(Born in Kentucky, Anno 1802.)
My father, Abner Kuykendall, and his brother Joseph, with their families, left Arkansas Territory for Texas in October 1821. At Nacogdoches they were joined by their brother Robert, who had, for some time, been residing west of the Sabine. The three families crossed the Brazos river at the La Bahia road, on the 26th day of November 1821. We found Andrew Robinson and family camped on the west side of the river. Robinson had preceded us two or three days. His was the first immigrant family that crossed the Brazos river. Here we all stopped for about a month, in which time a few more families arrived. About Christmas Robt. and Joseph Kuykendall and Daniel Gilleland proceeded on to the Colorado and settled temporarily on the east side of the river near the crossing of the La Bahia road. These were the first families that settled on the Colorado.
About the first of January 1822, my father and Thomas Boatright moved ten miles west of the Brazos and settled near New Year's creek, about four miles south of the present town of Independence. We had explored this part of the country a week or two before we settled in it. During this exploration we found a herd of buffalo and killed one, but found no more during our residence there. We were now without bread. We had about two bushels of corn which we saved to plant the ensuing spring. Deer and turkies were abundant. The deer were lean but the turkies were fat and fine and constituted, for several months, the most valuable part of our subsistence. My father, myself, and two younger brothers were good hunters and our family though large, was never destitute of meat. We had a few cows which supplied us with milk. Bees were plentiful, and we were rarely without honey.
We had not been long here when the Tonkewa tribe of Indians camped near us for two or three weeks. They begged importunately but forebore from hostilities. They were much afraid of the Wacoes who had a short time previously, during the absence of the Tonkewa warriors on a hunt, fallen upon and massacred about thirty of their women and children and old men. This masscre took place on Davidson's creek twenty-five or thirty miles north of our settlement. During the winter we cleared a few acres of hammock or thicket land and planted our corn in April. It looked very promising for a while but the severe drought of the ensuing summer blighted our prospect. We scarcely raised as much corn as we had planted. In June, learning that some vessels had landed at the mouth of the Colorado with a supply of provisions, father Amos Gates and myself went down to purchase some flour. On our way down we were joined by Robert and Joseph Kuykendall and Daniel Gilleland. Just after we arrived at the mouth of the river another schooner came in and landed several immigrants. Ten Carancawa Indians were at the landing. They professed friend[ship] for the immigrants but commenced hostilities a few weeks afterwards. Father bought two barrels of flour and the rest of the party from one to two barrels each. We paid twenty-five dollars a barrel. We packed the flour on horses and mules. This flour afforded our family the first bread they had tasted for seven months. Late in the summer and early in the fall of this year, the Carancawas committed various depredations. The first chastisement they received was at the mouth of Scull creek. Robert Brotherton had been severely wounded by them. When this news was received about a dozen of the settlers led by uncle Robert Kuykendall went in pursuit of the Indians. The Tonkewas were at that time camped near his house, and the settlers thought it prudent to take their chief (Carita) with them to insure the good behavior of his people during the absence of the party, whose families would be unprotected until their return. Upon arriving near the mouth of Scull creek the party was halted in order to spy out the Indians—for which purpose uncle Robert took with him two or three men, and some time after night, they heard the Indians in a thicket pounding brier-root. 86 At early dawn the ensuing morning uncle Robert, leaving the horses in charge of Judge Wm. Rabb and the Tonkewa chief, led his little party to the attack. By the morning twilight they were enabled to find a small path which led them into the thicket and to the camp of the Indians. When the party got within a few paces of the Indians they found that but one had yet risen, who perceiving the party, seized his bow, but before he could use it was shot down by uncle Robert. The settlers now rushed on the camp and delivered a deadly fire. Nine or ten of the savages were killed on the spot and but few escaped. The scalp of one of the slain, taken by Andrew Castleman, together with his bow, six feet long, was afterwards sent me by uncle Robert.
Notwithstanding the severe drought of the season, some corn was raised in the Brazos bottom. Father was so fortunate as to obtain enough for our bread from William Smothers, who had settled on the river a little below the mouth of Caney creek.
In November 1822, father rented his place on New Year's creek to a Mr. Wheat, and moved back to the Brazos, five miles below the La Bahia road, where Josiah H. Bell, William Gates and Samuel Gates were already residing.
