hung fire. The Indian escaped with the loss of a thumb. Cooper immediately secreted himself to avoid being arrested by the Mexicans. The rest of us, after a short delay, left the place, but Cooper did not rejoin us until the succeeding day. He skulked for several hours in the thickets about the post, seeking an opportunity to shoot at the Wacoes again; nor did he depart until he ascertained that they had been escorted away from the post by a file of soldiers.
STEPHEN F. AUSTIN,
Civil Commandant of the colony forming on the Colorado and Brazos rivers in the province of Texas.
Permission is hereby granted to Abner Kuykendall &family to emigrate and settle in the colony forming by me under the authority and protection of the Government of New Spain at the points above stated. Settlers are required to comply with the general regulations hereunto annexed:
STEPHEN F. AUSTIN.
No person will be admitted as a settler who does not produce satisfactory evidence of having supported the character of a moral, sober and industrious citizen.
2.Each settler must, when called on by the Governor of said Province take the oath of allegiance to the Government exercising the sovereignty of the country.
3.Six hundred and forty acres of land will be granted to the head of each family, and, in addition to that, three hundred and twenty acres to a man's wife, one hundred and sixty acres for each child and eighty acres for each slave; which land will be laid off in two equal tracts, one on the river in an oblong; the other is to be located so as not to interfere with the river lands. One of said tracts must be actually inhabited and cultivated by the person and family who has permission to settle it, within the year from the first of January 1822.
Twelve cents and a half per acre must be paid me for said land, one half on receipt of title, the other half in one year after, which will be in full for surveying fees and all other charges—each settler will choose his own tracts of land within the limits designated by said Austin.
4.Mechanics and men of capital will receive additional privileges in proportion to their capacity to be useful.
5.Each settler is required to report himself to me or the officer who has charge of the colony, immediately on his arrival, and to furnish a list of the number of his family, giving the names of his children and their ages, the number of negroes, designating those under twelve years of age, those over twelve and under twenty one, those over twenty one, and whether male or female; and if any of the family are mechanics to state what kind. (Copied from the original printed document).
5. Extracts from a biographical sketch of Capt. John Ingram. (A native of Kentucky).
Among the first immigrants to Austin's colony in Texas, was the old frontiersman and veteran Indian fighter, Thomas Williams, who with his family, left Arkansas Territory for the promised land in the autumn of 1821. The subject of this sketch, a poor orphan boy fourteen years of age obtained permission of his guardian to accompany Mr. Williams to Texas on condition that he would return to Arkansas the ensuing year. When Mr. Williams arrived at the Brazos river at the crossing of the San Antonio road it was crusted over with ice from shore to shore. This was about the 25th of December 1821.
In consequence of the inclemency of the weather, Williams determined to remain here until spring. Game was abundant and Williams and young Ingram were good hunters, hence there was never a scarcity of wild meat at their camp. Early in the spring of '22 they continued on to the Colorado and settled at a point about twenty-five miles below the present town of La Grange. A few families from Arkansas had already settled on the Colorado. Here Williams, assisted by Ingram cleared a piece of land and planted corn. They raised about ten bushels to the acre— But before the corn had matured, to wit, in the month of June, young Ingram, mindful of his promise to his guardian, returned to Arkansas, hoping he would be able to induce the old man to move to Texas. He found him, however, entirely indisposed to emigrate, nor would he consent that his ward should return. But our young pioneer was not to be with held by a mere dictum— In the year 1823, William Rabb and James Gilleland—with whom Ingram was acquainted—emigrated from Arkansas to Austin's colony. Ingram secretly withdrew from the house of his guardian and joined these emigrants. In a few weeks he was again on the banks of the Colorado. . . .
In the winter of 1823-4, Ingram assisted the Rabbs to clear land in the Colorado bottom, on the west side of the river, eight or nine miles above the present town of La Grange. Near the close of the winter, the Indians (probably Wacoes) stole nearly all the horses belonging to the Rabbs. This they effected during a dark night by building a pen in the clearing into which they drove the horses and caught them. Shortly afterwards John Rabb moved to the Brazos near the infant town of San Felipe. The Indians continued troublesome and about the beginning of spring the rest of the Rabbs resolved to move to a place of greater security. Their wagons were loaded, cattle and hogs collected, and nearly every other preliminary accomplished for departure, when, at the distance of about four hundred yards in the prairie, they discovered about thirty mounted Indians in the act of stringing their bows. They rode briskly towards the house, the inmates of which made hasty preparations for defence. When the Indians got near the house they made signs of friendship. They said they were Wacoes. At this moment the hogs ran into the bottom and Ingram pursued and drove them back to the house. He was absent but a few minutes, but when he returned, the numbers of the Indians had increased to two hundred—all mounted warriors. The Rabbs had unloaded the wagon and shut themselves up in the house. The Indians crowded around Ingram and were clamorous for corn. Ingram told them he would get some for them. He rode close to the cabin and asked for a bag—Mrs Andrew Rabb thrust a sheet through a crack and whispered [to] Ingram “bring some men.” This was Ingram's sole purpose, but it was necessary so to act that the Indians should not suspect his design.
The nearest house was Thomas Williams's, about twelve miles farther down the Colorado on the west side. As soon as Ingram was out of sight of the Indians he urged his horse to a gallop. When he arrived at the Williams's and gave information of the perilous situation of the Rabbs 132, John H. Moore, James Gilleland and Jesse Robinson immediately armed and started back with Ingram to their relief. Night came on before they reached their destination, and perceiving a great light ahead they apprehended that Rabb's house had been set on fire—but they soon discovered that the light proceeded from the camp fires of the Indians which nearly encircled the house. The little party rode briskly up to the house, the Indians apparently alarmed giving way before them and offering no resistance. The principal chief, an old man, enquired if any more Americans were coming. He was told—a great many. This information had a visible effect upon the demeanor of the Indians. They remained quiet the rest of the night but did not sleep. The return of Ingram with three men probably saved the lives of the Rabbs. Duing Ingram's absence the Indians more than once essayed to set the house on fire, but as often as they made the attempt the men within cocked and presented their rifles and the Indians desisted. They also wounded some of the cattle by spearing them. They ceased to molest the kine. Early next morning the Indians marched down the river. Suspecting that their destination was Williams's, Moore, Gilleland and Robinson endeavored to get ahead of them by travelling a different route. But the Wacoes arrived first. Williams's house was inclosed with pickets, a portion of which the Indians tore down and went into the yard, but ere they could do further harm, Moore, Gilleland and Robinson returned. The Rabbs began to move a short time after the departure of the Indians. They forded the Colorado and went down on the east side of Cedar creek, where they camped.
The ensuing morning upon reaching a point nearly opposite Williams's and where the river was fordable, Ingram was requested to go to Williams's and ascertain whether the Indians had done any damage. Before he got within a mile of Williams's, Ingram heard the Indians whooping, yelling and singing, and just as he got within sight of the house, two Indians, one on either side of the path, presented themselevs with strung bows in hand. Ingram deemed it prudent to retrace his steps. The Indians did not pursue him. He went to Duty's creek, where the Rabbs were camped, and reported what had occurred. The Rabbs expressed fears that the Williamses had been murdered. After some deliberation it was determined that another attempt should be made to get to Williams's the ensuing night. The service was assigned to Ingram and Thomas Rabb. A little after night they crossed the river and concealing their horses in a thicket proceeded through the bottom (about two miles) on foot. The moon had not yet risen and the darkness was intense. Ever and anon they could hear the warwhoop of the Indians “making night hideous.” Approaching stealthily within a few paces of the house they perceived that the yard was crowded with Indians—whose numerous camp fires illuminated every object for some distance around. Notwithstanding the caution of our spies, the acute hearing of the Indians detected their approach. Simultaneously they hurled a hundred fire brands into the thicket to illuminate it and discover the lurkers who threw themselves on the ground and lay motionless until the fiery shower had ceased. Presently they heard a voice in the house which they recognized as that of James Gilleland. Encouraged by this circumstance they rose and walked boldly to the gate where they were met and admitted by old man Williams. They found twenty armed Americans in the house who had assembled from far and near to protect Mr. Williams's family. The Wacoes said they were in quest of the Tonkewas, with whom they were at war; but they were evidently very strongly disposed to make an onslaught on the settlers. The preceding day a party of them had charged on two settlers with every demonstration of hostility and their murderous intent was frustrated only by the resolute bearing of the men who stood by their horses with rifles presented, until the Indians withdrew.