In December an election for civil and militia officers was held at the house of Jos. H. Bell. Bell was unanimously elected Alcalde, Samuel Gates captain and myself lieutenant. (There was but one lieutenant elected). Early in the summer of 1823, father and I went to Natchitoches, Louisiana, for salt and sugar and coffee for the use of our family. We packed these necessaries on two horses. When we returned home, a Frenchman had just arrived in the neighborhood from the Rio Grande with several mule loads of rock salt which enabled our settlement to supply themselves amply with this indispensable condiment.
Towards the latter part of this summer a party of Tonkewas stole a horse from father and several from Mr. Wheat. Father, Thomas Boatright, my brother Barzillai and myself, pursued the thieves. For a few miles their trail went northward—it then turned southward or down the country. Suspecting the Tonkewas, and learning that a portion of the tribe under the chief Carita were somewhere near “the Fort” (Fort Bend) on the Brazos, we resolved to proceed to that point. 87 Whe we arrived at the Fort we learned that the Tonkewas were encamped on Big Creek six or eight miles below that place. We immediately returned to the infant town of San Felipe—then containing but two or three log cabins— 88 and reported our suspicions of the Tonkewas. Austin raised a few men and went with us to the fort, where we were joined by a few more men—making our force thirty strong. Austin dispatched two men to look for the Tonkewas, but before they returned Carita came to us and acknowledged that five of his young men had stolen our horses. He said the horses should be restored and the thieves punished. We immediately proceeded to the camp of the Indians, where all the horses were promptly restored, save one, which Carita promised to deliver next day. He pointed out the five men who had committed the theft—each of whom was sentenced to receive fifty lashes and have one-half of his head shaved. Carita inflicted one-half of the stripes and my father the other half. The lash was very lightly laid on by Carita who frequently paused to ask Austin “cuantos.” Before he had inflicted his moiety of the stripes the culprits pretended to swoon; but as soon as father began to apply the lash they were roused to the most energetic action. The sentence was fully executed on four—of the thieves—the remaining one, being sick, was excused from the whipping but was to have his head polled after his brother offenders were disposed of; but while the castigation was proceeding, the sick man managed to save his locks by running off and concealing himself in a thicket.
We returned to the Fort, and next day Carita delivered us the missing horse. The other division of the Tonkewa tribe was, at this time, on the Colorado under the chief Sandia. 89
During the same summer a Frenchman and two Mexicans, all residents of Louisiana, returning from the Rio Grande with a small cavallada passed through our neighborhood and crossed the Brazos, at the La Bahia road. As they passed by the residence of Martin Varner (near the present town of Independence) they stole his most valuable horse. Our Alcalde, Josiah H. Bell, ordered me to raise a few men and pursue the thieves[.] The men who went with me were, Martin Varner, Samuel Kennedy, James Nelson, Oliver Jones and George Robinson. About midnight of the day we started we arrived at a creek much swollen by a recent rain. Dark as it was we swam this stream and about an hour before day, on the waters of the Trinity, we came upon the camp of the thieves[.] We remained a short distance from the camp until daylight when we pounced upon and captured them. 90 We, however, released one of the Mexicans, as, from circumstances, we did not believe he had participated in the theft. We also permitted him to keep such of the horses as he claimed. The Frenchman and the other Mexican and their horses (ten or eleven) we brought back to the Brazos. Though our alcalde (J. H. Bell) considered the guilt of the prisoners unquestionable, he thought it best to send them to the civil authorities of San Antonio to be dealt with. Accordingly, in pursuance of his order, I set out for San Antonio with the prisoners, but just after crossing the Colorado, at the La Bahia road, I met Moses Morrison and one or two other Americans returning from San Antonio, who dissuaded me [from] proceeding to that place, assuring me that the Mexican authorities would set the prisoners at liberty without punishment.
Uncle Robt. Kuykendall resided, at that time, a few miles below the La Bahia crossing. I went down to consult him—taking the prisoners with me. At Uncle Robert's I first met with and was introduced to Samuel M. Williams (then E. Eccles). 91 The prisoners were examined before uncle Robert, 92 Mr. Williams acting as interpreter. Each of the prisoners was sentenced to receive thirty-nine lashes—which sentence was duly executed; after which the Frenchman was released, it appearing that he was only accessory to the theft. I was advised to take the principal back to Bell for further proceedings, which I did, and Bell ordered me to whip him again and release him on the east side of the Brazos with orders to depart the colony forthwith—all of which was done.