The moon rose about midnight, and the Wacoes, who said they had not slept for three nights, now lay down in the yard and were soon under the dominion of Somnus. A large majority of the settlers present were in favor of attacking them while they were asleep, but James J. Ross, who was captain and two or three other influential men, overruled the suggestion. Ingram's voice was for war. His plan was to use the knife silently and rapidly until the Indians should awake, and then to fire on them. Some time after the moon rose, Ingram and Rabb set out on their return to their camp on Duty's creek, and the next day the Wacoes went in quest of the Tonkewas, whom it was said they found and fought. The Wacoes were probably beaten as they immediately returned north to their hunting grounds.
The Rabbs and Ingram proceeded forty or fifty miles farther down the Colorado to the neighborhood now known as Egypt. Here they burned off a cane brake and planted corn.
The Wacoes and other northern tribes rarely if ever made incursions this far south, but a still more savage and warlike tribe, to wit, the Carancawas, ranged along the coast from the mouth of the Nueces to the mouth of the Trinity—but their favorite resort was along Matagorda Bay and up the Colorado as high as Eagle Lake. Fish and alligators were their principal food. They were also cannibals. In stature they were scarcely surpassed by the Patagonians, the average height of the men being fully six feet, and every warrior's bow when strung, was precisely as long as his person and as useless in the hands of a man of ordinary strength as was the bow of Ulysses in the hands of the suitors. The arrow formed of a cane, was about a yard long, including a piece of solid wood the size of the cane and two or three inches in length, neatly fitted into it at each end. The larger piece of wood received the arrow head which was fastened with sinews; the smaller piece had a notch or groove to receive the bow-string.
These Indians had no horses or other domestic animals, except dogs. They were expert swimmers and skillful canoe-men. The entire tribe was rarely embodied. Divided into small parties and wandering about the heads of the shallow bays, which they navigated with their canoes, and through the dense forests and tangled cane brakes of the Colorado bottom, they found a bountiful subsistence. They commenced hostilities against the whites almost as soon as they camped upon their hunting grounds.
It was in June or July of this year that a party of these Indians came within a few hundred yards of the residence of Capt. Robt. Kuykendall on Peach creek, a few miles below Eagle Lake, and killed one of his calves. His little son, ten years of age, was hunting the calf when he discovered several of the Indians in a thicket butchering it. As he turned his horse to retreat an Indian shot an arrow at him which narrowly missed him. Fearful that the Indians would attack his house (or rather his camp), Kuykendall dispatched his little son for aid and concealed his wife and smaller children in a thicket. Ingram was the first man that went to his assistance. He met Kuykendall a short distance from his camp anxiously looking for the expected aid. After Ingram joined him he proposed that they should go to his camp and await further reinforcement. Before they reached the camp they discovered an Indian in the bottom. Ingram would have shot him, but K., deeming it premature, forbade him. They retraced their steps a short distance and met a dozen of their neighbors. With this force it was resolved to attack the Indians. But it was soon ascertained that they had retreated. The settlers followed their trail which wound for several miles through a dense cane-brake. When the pursuers arrived at the Colorado river they espied the Indians on the opposite bank, where they had camped and spread out the meat of the calf to dry. As the Indians were beyond rifle range, the party resolved to ford the river in the face of the enemy. Spurring their horses to a gallop they plunged into the stream—agitating the water till it foamed and casting the spray far and wide. Meantime the Indians saluted them with a swarm of arrows, none of which took effect. When they reached the camp of the Indians they had all disappeared in the adjacent cane-brake. John Clark and Alexander Jackson immediately dismounted. As Jackson stooped to pick up a buffalo robe a “cloth yard” arrow was driven through his elbow. At this moment Clark saw the Indian who had shot Jackson, in the cane brake, with his bow raised to shoot again. Clark fired at him. The Indian fell and when found, a few minutes afterwards, was dead. The rifle ball had cut his left wrist in two and penetrated his breast. Firmly grasped in his right hand was a large butcher knife.
Deeming further search for the Indians useless the settlers returned home. On their return they found some of the arrows shot at them as they charged across the river. These formidable missiles, though impelled nearly two hundred yards, were driven to the feather in the alluvial bank.
Afterwards, but during this same year, a man of the name of White, who resided at La Bahia, came into the mouth of the Colorado with a boat (yawl) laden with salt, to exchange with the settlers for corn. Here he was made prisoner by a party of Carancawas, who, however, released him upon the condition that he would go up to the settlements and bring them down some corn. When White arrived at the nearest settlement and gave information of this occurrence, an express was sent up the Colorado for men to attack the Indians. At that time Ingram was near the locality of the present town of Columbus. He and several others from the same neighborhood responded to the call for aid and set out immediately for the mouth of the river—travelling day and night until they reached the landing which they did late in the night. There were about twenty-five men in all. Early the ensuing morning an old cabin which had once served as a warehouse was set on fire to make the appointed signal. The company was divided into two parties, one of which remained at the landing, and the other was posted in a thicket on the bank of the river several hundred yards farther down. In two or three hours a large pirogue containing twelve or fifteen Indians, was seen coming up the river. When the boat approached within pistol shot of the lower party, they delivered their fire. All the Indians who survived the first fire jumped out of the boat on the farther side and endeavored to swim off with it interposed between them and their assailants. But in holding to the side of the boat their hands were exposed and perforated with rifle balls—which compelled them to let go their hold and endeavor to escape by swimming to the opposite side of the river. Only two—one of whom was mortally wounded—succeeded in reaching the other shore. The captured boat was laden with fish and oysters which were very acceptable to the hungry victors.
Some time during the succeeding year (1825) the Tonkewas who were encamped in the neighborhood of what is now called Egypt, were accused by some of the settlers of stealing their hogs, and nine of them went to the camp of the Indians and demanded that the thieves should be designated and punished. The Tonkewas refused to comply with this demand of their white neighbors, but proposed to fight them. As the whole Tonkewa tribe was present the settlers declined the unequal combat and returned home. Ere long the Tonkewas left the neighborhood but returned again in the autumn of the succeeding year (1826) and encamped. Ingram and Andrew Rabb had a farm in the bottom. One day, while they were absent, the Tonkewas went to their camp and, apparently with a design to provoke, cut their gun-rods in pieces. About the same time some of them went to the house of one [of] the neighbors (Mr. Dyer) who was absent and by rude deportment and menacing gestures so frightened Mrs. Dyer that she fled from her home. Immediately after these events Andrew Rabb and Ingram sent a request to the neighbors to convene the ensuing day for the purpose of seeking and chastising the Indians. At the appointed time and place nineteen men assembled and in the evening set out in quest of the Tonkewas whose trail was soon found but before it was followed far, night came on. The settlers camped and next morning followed the trail again. About noon the horses of the Tonkewas were found grazing in the open bottom. After passing the horses a short distance, the company met two Tonkewas, whom they arrested and required to guide them to the camp of the tribe—telling them that they wished to see and hold a “talk” with their captain or chief.
When the company got near the camp of the Indians the two prisoners attempted to escape by running. One of them was shot down before he had proceeded twenty paces. Several of the party then fired on the Indians at the camp. Altogether six guns were fired, killing four Indians and wounding three.