I had had this fellow in charge for some time, and although it had been my unpleasant duty to punish him, I always treated him with as much leniency as was consistent with his safe custody. He appeared to like me and when I gave him a wallet of provisions and told him he was at liberty he seemed a good deal affected and begged me, in broken English, should I ever visit Louisiana to call on him. He said he was a householder, and, to cap the climax of his respectability, had (to use his own words) “a nigger to wife.”
As these thieves had given me and others a good deal of trouble, Mr. Bell caused their ponies to be sold to remunerate us.
A still greater outrage was perpetrated this summer by another party of Mexicans from the border of Louisiana. They were en route to the Rio Grande and finding a small party of Mexicans on Scull creek with a cavallada which they were driving east, the Louisianians camped with them. The ensuing night they fell upon their Rio Grande brethren and after murdering two or three and dispersing the rest, took possession of the cavallada. Carrasco, the owner of the horses, though wounded escaped to the settlement on the Colorado; whereupon uncle Robt. Kuykendall with a few men, started in pursuit of the thieves, who, it was soon discovered had separated into two parties (having divided the horses) one of which had crossed the Colorado a short distance below the Labahia road and the other many miles above it,—The latter party after crossing the river fell into and followed the San Antonio road and escaped to Louisiana—but the former was pursued by uncle Robert and overtaken on the west bank of the Brazos at the Coshattie crossing. Two of them were killed and their [heads (?)] stuck on poles at the roadside. The horses were also retaken and restored to the owner. After these examples the “border ruffians” ceased their depredations within the bounds of Austin's colony.
In November 1823, my father moved about thirty miles farther down the Brazos and settled on its right bank eight miles above San Felipe. Here he opened a farm in the river bottom and next season raised a good crop of corn. In the spring of 1824 a party of Mexicans stole some horses from the Wacoes and brought them into our neighborhood. The Indians followed them down and to indemnify themselves stole the first horses they found, which chanced to be ours. We thus lost thirteen head of valuable horses—everything of the horse kind we possessed, except one mule, which escaped from the Indians and returned home.
We pursued the thieves to the head of Cummin's creek—about forty miles, where we lost the trail and returned home by the way of the fort on the Colorado. (This fort was on the east side of the river some twelve or fourteen miles below the present town of La Grange. It was a block house enclosed with palisades. All the families of the neighborhood were then within the fort.)
In the month of July of this year, Col. Austin, in consequence of the continual depredations of the Carancawas determined to lead an expedition against them. This expedition, between forty and fifty strong, started from San Felipe, where my father, brother B. and myself joined it. When we got near the Colorado, Austin sent a detachment through the head of Bay Prairie to look for the Indians. With the remainder of the company he crossed the river a short distance below Eagle Lake and proceeded down the west side to Jennings's camp where he was joined by the portion of the command which had been detached. Thence the expedition proceeded to the Lavaca below the mouth of the Navidad. Most of our route was through a prairie country without road or path. Bordering many of the creeks which we crossed were very dense thickets. Austin detailed pioneers to open roads through such places.
After arriving at the Lavaca without finding any Indians or recent traces of them, Austin came to the conclusion that they had gone to the San Antonio river; but as our provisions were nearly exhausted, he determined to return to San Felipe get an ample supply of provisions, increase his force, and march direct to La Bahia.
Accordingly, we returned home, and after a few days, occupied in making the necessary preparations, we set out a second time from San Felipe. Nearly every man who was in the first expedition was in the second also. But our force was now considerably augmented. There were about ninety men—thirty of whom were negroes—the slaves of Col. Jared E. Groce, mounted, armed and commanded by him. This second expedition passed the Colorado at the Atascocito crossing. We marched on the Atascacito road. It was in the month of August and the weather was so oppressively warm, that, in the great prairie between the Garcitas and the Guadalupe, one of our men fainted and fell from his horse. He was bled and soon revived. That evening we arrived at the Guadalupe river and encamped for the night, on its left bank, nearly a mile above the present town of Victoria. At that time there was not a single habitation on the Guadalupe from its head to its mouth. Here we passed a merry evening. Fun and frolic ruled the hour. Col. William Pettus, known to all old settlers as “uncle Buck,” and Col. Gustavus Edwards, both corpulent, middle-aged men, but mirthful as school-boys, entertained us with a foot-race.