The Indians evacuated their camp and ran into a thicket a short distance therefrom. The company rushed into the camp where they found several guns, which they broke by striking them against trees. They then retired a few hundred yards and formed in the open bottom, where, as they expected the Tonkewas would pursue and attack them, they awaited them about an hour—at the expiration of which time they set out for home. But before leaving their position they heard at, or near, the locality of the Tonkewa camp, the reports of three guns—one of which was very loud—succeeded by a loud whoop—which was regarded at the time as a mere expression of defiance, nor was its tragical import suspected until the company had travelled four or five miles, when it was discovered that one of the party—a young man of the name of McMillan, was missing. None could tell when or where he had left the company. None, however, recollected having seen him after their departure from the Tonkewa camp. He was armed with a musket which was known to have been very heavily charged, and all, at once concluded that the loud report they had heard was that of McMillan's piece. None doubted that he had been killed, but as it was now too late to return to seek him, the company camped at the edge of the prairie until next morning, when a party returned to the Tonkewa camp and found McMillan's lifeless body, scalped and shockingly mutilated. The Indians had disappeared. In the meantime Ingram hastened to San Felipe to inform Austin of these occurences. When he received the news Austin was highly displeased. He believed that the settlers had been the aggressors. Not long afterwards the Tonkewas went to San Felipe and had a “talk” with Austin who, it is believed never greatly censured them for the part they acted in this unfortunate affair. 133
During this year Ingram was on the expedition against the Wacoes and Tawacanies, commanded by Capt. A. C. Buckner. . . . In the year 1829 Ingram was a member of the San Saba expedition under Capt. A. Kuykendall. . . . In the year 1830 Ingram was engaged in smuggling tobacco on the Rio Grande where he had diverse and “hair-breadth scapes” . . . Ingram was at the residence of Captain A. C. Buckner in June 1832, when that gentleman was solicited to join the colonists of the Brazos in the contemplated attack on the Mexican fort at Velasco. Ingram who disapproved of the movement said all he could do to dissuade his old friend from participating in it, and he parted with Buckner in the belief that he had succeeded. But immediately after Ingram's departure Buckner paid off his hired hands and made his will. Having thus “set his house in order” he went to Velasco and was killed. A Mexican youth whom he had partly reared, was killed in the same action.
Sometime during this year Ingram led a party of nineteen men in an attack on a large encampment of Carancawas on Live Oak creek, within the present limits of Matagorda county. The party fired on the Indians at the dawn of day, killing four or five and dispersing the remainder (1832). . . . .
About the last of September 1835, Ingram joined the colonial force at Gonzales, and was in the skirmish with the Mexican troops near that place. He continued in the service until after the reduction of San Antonio, in which he fully participated. During the siege of this town he performed a feat of heroism which is worthy of record. After the investment of the place had continued some time, a twelve pounder cannon was received by the Texians, by means of which it was hoped some impression could be made on the Mexican stronghold—the Alamo.
Accordingly, the Texians, favored by a dark night, opened an intrenchment on the right side of the river, within four or five hundred yards of the Alamo, and at daylight the next morning, the twelve pounder, supported by Capt. Goheen's company (to which Ingram belonged) began to thunder. The Mexicans were not slow to reply; but in a short time the fire on both sides slackened in consequence of a dense fog which completely concealed every object beyond the distance of a few yards. After the fog dissolved the cannonade, on both sides, was renewed. At length the artillerymen of the twelve pounder announced that their powder was exhausted. It was immediately asked “who will go to the can for powder?” Without a moment's hesitation Ingram volunteered for the perilous service. The Texian camp was about a half mile from the battery. Ingram leaped out of the ditch and ran. Five field pieces were bearing on him from the walls of the Alamo and a thousand infantry were marshalled outside the walls within long musket range of the intrepid messenger. His course for four hundred yards was over an open field before he could gain the cover of the mill race which led to the camp. Simultaneously the five cannon hurled at him their iron missiles. At the next instant a thousand muskets poured a leaden shower around him—still Ingram sped onward. Again, and yet again, the five cannon thundered in dreadful concert. Again, and yet again, a thousand muskets roared in one platoon—but Ingram is still unscathed, and safe within the mill-race! Yet he paused not until he reached the quarter-master's tent, where, seizing a keg of powder and placing it on his shoulder, he left as he arrived—running. The same perils awaited him on his return. Three swarms of iron and three leaden balls again swept the plain around him—but he seemed to bear a charmed life for he entered the entrenchment untouched amid the huzzas and congratulations of his fellow-soldiers! . . .
In the campaign of the spring of '36, Ingram was a private in Capt. Hill's company and did yoeman service in the Battle of San Jacinto. . . . In the year 1837, Ingram married and settled on the Colorado nine miles above La Grange. In 1847 he was elected a Capt. of militia and was commissioned by Governor J. Pinckney Henderson— . . .
Elijah Ingram, a younger brother of Captain Ingram and who came to Texas at a somewhat later period, was also a brave soldier, and in different conflicts with the Indians had three horses shot under him. In the year 1835, a man of the name of Hibbins, residing on the Guadalupe was killed by the Indians, and his wife and child were taken prisoners. Elijah was with the company that pursued the Indians who were overtaken and attacked. Elijah rushed into the midst of the Indians and rescued the woman and child, but was severely wounded by a musket ball, which entered his wrist, passed up his arm, and lodged in his shoulder. In 1838 or 1839 he was with a company of surveyors at the three forks of the Trinity, who were attacked by an overwhelming force of Indians. After losing several men the survivors mounted their horses to retreat. At this moment a wounded man implored Elijah to save him. He dismounted, placed the wounded man in his saddle, and leaped up behind him; but in the act, was himself shot and killed. The wounded man effected his escape on Ingram's horse.
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTICES.
The January Out West, (Vol. XVIII, No. 1) contains the third and concluding installment of documents on Drake, in the series entitled Early English Voyages to the Pacific Coast of America. The February number contains, in the same series, an account of the voyage of Sir Thomas Cavendish, in 1587. It is a digest based upon, and interspersed with extracts from, original documents.
The American Historical Review for January (Vol. VIII, No. 2) has several interesting articles. James Harvey Robinson contributes The Study of the Lutheran Revolt, a review of the literature of the Reformation. Herbert Darling Foster writes on Geneva Before Calvin (1387-1536). The Antecedents of a Puritan State. He outlines: 1. The development of Genevan political independence (1387-1536) and religious reform (1532-1536); 2. The resulting institutions and character before Calvin's arrival in August, 1536. One of his conclusions is that before Calvin's coming Geneva had developed neither democracy, religious liberty, nor personal liberty, and had not organized a new church. Her institutions were still plastic. The molding of them was left for Calvin. The Constitution and Finance of the Royal African Company of England, from its Foundation till 1720, by W. R. Scott, throws light upon the magnitude of early trading undertakings, upon the struggle against the exclusive privileges of the company in question, and upon seventeenth century methods of finance. Mr. L. D. Scisco's The Plantation Type of Colony is an interesting departure in the study of colonial institutions. Quite contrary to the traditional view, he sees in the earliest settlements in Virginia, New England, and New Netherland the same form of colonial institution—the “plantation type” of colony. This he defines as “an economic unity, based upon agriculture, under an exclusive local government which combine political jurisdiction with the powers of economic proprietorship.” In The State of Franklin, George Henry Alden describes the most notable independent effort at State making west of the Alleghany Mountains prior to the adoption of the constitution. The documents printed are A Letter of William Bradford and Isaac Allerton, 1623; and Letters of Samuel Cooper to Thomas Pownall, 1769-1777.
Vol. VI of the Publications of the Mississippi Historical Society contains a paper on the Route of De Soto's Expedition from Taliepacana to Huhasene by Professor T. H. Lewis, in which he essays to mark out the line of Moscoso's trip. Professor Lewis locates Guachoya, where Moscoso started, near Arkansas City, in southeastern Arkansas, on the Mississippi River. The salt lake in the province of Aguacay is placed about two miles south of Arkadelphia, on the west side of the Ouachita. The route is made to cross Red River at White Oak Shoals, about three miles east of the Texas line. Thence it turns westward, and the province of Aays, which was reached about eighteen days after crossing Red River is located south of Gainesville, Texas. The difficulty offered by the fact that the Aays (Aes) were in eastern Texas in the early part of the eighteenth century is removed by assuming their migration. At Soacatino, some two days march further west, the route turns southwest, and Guasco, reached later, is identified as the “earliest home of the Wacoes.” The Daycao River at which terminates the march of ten days west from Guasco is judged to be the Double Mountain fork of the Brazos. Thence the Spaniards return to the Mississippi the way they came.