When we got within twelve or fifteen miles of La Bahia, we were met by an express from the civil authorities of that place, requesting Austin not to march his force nearer than three or four miles of the town. In compliance with this request the expedition camped at a creek about four miles east of town. Shortly afterwards the civil and ecclesiastical functionaries of La Bahia paid us a visit— the latter being clad in their sacerdotal garments.
These functionaries came to mediate for the Carancawas, by whom they had been authorised to say that they would not in future pass to the east of the San Antonio river. (See note 3.) Austin agreed not to make war upon the Carancawas as long as they should keep this pledge.—When the officials returned to town Austin accompanied them thither—some of the men also, by special permission visited the town. They saw no Indians there, nor could we ascertain where they were; but it was generally believed that they were not far from Labahia. Next day the expedition commenced its homeward march. It returned by the same route it had travelled going out.
A few days after the return of this expedition my father and I went on another trip in quest of the Cokes. At Peach creek on the Colorado we joined a party of ten or twelve men and proceeded thence towards Bell's landing on the Brazos. We crossed the Bernard a few miles above “Damon's Mound.” On the east side of the Bernard, near the point where we crossed it we found a herd of Buffalo and killed one.
Upon our arrival at Bell's landing we were joined by a few more men. Here we left our horses and proceeded down the river in boats. When we arrived within a few miles of the mouth the boats landed and a party of three or four men (including myself) went out on foot nearly to the Bernard to look for the Indians. We returned to the boats, however, without having made any discovery. We then proceeded down to the mouth of the river, whence parties were sent several miles east and west along the beach, but no Indians were found. We therefore returned to Bell's landing where the company was dissolved and the men returned home. Few of those who composed this little company are now living. Every one, save myself, whose name is recollected, has long since passed away, viz., my father, Josiah H. Bell, Owen N. Stout, John Elam, James Jones, and Brit. Bailey and his two sons, Smith and Gaines. The latter was killed by the Cokes a short time afterwards.
The total distance traveled by my father and myself (going and coming[)] on these various expeditions during the two months of July and August, was upwards of eight hundred miles.
This fall the Wacoes again visited our neighborhood and stole all, or nearly all, the horses of Mr. John Cummings. We followed the thieves as far as the Yegua—about fifty miles—where we lost their trail in consequence of the great number of wild horses and buffalo which then ranged through that section of country.
In the spring of 1826, Austin resolved to make a campaign against the Wacoes and Tawacanies, whose depredations had become frequent. The various companies and squads which were to compose the expedition, started for the place of rendezvous (the crossing of the Brazos at San Antonio road) about the 15th of May. My father and myself started on the 17th of May. Most of the men from the Brazos crossed that river at the Labahia road and proceeded up the river to the San Antonio road. A company from the Colorado crossed at the San Antonio road. As they were fording the river the horse of Thomas Alley of this company fell and threw his rider into the river. Alley rose and waded a short distance but was finally washed down stream by the rapid current and sank. It was supposed that he was hurt by the fall from his horse. The body was found and interred a day or two afterwards. We remained two days on the east side of the river. The few settlers thereabout were forted, in a log house inclosed with pickets.
Our entire force was about one hundred and ninety men—the command of which was assigned by Austin to Captain Aylett C. Buckner. Horatio Chriesman, Bartlet Sims, William Hall and Ross Alley were captains of companies.
The first day's march of the expedition from the place of rendezvous was to the Little Brazos a distance of fifteen miles. Here we were ordered to leave all our provisions, save rations for three days, as a forced march was intended against the Waco and Tawacanie village.
The second day after we marched from the Little Brazos the rain began to descend in torrents, rendering the ground extremely boggy and thereby greatly impeding our march. The third night after we left the Little Brazos was one of great discomfort. Our camp ground was muddy and boggy and the night cloudy, dark and drizzly. At a late hour one of the sentinels fired off his gun and cried “Indians!” For some minutes our camp was a scene of confusion beyond description. Many of our men had been unable to keep their guns dry and now, in every direction, could be heard the sharp and rapid clinking of metal, caused by their efforts to unscrew the breech-pins of their rifles in order to extract the incombustible powder. Our horses were also taken with a panic and threatened to stampede. The men groped their way through the camp, endeavoring to find out the cause of the alarm. Finally, from various circumstances they arrived at the conclusion (subsequently fully verified) that it was a false alarm raised by order of our commander. This expedient to put the men on the alert, however well intended, was considered by them ill-timed and unnecessary and caused much dissatisfaction.