The volume containing this paper is a book of over five hundred and fifty pages, which makes a most creditable showing for the Society. The credit due is reflected also on the State of Mississippi, which is giving the Society substantial support in its work. The example is one that Texas might well follow.
NOTES AND FRAGMENTS.
A Correction.—In an article entitled Landmarks Preserved by the Daughters of the Republic of Texas, in the January Quarterly, the chapter of Daughters of the American Revolution at San Antonio is credited with having contributed twenty-five dollars for the preservation of the old Spanish mission San Josė. The Colonial Dames of America in the State of Texas were the first to respond to the appeal made by the Daughters of the Republic of Texas for aid in the preservation of these ancient buildings, and it was they instead of the Daughters of the American Revolution who made the contribution mentioned. It is encouraging that these organizations have all expressed a desire to assist in the preservation of the only landmarks in Texas coeval with the period of history whose memory these societies were organized to perpetuate. We hope for liberal assistance from them.
Adele B. Looscan, Historian, Daughters of the Republic of Texas.
Texas Documents in the Congressional Library.—Through the kindness of Mr. William Beer of the Howard Memorial Library, The Quarterly is furnished with the following titles of documents relative to early Texas that have lately been secured, with his assistance, by the Library of Congress: Carta del Virrey de Nueva España (1712), Carta de D. Juan Olivan dando cuenta de haberle nombrado el Virrey de Nueva España a pesquisar Texas y Luisiana (1716), Expedicion a los Tejas y providencia del Virrey de Nueva España (1716-1718), Noticias de la nacion Asinais o Tejas (1688-1716), Conclusion del Fiscal de Nueva España sobre conquista y reduccion de los Tejas (1716), Carta de los religiosos Hidalgo y Castillno al P. Mezquita desde la mision de Sn. Fransisco de los Tejas (1716).
QUERIES AND ANSWERS.
Could any one inform me through The Quarterly how Madison County, and the town of Madisonville came to be so named? Could any one give a sketch of some man of prominence connected with the early history of Madison County?
(Mrs.) J. A. B. Walthall, Willow Hole, Texas.
The above question was referred to Judge W. D. Wood of San Marcos, who answers as follows:
Madison County was organized by act of the Texas legislature, January 27, 1853. It was named in honor of President James Madison; and the county being so named, it was considered proper and appropriate to name the county seat Madisonville, to further accentuate the honor intended this illustrious man and president.
By act of the first legislature that assembled in Texas, after annexation, on the 6th of April, 1846, the counties of Grimes and Walker were organized out of the territory of Montgomery County. Not quite seven years after this, the new county of Madison 134 was organized out of the territory of Grimes and Walker Counties, and a small portion of Leon. The writer was at the sale of the town lots in Madisonville, in the summer of 1853. The public square or court house square, of the town, was located within two hundred yards of the residence of Job Collard, who had settled there in the forties, while the territory was a part of Montgomery County. He was a useful and exemplary citizen, a man of note in his section. He belonged to a numerous and much respected family, residents of old Montgomery County, who were active and leading spirits in matters civil and military. Judge Collard, recently deceased at Austin, a member of the civil court of appeals of the Third District, was a member of this family; and, if I mistake not, a native of old Montgomery County.
James Mitchell was another settler of the forties in the territory now included in Madison County. Mitchell lived northeast of where Madisonville now is, on the old San Antonio road, not far from Robbins's Ferry on the Trinity. His house was at the parting of the ways. Here the La Bahía road diverged from the San Antonio road. The traveler or immigrant bound for Bastrop, San Antonio, and intermediate points, followed the San Antonio road; if he was bound for La Bahía, Gonzales, or Goliad, he followed, as the American settler called it, the “Labadee” road. Mr. Mitchell, located as he was, kept a hostelry which was known far and wide for the hospitality, genial disposition, and kindness of the landlord. Few men, at an early day in Texas, were better known than “Uncle Jimmy Mitchell,” and none did more towards the settlement and development of the territory now included in the bounds of Madison County than he. 135
Besides Collard and Mitchell there were George Floyd, Nathaniel Robbins, Stephen and Joseph Rogers, John and Doctor McKeever, the Mannings, the Batsons, Dr. Kittrell, father of Judge Norman G. Kittrell of Houston, the Gorees, Youngs, McGarys, and Pat Hays, all of whom settled in the territory of Madison County before it was organized, many of them sometime in the forties. They were all enterprising citizens, and took an active part in the organization of the new county. They did so on account of the great distance at which those citizens who lived in the northern portions of Walker and Grimes Counties were from the county seats of these counties, a distance of forty or fifty miles or more. This was a great inconvenience, and the legislature hearkened to their petition for relief and gave them Madison County.
Dr. Kittrell and the Gorees were from Alabama. In the legislature of 1857-58, Dr. Kittrell was floater from the counties of Madison, Grimes and Walker. The elder Goree was the father of Hon. Thomas Goree, now of Galveston. As to the States the other persons mentioned came from, the writer does not now remember, if he ever knew.
W. D. Wood.
AFFAIRS OF THE ASSOCIATION.
The Association has received from General Felix H. Robertson of Waco, a most valuable gift for its collection, in the shape of a bound copy of the first volume of The Texas State Gazette, which was published in the city of Austin. The initial number is for August 25, 1849, and the volume covers the ensuing year. When one recalls what was happening that year in Washington, he will easily see the importance of a record of contemporaneous events and opinions in Texas. The hearty thanks of the Association are hereby returned General Robertson for his contribution.
Mrs. Mary Jane Briscoe
Honorary Life Member
Texas State Historical Association, 1897-1903.
First Vice President
Daughters of the Republic of Texas, 1891-1903.
Member Texas Veterans' Association.
First President
Sheltering Arms, Woman's Home, Houston.
Born, August 17, 1819, at St. Genevieve, Missouri.
Died, March 8, 1903, at Houston, Texas.
INDEX TO VOLUME VI.
Acapulco 136
Adams, J. Q. 96
Aguayo, Marquis de 86
Alamán, Lucas 266, 267
Alamo Monument, The 300-310
Allen, Capt. John M. 181
Almonte, Juan N. 41, 50, 98
Altamira, Marqués de 86
American Historical Association 65
American Historical Review, The 65, 159, 254, 331
Anahuac, 270, 272, 276, 277, 279, 284, 285, 286, 293, 295, 297; Disturbances at, in 1832 265-399
Apaches 198
Aransas River 99
Archivo General de Mexico, 187; Some Materials for Southwestern History in the 103-112
Arcos Islands 123, 124, 126
Arocha, Juan 206, 208
Arthur, Mrs. Dora Fowler 75
Asinais 6, 8, 11, 12
Aspinwall 136
Aury, Louis de 146, 147
Austin, the sloop 124
Austin, John 282, 283, 284, 285, 289, 290, 291
Austin, Stephen F. 149-150, 154, 172, 173, 182, 239, 240, 252, 268, 269, 271, 277, 298, 312, 314, 318 319
Austin's Colony 116
Ayer, Edward E. 65
Ayish Bayou 292, 293
Baker, Moseley 140
Balmaceda, José Maria 61
Bankhead, — 139
Banks, General 223, 224, 225, 226, 227
Barker, Eugene C. 75, 76, 145, 169
Barrera, Francisco 29
Barrientos 256
Bastrop, Baron de 248
Bean, Ellis P. 166
Bean, Dr. Jesse 166
Beer, William 67, 333
Bejar 63
Berrotaran, diary of 111
Bexar, department of 97
Bexar, San Fernando de, 38, 40; Educational Efforts in 27-63
Bexar Archives, The 258
Belden, — 212
Belden's Ranch 208
Beramendi, Juan Martin de 61, 62
Bernardino 12
Bienville, M. 5
Biloxi, Fort 5, 6, 10
Bisland, battle of 224
Bolton, Herbert E. 70, 76, 103, 187
Bonilla, Antonio 92, 107
Bonnie Carrie, battle of 219-221
Boone, Major 217, 225
Borrego, Dn. Joseph Vasquez 90, 91, 92, 189, 194
Boundary of Texas, The Southwest 81-102
Bourne, E. G. 66
Bowie, James 148, 149
Bradburn, Col. Davis 269, 270, 271, 272, 275, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 284, 285, 286, 287, 293, 294, 295, 296 297
Brashier, capture of fort at 227
Brazoria 275, 279, 286
Brazoria, the schooner 289, 292
Breedlove, James Wm. 268
Brooks, S. P. 75
Brown, Capt. Henry 317
Brunson [Brinson], Enoch 116-117, 129
Bryan, Guy M. 74, 75
Bucareli 104, 105
Buchetti, Juan Francisco 47
Buckner, Capt. A. C. 249, 250, 251, 328
Bugbee, Lester G. 74, 75
Burleson, Colonel 242
Burleson, Rufus C. 74, 75
Burnet, David G. 154
Burnham, Jesse 239
Bnstamante, General Anastasio 63
Bustillos, Domingo 46
Butler, Anthony 96
Butte Station 218
Byrd, — 238
Cadillac, Lamothe 7, 8, 9, 10, 24, 26
California 131
Camara Alta, Augustín Lopez de la 202
Camargo 200
Canon, the schooner 273
Carancawas 240, 241, 247, 250, 253
Carbajal, José María 271
Carita 252
Casas, Juan Bautista 30
Chambers, T. J. 269
Charles Porterfield, Journal of 64
Chere's House 293
Chilton, G. W. 158
Chriesman, Capt. Horatio, Recollections of 236-241
Christmas in Old Mexico 64
Christy, William 170, 171, 174
Clark, J. C. 247-248
Clark, John 325
Clark, Robert Carlton 1
Clopper, General 117
Coahuila 86, 87, 88, 89, 95, 97, 98, 99
Coahuila and Texas, state of 40, 265, 268, 271
Collard, John 334
Comanches 249
Concepcion, mission of 23
Convention of 1833 151
Cooper, William 318
Correo Atlantico, El 177
Cortina, Juan 284, 297
Cos, General 143
Cox, C. C., Reminiscences of 113-138, 204-235
Cox, I. J. 27, 76, 81
Cox, Joseph 300, 303, 304, 305
Cox, Mrs. Nellie Stedman 76
Crescent Place 127
Croix, Caballero de 94, 107
Crozat, Antoine 6, 7, 8, 24, 26
Daughters of the Republic of Texas 74, 258
Declaracion of Saint-Denis 15
De la Mata, Don José Francisco 28
Diana, the gunboat, capture of 222
Dibrell, Mrs. J. B. 75, 76
Dobie, — 211, 216, 217, 230, 233
Documentos para la Historia de Texas 104
Dolores, mission of 14, 23
Dolores, town of 90, 104, 109, 187, 189
Duke, Thomas M., Recollections of 247-253
Duvernoy, G. 168
Edwards, Monroe 152, 153
Elguezabal, Juan Bautista 29, 31
Elkins, — 132, 133
Escandon, Jose de 84, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 187, 189, 194, 195, 196, 203
Espada, Mission 42
Espinosa, Fray 15, 21, 24
Fannin, J. W. 152
Farías, Valentin Gomez 169, 170
Fernandez, Santiago 108
Filisola 298
Fisher, George 170, 171, 172, 184, 186, 270, 272, 273, 274, 275, 298
Fisher, William S. 153
Fitch, John 217
Flores, Antonio 107
Flores, Gaspar 274
Flores, Mauuel 62
Forsyth, Secretary 156
Fragoso, Francisco Xavier 108
Francisco, the mexican 115
Frontera 124
Furman, Kate 65
Galveston 119, 124, 138, 275
Galvez, Conde de 110
Galvez, José de 107
Gama y Fonseca, José Antonio 146
García, Genaro 255, 256
Garrison, George P. 66, 74, 75, 76
Garza, José Maria de la 162
Garza, Refugio de la 61
George, Maj. J. W. 216, 234
George, Miss Fanny 210
Gibbons, — 120
Gilleland, James 321, 323
Goegg, Amand 67
Gomez, Gregorio 175, 176
Gonzales, Rafael 41
Gotier, — 247
Green, Gen. Tom 71, 224, 227
Grimes, Rufus 308
Gaudalupe, mission of 23
Gaudalupe, the 71
Guasco 332
Guerrero, President 150
Guerro, José Mariano 285
Guia del Pueblo 273
Gulf States Historical Magazine, The 159, 254
Gwyn, Senator 137
Halcyon, the 176
Hall, Edward 72
Hamilton, Peter J. 159
Hannah, Captain 129
Hardin, William 295
Harris, Clinton 130
Harris, L. B. 131
Harrisburg 131, 140
Haskins, Chas. H. 65
Hazlitt, — 312, 313, 317
Hendrick, Judge S. J. 259
Herrera, Manuel 145
Hibbins, — 330
Hidalgo, Fray 3, 4, 8, 9, 12, 14, 16, 21, 23
Houston, David F. 75
Houston, Gen. Sam 119, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 155, 158
Huizar, Bruno 43, 46, 47, 48, 49
Humphries, — 115
Hunt, Gen. Memucan 156
Iberville, M. Lemoyne d' 5
Iglehart, Fanny Chambers Gooch 64
Iguala, plan of 35
Imes [Iiams], Jno 117
Indianola 157
Ingram, Capt. John, 239; Extracts from a Biographical Sketch of 320
Ingram, Elijah 330
Ireland, General 204
Jack, Patrick C. 279, 280, 282
Jack, William H. 281, 282
Jackson, Alexander 325
Jackson, President 96
Jalot 13, 14, 21
January, Doctor 221
Johnson, Francis W. 282, 308
Johnson, Hugh B. 285, 294
Johnson, Sol 204
Jones, Randall 250
Junta de Guerra, of August 22, 1715 15
Keechies 242
Kennedy, Samuel 237
Kincheloe, William 237
Knott, Benedict 114
Kosciusko, the 72
Kriehn, George 65, 66
Kuykendall, Capt. Abner 314
Kuykendall, Barzillai, Recollections of 311-320
Kuykendall, J. H. 236, 311
Kuykendall, Robert 248, 250, 324
Labadie [La Bahia] 163-164
Labadie, Dr. N. D. 280, 281
Lafitte, Jean 146, 147, 252
Lagarto 234, 235
Lama, The 181
Lamar, Gen. Mirabeau B. 119
Lamb, George 139
Lampasas 74
Lancastrian Schools 36, 38, 39
Lansing, James 135
Laredo 91, 92, 98, 104, 109, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 195, 199, 200
Lathrop, Captain 123
Lewis, T. H. 332
Lexington, Ky. 113
Liberty 271, 272, 283, 295
Linares, Duque de 19, 23
Lively, the 247
Logan, William M. 280, 281
Looscan, Adele B 71, 139, 262
Los Angeles 131
Lubbock, Ex-Governor 74, 75, 157
Lynch's Ferry 141
Madero, Francisco 271, 272
Madison County 334
Madisonville 334
Magruder, General 227, 228
Mann, Mrs. 140
Mansfield, battle of 228
Manzanet, Father 2, 18, 23
Margil, Fray Antonio 24
Maria, Doña 20
Martin, Wily 285
Mary Jane, the 174
Matamoras 172, 173
McCampbell John S. 228
McKinney, Thomas F. 172, 184, 185
McMillan, — 327, 328
McNeil, Sterling 153
Medina River 83, 85, 86, 87, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99