Next day, though the weather continued unpropitious the march was resumed. When the expedition arrived within three or four miles of the Tawacanie village it was halted at a creek (which was swimming) and five or six men—amongst whom were uncle Robert K. and myself, were sent forward to reconnoitre the village. We found it deserted. The Waco village was on the west side of the river a little further up. We could not reach it, as the river was much swollen, but ascertained that it too was uninhabited.
Appearances indicated that the Tawacanie village had been vacated about two weeks. The Indians were doubtless gone on a buffalo hunt. Their patches of corn were in silk and tassel. There was an abundance of beans of which we picked a mess or two but destroyed nothing. When we returned and reported to Capt Buckner, he immediately ordered the homeward march of the expedition. Until we reached our deposit of provisions our march was rapid, for our three days' rations had been exhausted for as many days. When we reached the Brazos at the San Antonio road, the expedition was disbanded.
In the autumn of this year (1826) the Fredonian disturbances commenced. In November or December, Austin sent my father, Judge Ellis, and Francis W. Johnson to Nacogdoches to see the leaders of the Fredonians and endeavor to dissuade them from rash measures. They were, however, unable to effect anything. After their return to San Felipe the Mexican and colonial troops marched against the revolutionists.
So large a proportion of the men of the colony was sent on this service that Austin deemed it prudent to order my father with eight men to range the country between the Colorado and Brazos along the San Antonio road to detect any inroad of the Wacoes or other northern tribes[.] This service he performed until after the termination of the Fredonian troubles. These men he had with him were, B. Kuykendall, W. Kuykendall, Early Robbins, Thomas Stevens, John Jones, James Kiggans, John Walker and J. Furnaish. At that time the San Antonio road, except at the point where it crosses the Brazos, was from thirty to forty miles above the outmost settlements.
(To be concluded in another book.) 93
Note 1.
The Choctaws, Cherokees and other northern Indians frequently came to Texas for the purpose of hunting deer and other game and waging war against the various aboriginal tribes of the Province. On our way down to the fort we met, at Allen's creek, nine miles below San Felipe, a party of between twenty and thirty Choctaws and Coshatties[.] A night or two previously the Choctaws of this company, whilst traveling on foot, unexpectedly met a party of Cokes on the prairie a mile or two below the Fort, and killed five of them without sustaining any loss on their part. All the Cokes except one, were on foot. The one who was mounted had a large alligator tied to his saddle. As the ponderous reptile impeded his flight he cut it and dropt it in the prairie. We passed by the spot two or three days afterwards and saw the remains of both Cokes and Crocodile
Note 2.
John Tomlinson, the Alcalde for the Colorado, had previous to this time, been killed by the Indians on or near the Guadalupe[.] I think Robt. Kuykendall then held some civil office by appointment.
Note A.
My first visit to San Felipe was in May 1823. To the best of my recollection there was then but one cabin in the place. It was occupied, and probably built by, the brothers John and Achilles McFarlane.
Note 3.
I have read but a small portion of Yoacum's History, but chanced to light upon his relation of this Treaty with the Carancawas, in which he says, in substance, that it was faithfully observed by them. This is an error. Some of the greatest atrocities ever committed by these Indians in Austin's colony were perpetrated after this treaty was made.—
J. H. K.
Note B.
The number of warriors of the Tonkewa tribe did not much exceed one hundred—it certainly did not reach one hundred and fifty.
I was a sergeant in Capt. Moseley Baker's company, first regiment, Texas army, during the campaign of the spring of 1836. Our army on its retreat from the Colorado, encamped on the evening of the 26th of March, about a mile from the town of San Felipe. Early the ensuing morning, by order of Genl. Houston, I was detailed by Captain Baker with six men of his company to take charge of the ferry at San Felipe. I was instructed by Genl. Houston to let no man cross at the ferry without written permission from him. I immediately proceeded to the ferry and took possession of the boat. Shortly afterwards Capt. Baker arrived at the ferry with the remainder of his company and camped on the west bank of the river. He was detached by Genl. Houston after the army was paraded to march.