Memorias de Nueva España, Colleecion de 103
Menendez 256
Merino, Manuel 108
Merriman, Mrs. 210
Mexía, José Antonio.....170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185 186
Mier 200
Mier Expedition 109
Mier y Terán 269, 270, 271, 272, 273, 275, 278, 282
Miles, — 243, 244
Miller, T. S. 75
Miracle, Capt. Julian 179
Mitchell, — 212
Mitchell, James 335
Montezuma, the 71
Moore, Commodore 71, 126
Moore, Frederick W. 66
Morfi, Father 93
Morgan, Col. James 117, 128
Morgan, “Kas” 129
Morgan, Mrs., death of 232
Morgan's Point 117
Mt. Vernon 115
Muldoon, Father 289
Musquiz, Ramón 62, 279, 283, 285
Natchitoches Indians 6
Nangle, — 300, 306, 307, 309, 310
Navarro, Angel 48
Navarro, José Antonio 168
Neighbors, Major 118
New Mexico 268
New Mexico, Historical Society of 64
New Orleans 123
New Orleans, meeting of Texas sympathizers in 170
New Washington 117
New York 137
Nixon, George, his clerk 49
Nueces River 83, 88, 90, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99
Nueva Estremadura 84, 86, 87
Nueva Viscaya 8, 84, 85, 87, 88
Nuevo Leon 81, 88, 89, 91, 93, 97
Nuevo Mexico 83, 84, 87, 109, 111
Nuevo Santander 82, 83, 87, 88, 89, 93, 94, 95, 98, 109, 187
Obregon, Señor Dn. Luis Gonzalez 191
Old Presidio Road 21, 26
Olivares 16
Ordinance for free schools of Bexar 52
Out West 64, 159, 254, 331
Owen, Thomas M. 159
Pacho, Juan Maria 276, 277, 281, 282, 284
Panama 136
Parker, Joshua 251
Patriotic Junta 41, 42
Patterson, Commodore 147
Pease, Ex-Governor E. M. 308
Pendleton, Geo. C. 73, 166
Penicaut 10, 13, 14
Pennybacker, Mrs. 69
Perez, Doña Gertrudis 43, 49
Pettus, William 180, 181, 182
Philadelphia 138
Piedras, Col. José de las 271, 278, 279, 283, 285, 292, 293, 294, 295, 296
Poinsett, Joel 96, 265
Potomac, the steamship 136, 137
Potter, Capt. R. M. 157, 305, 308
Power, James 181, 184
Prince, L. Bradford 64
Proctor, D. C. 225, 226
Publications of the Mississippi Historical Society 332
Rabb, Andrew 327
Rabb, Thomas 323
Rabb, William 321
Raines, Judge C. W. 75, 76, 160, 300
Ramage, James 170, 171, 174
Ramirez, Don José Fernando 65
Ramirez, Patricio 206
Ramon, Capt. Diego 13, 21, 22
Ramon, Domingo 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26
Reagan, Hon. John H. 64, 75, 157, 160, 167
Reese, Captain 71
Reminiscences of C. C. Cox 113-138, 204-235
Reminiscences of Early Texans 236-253, 311-330
Revilla 191, 200
Reynosa 200
Rhodes, James Ford 66
Rio Bravo 83
Rio del Norte 83
Rio Grande 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 89, 95, 101, 102
Rio Turbio 83
Ripperdá, Governor 95
Rivas, Diego Rodriguez de 69
Roberts, Ingham S. 168
Roberts Papers, the 258
Robertson, Gen. Felix H. 337
Robertson, Sterling C. 242
Robinson, Lieutenant Governor James W. 168, 183
Robison, Joel W., 143; Recollections of 241-247
Robison, John G. 241
Rojo, Francisco 46
Rose, — 68
Rowe, Edna 265
Ruiz José Francisco 29, 285, 286
Russell, W. J. 288, 290
Sabine, the schooner 277
Sacramento 133, 134
Saint-Denis, Louis Juchereau de.....3, 5, 6, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 19, 20, 21, 22 25
Salinas, José M. 274
Salley, A. S., Jr. 64
Samuels, — 114
San Antonio, suit by school board of 40
San Antonio de Bexar, presidio of 85
San Antonio, the schooner 14
San Bernard, the schooner 120
Sanchez, Dn. Tomas 90, 188, 189, 190, 192, 193
San Fernando 30, 31, 32, 35, 37, 41, 50, 52
San Francisco, mission of 3, 23
San Jacinto, the schooner 120
San Jacinto, An Account of the Battle of 139-144
San Jacinto Day 74
San Joseph, mission of 23
San Juan Bautista, mission of 4
San Juan Capistrano, mission of 42
San Miguel, mission of 23
Santa Anna, Antonio Lopez de, 100, 141, 143, 168, 170, 171, capture of 243
Santa Cruz 131
Santa Fé Expedition 100
Santiago, Fernando de 51
Santissima Nombre de Maria, mission of 3
Saucedo, José Antonio 31, 40, 54
Sayer's Battery 224
Sayers, Capt. Joe 222
Schabelitz, — 67
Schmitt, Edmond J. P. 69
Segars, Lieutenant 25
Seguin, José Erasmo 31, 52, 274
Seguin, Juan Angl 62
Seguin, town of 204, 205, 210, 231
Serra, Junípero 64
Shenandoah, the schooner 153
Sherman, Dana 115, 118
Sherman, Mrs., death of 232
Sherman, Sidney 114, 119, 129, 138, 141
Sinks, Mrs. Julia Lee 75
Sinnickson, Doctor 71
Slave Trade in Texas, The African 145-158
Smith, Deaf 142
Smith, Governor 153, 179, 183
Smith, Theodore C. 66
Smith, W. Roy 69, 76
Southern History Association, Publications of 64, 159, 254
Southern Political Views 64
Spillman, Captain 129
Spillman's Island 129
Stedman, Major 234, 235
Stedman, Mrs. Nellie 234
Steele, Adjutant General William 308
Stevens, — 246
Stewart, Chas. 204
St. Louis Enquirer 162, 163
Stockton 131, 133
Subaran, Colonel 284, 287, 296, 297
Sullivan, Chris 215
Swearingen, — 132, 133
Sylvester, — 143, 243
Talamantes, Melchor de 106
Tamaulipas 82, 87, 98, 99
Tampico 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 179
Tampico Expedition, The 169-186
Tawacanies 248, 249
Tejas Indians 8, 11, 16, 17, 18, 22
Tejas Missions, Re-establishment of 1-26
Tejas, Province of 199
Tennison, Lieutenant 125
Teran, Fort 292, 293
Texas 37, 39, 97, 124, 131, 171
Texas Documents in the Congressional Library 333
Texas Republican 162
Texas, Southwest Boundary of 81-102
Texas State Historical Association 258
Texas Veterans' Association, papers of the 258
Thomas, D. Y. 64
Thompson, — 243
Thomas, Alcalde 297
Thwaites, Reuben Gold 66
Tienda de Cuervo, Capt. Joseph 192, 193, 199, 201
Tienda de Cuervo's Ynspeccion of Laredo 187-203
Tobasco, city of 124
Tobasco River 123
Tonicas 10
Tonkawas 252
Tornel, José M. 268
Townes, John C. 75
Travieso, Don Bicente 30, 31, 33, 50
Travis, William B. 68, 279, 280, 281
Treviño, Capt. Alejandro 42
Treviño Juan Eusebio 194, 195, 196, 197, 198
Tucker, Phil C. 161
Turner, Tom 128
Turtle Bayou 285, 287
Turtle Bayou Resolutions 287-288
Ugartechea, Col. Domingo 277, 279, 282, 284, 286, 289, 290, 291
Unzaga y Amezaga, Luis de 107
Urbantke, C. 256
Urrutia, Captain 2-3, 12
Vargas 109, 110, 111
Varner, Martin 237
Velasco 275, 276, 289
Velasco, Fort, surrender of 291
Vera Cruz 9
Vermilion, — 246
Veterans 74
Vial, Pedro 108
Viesca, Ex-Governor 179, 183, 184
Villa Señor, Ygnacio 34
Vince's Bayou 243
Visita, La General, of Laredo 191
Wacos 248, 249
Waller, Edwin 276, 288
Waller, Colonel 217, 220, 221, 222
Walthall, Mrs. J. A. B. 334
Weeks, Stephen B. 65
Wharton, General 143
Wharton, William H. 154, 155, 276
Wharton, the brig 120
Whiteside, James 238
Williams, John A. 284
Williams, Thomas 320
Williamson, Robert M. 283
Winkler, E. W. 257
Winters, J. W. 139, 259, 260
Wood, Judge W. D. 334, 336
Wood's Creek 131, 132
Woods, Norman 313
Woodward, Dudley 214, 215, 217
Wright, Lem 215
Yactaches 5
Ybarbo, Antonio Gil 108
Year-Book for Texas 160
Ymbalido, José Mares Cabo 108
Yucatan 123, 124
Zambrano, Juan Manuel 30
Zavala, the ship 123, 124, 126
Zepeda, Victoriano 46, 62
Zuber, W. P. 69, 151, 308
[Notice to the Binder.—Page 263 of this volume is reprinted in proper form for binding purposes before the title page in this number. The reprinted page should replace that in the January Quarterly.]