The succeeding day (Mar. 28th) Captain Baker crossed his company to the east bank of the river and began to dig a ditch the entire length of which, when completed, was one hundred and twenty-four yards. It was in the form of an L, the longer part fronting the river. The shorter part was below the road and extended eastward. The dirt was thrown outside the ditch. This work occupied us until the evening of the 31st of Mar. when Capt. Baker paraded the company and informed the men that he had received intelligence that the Mexican army had crossed the Colorado and was advancing on San Felipe; that he had been instructed by Genl. Houston, upon the approach of the enemy to burn the town, and that in obedience to said order the company would now proceed to reduce it to ashes. We crossed the river after night and it was about eight o'clock when we arrived in the streets of San Felipe, where Capt. Baker again harangued us. He stated, in substance, that he thought it was bad policy to burn the town but that Genl. Houston was inimical to him and would avail himself of any plausible pretext to injure him. He was therefore determined to execute his orders to the letter. He then commenced the work of destruction by setting fire to his own office with his own hand. The houses were of wood and the conflagration was rapid and brilliant. It was nearly midnight and the town was almost consumed, when the company returned to camp.
A large amount of goods were destroyed by this conflagration. All the merchants, with the exception of William P. Huff, had previously left the place but were represented by their clerks.
Some of our men asked permission of the clerks to take such goods as they needed; but this was refused, even when the torch was about to be applied to the stores. Neither Captain Baker's men nor the people of the town doubted that it was destroyed by order of the commander-in-chief.
The clerks crossed the river and camped with our company. Next morning (Apl. 1) we resumed working on our entrenchment. This morning Capt. Baker wrote to Genl. Houston. Before dispatching the letter he said to me and others of his mess, “General Houston is inimical to me—I have to be very cautious—I will read you this letter.” He read it accordingly. It stated, in substance, that having received intelligence that the enemy had crossed the Colorado and were advancing towards San Felipe, he had, in obedience to the order of the commander-in-chief, burned the town. 94 General Houston replied to this communication the same day. Capt. Baker read the reply to myself and others. It stated in general terms, that the commander-in-chief approved of Captain Baker's course. Shortly after the burning of the town we were reinforced by Capt. Kimbrough's company[.] Our force now amounted to one hundred and twenty or one hundred and twentyfive men, including, however, several merchants' clerks, and others, only temporarily attached to the command. For several days we were in hourly expectation of the arrival of the enemy. On the evening of the 5th Apl. James M. Bell, William Simpson and myself were selected by Captain Baker for what was deemed a perilous service, namely, to act as a picket guard the ensuing night on the San Felipe side of the river. We crossed the river—then very high—in a canoe which Captain Baker ordered should be sent back immediately—so fearful was he of its falling into the hands of the enemy and affording them the means of crossing the river and surprising his camp. We, however, managed to keep the canoe and locked it to a tree. We then proceeded on and posted ourselves on a gentle eminence in the prairie a little west of the site of the main part of the town and about three-fourths of a mile from the ferry. Bell and myself stood the first and second watches. The third and last was assigned to Simpson. As Capt. Baker had ordered us to return to camp very early next morning, Bell and I, when we lay down, requested Simpson to wake us at daylight[.]
This, however, he neglected to do and we were roused at sunrise by the clattering of horses' feet. “What is that said I?” Bell rose and exclaimed “Mexicans by G—d!” There were about a hundred cavalry, the advance guard of the Mexican army. Though not more than seventy or eighty yards distant they had not yet perceived us, their whole attention being engrossed by Simpson, who, it seems, as soon as daylight appeared, went into an unfenced garden about sixty yards from our post and was looking for vegetables when the Mexicans surprised him. They did not fire at him and seemed anxious to capture him which they very soon did. 95 In the meantime Bell and I were running at the top of our speed towards the ferry. The Mexicans discovered us before we had got half way and instantly the whole squadron spurred their horses in pursuit of us. We followed the high road which passed a little to the right of the head of a ravine. The Mexicans, aiming to cut us off from the river, bore so far to the left that they struck the ravine (which was impassable for cavalry) and had to make a detour to get round the head of it. This saved us. Yet, we would still have been lost had I listened to the rash proposition of my companion to face the enemy and fight! We had scarcely got into the canoe and pushed it from the shore when the Mexicans were on the bank and shooting at us. They fired two or three rounds before we reached the opposite shore and one of them bade us in good English, “bring back that boat!”
When Capt. Baker's men saw the Mexican cavalry galloping towards the ferry, they mistook it for Wash. Secrest's spy company, and were not undeceived until the enemy began to fire at the boat. They then returned the fire and it was supposed, wounded one of the Mexicans. The cavalry quickly retired and half an hour afterwards the Mexican army arrived and encamped in the prairie, south and west of the site of the town and from four to six hundred yards from the ferry. Capt. Baker immediately moved his camp about a fourth of mile further up the river, but a portion of the command constantly occupied the ditch. Sentinels were placed along the bank of the river for more than a mile above and below our entrenchment[.]
During the remainder of this day, the only molestation we received was from one individual of the enemy, who posted himself behind a brick oven near the bank of the river, and fired at us with a rifle, the greater part of the day. I was afterwards informed that this indefatigable rifleman was an American of the name of Johnson who had deserted to the Mexicans. At daylight on the morning of the 7th, just as I was rising from my pallet in the ditch, I was startled by the booming of a cannon which had been planted near the head of a ravine opposite the ferry, and on what was known as commercial square.
Many rounds of roundshot, grape and cannister were discharged at us, throwing the sand upon us and knocking the bark from the cottonwood trees that extended their branches over us. We also suffered a casualty. John Bricker of Capt. Baker's company, after having been relieved at his post below the entrenchment started up to the camp, but loitered on his way to pick up cannon balls and was struck by a cannister shot. Almost instant death ensued, though the ball had barely buried itself in his temple. The ferry boat was this day scuttled and sunk in obedience to an order from Genl. Houston received by Capt. Baker the evening of the 6th. The Mexicans cannonaded us daily from the 7th to the 10th Apl. inclusive. On the morning of the 11th we ascertained that the enemy had left San Felipe. About this time Captain John Byrd with a company of mounted men rode into our camp and informed Capt. Baker that he had verbal orders from Genl. Houston to supersede him in the command of that post. Capt. Baker immediately paraded his men and informed them that Capt. Byrd had been sent to supersede him, to which, he said, he was not disposed to submit. He said he had defended the crossing until the Mexican army had departed and he could not see the necessity of remaining any longer in that position—but submitted it to the men whether they would remain or march to rejoin the army. All voted to march. Capt. Baker therefore issued orders to that effect and early in the night we took up the line of march—leaving Capt. Byrd's company at our camp.
That night we marched to Irons's creek—six miles. Next morning (Apl. 12th) we crossed the creek—which was much swollen—on a raft, and encamped on the east side, where we remained two days. Meantime the Mexicans had effected the passage of the river at Fort Bend, despite the vigilance of Capt. Wyly Martin, to whom, with a company composed of the men of that neighborhood, the defense of that crossing had been entrusted. While we lay at Irons's creek, Capt. Martin and his company and many of the fugitive families of Fort Bend passed within a mile of our camp. Captain Baker went out to see them. He returned to camp much affected by the distress he had witnessed among the women and children, a number of whom were travelling on foot. Learning from one of the ladies that she had been insulted by a negro man, he sought the negro and intended, had he found him, to run him through with his sword. Captain Baker wept.
On the morning of the 14th we resumed the march and the same evening rejoined the army at Donaho's. * * * On the 18th Apl. the army arrived at Harrisburg—and encamped. On the morning of the 19th the army was paraded. Genl. Houston addressed us. He said the enemy was not far off and he was going to lead us against them—said if there was a man in the ranks who did not feel like fighting he had permission to remain with Major McNutt, who had command of the camp guard. He said, when you engage the enemy, let your battle cry be “Remember the Alamo!” Col. Rusk followed with a short but very stirring speech—he said let your battle cry be “The Alamo and La Bahia!” We were then dismissed for a short time to prepare rations for 3 days * * * On the afternoon of the 21st when the army was paraded to attack the Mexicans, Capt. Baker harangued his company. 96 He said he wished his men neither to give nor ask quarter—as a token of which he proposed that the company carry a red flag. A vote was taken whether we should or not—but one man—(John H. Money) voted against it. A red handkerchief was therefore hoisted for a flag, and carried until the battle commenced, when from some cause it was thrown away. * * * When the army started back to camp, (after the battle) it was about dusk. It was halted a moment at the breastworks of the Mexicans, and Genl. Houston addressed it in a few very eloquent sentences which I long remembered but have now forgotten. After he had concluded he said to Capt. Baker—“Captain B. have I not done my duty?” [“]Yes, Genl.,” replied our Capt. “but I wish you had done it sooner.” I was not aware that Genl. Houston had been wounded until about the time he began to address the army. * * * I was present when Santa Anna was brot. into the presence of Gen. Houston and remained until the memorandum was drawn up and signed. After it was written, Almonte asked Genl. Houston how it should be dated. Genl. H. replied `Lynchburg, I believe, is the name of the place.” Col. Wharton said “San Jacinto Genl.—let it be San Jacinto”—which was adopted.