AFFAIRS OF THE ASSOCIATION.
The members of the Association are reminded that the regular annual meeting will be held at Waco on San Jacinto day. The Texas Veterans' Association and the Daughters of the Republic of Texas will be in session there at the same time, and the exercises will be at least partly in common. No further notice is to be expected. These joint annual meetings have proved themselves highly enjoyable; and if the members who have never attended them will try the experiment they will need no persuasion to come again.
THE QUARTERLY OF THE TEXAS STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
VOLUME VI. APRIL, 1903. NUMBER 4.
PUBLICATION COMMITTEE. John H. Reagan. George P. Garrison. Bride Neill Taylor. Z. T. Fulmore. C. W. Raines. EDITOR. George P. Garrison. AUSTIN, TEXAS: PUBLISHED QUARTERLY BY THE ASSOCIATION. Price, FIFTY CENTS per number. [Entered at the Postoffice at Austin, Texas, as second class matter.]
CONTENTS.
The Disturbances at Anahuac in 1832 Edna Rowe.
The Alamo Monument C. W. Raines.
Reminiscences of Early Texans, II J. H. Kuykendall.
Book Reviews and Notices.
Notes and Fragments.
Queries and Answers.
Affairs of the Association.
The Texas State Historical Association.
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John H. Reagan.
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D. F. Houston. >F. R. Lubbock.
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The Escape of Rose from the Alamo W. P. Zuber
Reminiscences of Capt. Jesse Burnam
Capt. Joseph Daniels Adele B. Looscan
The Annexation of Texas and the Mexican War Z. T. Fulmore
Dr. Rufus C. Burleson Harry Haynes
Reminiscences of Sion R. Bostick
The Connection of Penalosa with the La Salle Expedition E. T. Miller
Reminiscences of Texas and Texans Fifty Years Ago W. D. Wood
Guy Morrison Bryan George P. Garrison
The Old Fort on the San Saba River as Seen by Dr. Ferdinand Roemer in 1847 Adele B. Looscan
The Early Settlers of San Fernando I. J. Cox
The Beginnings of Texas R. C. Clark
Father Edmond John Peter Schmitt I. J. Cox
The Mexican and Indian Raid of '78
The Quarrel Between Governor Smith and the Provisional Government of the Republic W. Roy Smith
Genealogical and Historical Register of the First General Officers of the Daughters of the Republic of Texas, Elected in 1891 Mrs. Adele B. Looscan
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2. Holley, Texas (1833), 203.
3. Filisola, Memorias para la Historia de la Guerra de Tejas, II 592-593. Translation in Executive Documents of 25th Congress, No. 351, pp. 313-316.
4. Filisola, Guerra de Tejas, I 560. In the citations to follow this work will be referred to as Filisola.
5. Filisola, I 651.
6. J. W. Breedlove to Stephen F. Austin, Dec. 4, 1830. Austin Papers.
7. Stephen F. Austin to E. Ellis, June 16, 1830. Austin Papers.
8. Filisola, I 560.
9. Stephen F. Austin to E. Ellis, June 16, 1830. Austin Papers.
10. T. J. Chambers to Stephen F. Austin, May 12, 1830. Austin Papers.
11. Usually written simply Terán.
12. Filisola, I 162-164.
13. Henry Austin to Stephen F. Austin, July 2, 1830. Austin Papers.
14. Filisola, I 165.
15. This name should be Anáhuac, but the Texas pronunciation has made it ánahuac. The accent is therefore omitted as misleading.
16. A Visit to Texas, 78.
17. George Fisher had led a rather checkered career. He was first a citizen of Belgrade in the province of Servia of the Ottoman Empire. His name was Ribon which in German is Fischer and by this name he was known when he was at school in Austria. In the United States it was anglicized into Fisher. At the age of seventeen he was involved in a revolt against the sultan, and on the failure of the rebellion he with others was driven across the Danube into Austria. The Austrian government, not liking the presence of so many revolutionists organized a Slavonic legion, and Fisher entered it. After a campaign in Italy the legion was disbanded in theinterior of that country. Fisher worked his way back, after various experiences, along the Danube river into Turkey as far as Adrianople. He left Turkey again and found his way to Hamburg in Germany, where he embarked in 1815 for Philadelphia. He went west and wandered down to Mississippi, where, after a residence of five years, he became a citizen of the United States. After Mexico became independent in 1821, Fisher moved thither, and became a citizen of that country. In 1830 he accepted this position in Galveston which he held with frequent intermissions during 1830—1833. He returned to Mexico during the presidency of Santa Anna and set up a newspaper. He soon became so liberal in his views that he was asked to leave the country. He then came to Texas to live. (See John L. Stephens, Yucatan, 84.)
18. Proceedings of the ayuntamiento of San Felipe de Austin, July 26, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
19. Ibid.
20. Texas Almanac, 1859, p. 30.
21. Carbajal was a native of Béjar, but was reared and educated in the United States. (See Filisola, I 167.)
22. Proceedings of the ayuntamiento of San Felipe de Austin, July 26, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
23. Filisola, I 168.
24. Proceedings of the ayuntamiento of San Felipe de Austin, July 26, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
25. Thrall, Pictorial History of Texas, 179; quoted from a pamphlet published by T. J. Chambers in 1832.
26. Printed in English and in Spanish. Bad as the English is, I have thought best to use it rather than a better translation here. The number from which the extract is taken is in the Bexar Archives.
27. This letter and the report of Seguin already referred to are in the Bexar Archives.
28. Stephen F. Austin to James F. Perry, Nov. 15, 1831. Austin Papers.
29. Stephen F. Austin to Terán, Feb. 5, 1832. Austin Papers.
30. Yoakum, History of Texas, 281-282; Foote, Texas and the Texans, II 13.
31. Foote, Texas and the Texans, II 15-16.
32. This name is given by Filisola. It is probably a corruption of Texan—Editor Quarterly.
33. Filisola, I 179.
34. The Quarterly, IV 34-36.
35. Filisola, I 186.
36. Filisola, I 186.
37. Ibid. I 173.
38. Translation.
39. Colonel Bradburn was a Kentuckian in the Mexican service. He accompanied General Mina on his ill-fated expedition to Soto La Marina in 1817. (Foote, Texas and the Texans, 14.) Some act of daring in the battle of Igula secured his promotion in the Mexican army. In the early part of 1830 he was sent out by the Mexican government to New Orleans, very likely for the purpose of ascertaining the object of the United States in establishing a post on the Sabine River and learning something of the views entertained by the colonists. On his return he reported that the troops were stationed near the frontier to prevent smuggling and that the colonists were quiet and well disposed except some new comers and idle, disorderly young men, and that no measure was necessary except to support Colonel Austin with sufficient authority to control this class of people. In a short time after his return he was ordered to Galveston. (See letter of Henry Austin to Stephen F. Austin, July 2, 1830, in the Austin Papers).
40. Report of Piedras to Terán, July 12, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
41. A Visit to Texas, 82-84.
42. Filisola, I 176-177.
43. Old Times in Texas, by Guy M. Bryan in the Fort Worth Gazette for Dec. 25, 1889.
44. Henry Austin to Stephen F. Austin, July 2, 1830. Austin Papers.
45. Filisola, I 178.
46. Stephen F. Austin to José Mariano Guerro, July 10, 1832; report of ayuntamiento of San Felipe de Austin, July 26, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
47. Texas Almanac, 1859, p. 30; Stephen F. Austin to José M. Guerro, July 10, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
48. Proceedings of the ayuntamiento of San Felipe, July 26, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
49. Yoakum, History of Texas, I 291; Texas Almanac, 1859, pp. 36-40.
50. Filisola, I 189; Foote, Texas and the Texans, II 20-23.
51. Ramón Musquiz to Col. Antonio Elosua, June 19, 1832; Ramón Musquiz to Governor of State, June 18, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
52. Texas Almanac, 1859, pp. 31-32.
53. Francisco Medina to Elosua, June 25, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
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54. Francisco Medina to Elosua, June 25, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
55. Texas Almanac, 1859, 36-40.
56. John Austin was a native of Connecticut. When a boy, he ran away from home and went to sea as a common sailor. On one of his voyages, he entered a port of Mexico and found his way to the capital. There he met Stephen F. Austin and came to Texas with him (Edward, History of Texas, 185).
57. Filisola, I 190.
58. Filisola, I 190.
59. Texas Almanac, 1859, pp. 36-40.
60. Filisola, I 191.
61. Texas Almanac, 1859, pp. 36-40.
62. Miguel Arciniega to Ramòn Musquiz, June 17, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
63. Report of Piedras to Elosua, June 19, 1832; report of Piedras to Terán, July 12, 1832; Francisco Ruiz to Elosua, June 25, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
64. Filisola, I 190; Arciniega to Ramón Musquiz, June 17, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
65. Texas Almanac, 1859, p. 38.
66. Filisola, I 192.
67. Ibid.
68. Arciniega to Ramón Musquiz, June 17, 1832; Texas Almanac, 1859, p. 38.
69. Texas Almanac, 1859, p. 39.
70. Texas Almanac, 1859, p. 39; Arciniega to Ramón Musquiz, June 17, 1832.
71. Filisola, I 190, 212.
72. Both letters are in the Nacogdoches Archives.
73. Ruiz to Elosua, June 25, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
74. Ruiz to Guerro, July 3, 1832. Bexar Archives.
75. The two letters last mentioned are in the Nacogdoches Archives.
76. In the Bexar Archives.
77. Medina to Elosua, June 25, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
78. I 193.
79. Filisola, I 196.
80. Arciniega to Ramón Musquiz, June 17, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
81. Filisola, I 197.
82. Arciniega to Ramón Musquiz, June 17, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives. Harry Moore wrote to James F. Perry on his return from Brazoria, where he saw John Austin, and said that Austin learned that “at the time the Americans were before Anahuac there were four Mexicans killed and four wounded.” (H. Moore to James F. Perry, Aug. 5, 1832. Austin Papers).
83. Arciniega to Ramón Musquiz, June 17, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
84. Texas Almanac, 1859, p. 39.
85. Ibid.
86. Holley, Texas (1833), 150-151.
87. Texas Almanac, 1859, p. 39.
88. T. J. Pilgrim to Samuel M. Williams, June 30, 1830. Nacogdoches Archives.
89. The Quarterly, IV 36. This was not the first time that a plan for an attack on Velasco had been offered to the colonists of Brazoria. At a meeting on May 11th, 1832, such a motion was made and lost by only one vote. Foote, Texas and the Texans, II 19.
90. See Diplomatic Correspondence, Department of State.
91. The Quarterly, IV 36.
92. Ramón Musquiz to Captain Ortega, July 2, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives
93. Brown, History of Texas, I 182.
94. Filisola, I 201.
95. James B. Baily to David Shelby, June 27, 1830. Nacogdoches Archives.
96. Filisola, I 208; Holley, Texas (1833), 158-159.
97. Holley, Texas (1833), 158-159.
98. Filisola, I 209.
99. Ramón Musquiz to Ortega, July 2, 1832; T. J. Pilgrim to S. M. Williams, June 30, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
100. Texas and the Texans, II 22-32.
101. History of Texas, I 295.
102. Brown, History of Texas, I 187; Thrall, Pictorial History of Texas, 182.
103. Piedras to Elosua, June 19, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
104. In the Nacogdoches Archives.
105. Communication of ayuntamiento of Nacogdoches to political chief, Aug. 14, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
106. Report of Piedras, July 12, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
107. Probably identical with “James Linsley” named on p. 280.
108. Translation of copy in Nacogdoches Archives.
109. Hugh B. Johnson to Ramón Musquiz, July 1, 1832. Diplomatic Correspondence, Department of State.
110. Report of Piedras, July 12, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
111. Filisola, I 212.
112. Report of Piedras, July 12, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
113. Piedras to Bradburn, July 4, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
114. In the letter cited.
115. In the Nacogdoches Archives.
116. Report of Piedras, July 12, 1832. Nacogdoches Archives.
117. Nacogdoches Archives.
118. Filisola, I 220.
119. Harry Moore to James F. Perry, Aug. 5, 1832. Austin Papers.
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120. Filisola, I 300-302.
121. Brown, Life of Henry Smith, 20--21.
122. R. M. Potter, July 30, 1860, in Texas Almanac, 1868.
123. Under date of July 7, 1874, at Fort Wood, N. Y., Captain R. M. Potter, in correspondence with William Steele, adjutant general of the State of Texas, relative to the Alamo Monument, said that the owner, to expedite its sale to the State, published a print of the monument fifteen or twenty years before. In another letter from Potter to Steele a few days later was sent a print of a lithograph of the monument with a list of the names of the Alamo dead and a minute description of the monument probably made in San Antonio by Nangle the artist. Mr. Baker may have borrowed this print and description for insertion in his Texas Scrap Book, issued in 1875, though he does not say so.
The cut used for this article was made from the print in the Texas Scrap Book. The description of the monument with the names thereon was also taken from the same source.
This list is copied from Baker's Texas Scrap-Book, 113. It evidently contains many errors, but it is reprinted without any attempt at correction.
124. For July 22, 1843.
125. For April 12, 1851.
126. For March 17, 1851.
127. For April 23, 1851.
128. For March 28, 1851.
129. For April 23, 1851.
130. In December, 1898, in Austin, Col, Guy M. Bryan told me on the authority of Gen. Hugh McLeod that Gen. Thomas Jefferson Green was the author of the inscription beginning “Thermopylae.” `General McLeod informed me' said Col. Bryan, `that the authorship of the inscription was freely discussed at a banquet in Galveston during the Republic and that it was positively stated without contradiction that General Green dictated the sentiment to Nangle.'—C. W. Raines.
131. See note 1 at the close of this paper.
132. Wm. Rabb, his sons Andrew and Thomas, and his son-in-law, Newman.
133. That the Tonkewas were thievish is unquestionable, but that the course pursued towards them by the settlers was rash and unjustifiable, is apparent. A feud arose between Capt. Robt. Kuykendall and the Rabbs in consequence of the strictures of the former on the conduct of the whites in this affair.
134. The Congress of the Republic, on February 2, 1842, created the counties of Madison and Hamilton out of the territory of Montgomery County. Whatever became of these two counties I do not know. [Mr. Batts explains in his article on Defunct Counties of Texas that Madison was one of the “judicial” counties whose creation was provided for by an act that was held by the courts unconstitutional, because those counties were not given representation. See The Quarterly, I 88.—Editor Quarterly].
135. Since the above was written I have found that in the act of the Congress of the Republic creating the County of Montgomery, approved Dec. 14, 1837, James Mitchell and Elijah Collard are appointed members of a commission to locate the county seat of the new county. So it seems that in 1837 Mitchell was a resident of the territory of Montgomery county, and I apprehend that he was located at the forks of the San Antonio and La Bahia Roads; for on my first visit to his home his residence and improvements, indicated quite an old settlement. This was in December, 1857. Mitchell was one of the pioneer settlers on the Old San Antonio Road, between the Trinity and Navasota Rivers. He has a number of descendants now residents of Madison County.
Elijah Collard, the commissioner, was a brother of Job Collard. There was no family in the territory of Old Montgomery County more prominent than the Collards.
How to cite:
"Issue View", Volume 006, Number 4, Southwestern Historical Quarterly Online. http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/publications/journals/shq/online/v006/n4/issue.html
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