Note 1.
Capt. Baker retained a copy of this letter. I saw him write it and assisted him to compare it with the original. He kept a copy of all his correspondence with Genl. Houston. * * * A few days after the battle of San Jacinto, Captain Baker accompanied a detachment under Col Burleson, sent to watch the movements of the Mexican army then retreating between the Brazos &Colorado. Before he left camp he handed me a package of papers—saying it was his correspondence with Genl. Houston—and enjoined me to take especial care of it until his return, which I did. Years afterwards, when it was said Genl. Houston denied authorising the burning of San Felipe and threw the responsibility of the act on Captain B. I wondered that the latter did not publish this correspondence * * * Genl. Houston's order to Capt. Baker to burn San Felipe (if ever given) was merely verbal. Capt. Baker knew very little about military matters and did not sufficiently appreciate the importance of written orders—a great error, considering his relations with the commander-in-chief. When Genl. Houston's Fabian policy began to develope itself on the Colorado Capt. B. vehemently opposed it. He was in favor of fighting the enemy at the Colorado, and during the whole campaign he denounced the commander-in-chief in unmeasured terms, and was in favor of deposing him from the chief command. He thought General Houston deserved impeachment, and after the battle of San Jacinto drew up charges and specifications for that purpose.
Note. 2.
Simpson afterwards informed me that a Mexican officer overtook and struck him with the flat of his sword—and bade him surrender, which he did. He was immediately taken before Santa Anna of whom he forthwith enquired what was to be his fate. Santa Anna replied that his life would be spared on condition that he would tell the truth. This he promised to do. He was then required to state all he knew in regard to the strength, condition, position &c, of the Texian army, which he did. The Mexicans found on his person a letter which he had recently received from his wife and which corroborated the greater part of his statement. He was detained as a prisoner and compelled to work until a few days after the battle of San Jacinto[.] When the intelligence of that event, brought by a wounded soldier, reached Felisola at Fort Bend, Mr. Simpson says, a considerable portion of that division had already crosed the river, but was immediately crossed back to the west side and Filisola began his retreat. On the march, Simpson, unnoticed, lay down in the prairie, the high grass of which concealed him from view, and after the army had passed he rose and went his way.
Round Top, Fayette Co. Texas, March, 1858. Dear Sir:
I owe you an apology for the cramped hand in which the following pages are written. I know I ought to send you a better specimen of calligraphy, but am really too indolent to copy. I have still various papers in hand, which I beg to retain until I can obtain a few additional facts, without which they are incomplete.
Should you find anything in this or the other volume which may need explanation, please write to me on the subject.
Last fall I sent you a list of errata. You will find the same list at the close of this vol.
Respectfully yours, &c J. H. K. 97
Abraham Alley and his brothers John C. and Thomas D. Alley immigrated to Texas from the State of Missouri in the spring of 1822. At N. Orleans they embarked on board the schooner James Lawrence bound for the mouth of the Colorado—the messrs Alley, however, debarked on the west end of Galveston Island.
Thence they proceeded on foot to Fort settlement on the Brazos and thence to the Atoscacito crossing on the Colorado, where they settled on the east side of the river. An elder brother, Rawson Alley, was already in Austins colony whither he had immigrated the year before. In the winter of 1824 another brother, William Alley, also emigrated from Missouri and settled on the Colorado. At the period of their immigration they were all young and single men. In the fall of 1822 or the winter of 1822-3, John C. Alley, John C. Clark and another man were coming up the Colorado in a canoe when they were attacked by the Carancawas near the mouth of Scull creek and Alley and — were killed[.] Clark was severely wounded but after three days arrived at the Atoscacito crossing. About the time of this occurrence as Robert Brotherton from the settlement near the locality of the present town of Columbus was going down the west side of the river with a horse and cart he met a party of Carancawas (supposed to have been the same that attacked the canoe) who at first affected friendship but presently shot him in the back with an arrow. With great difficulty he effected his escape to the settlement where he resided. The settlers immediately went in quest of the Indians whom they found and defeated near the mouth of Scull creek (see other accounts).—In the spring of 1824 Captain Rawson Alley commanded a company in Buckner's campaign against the Wacoes and Tawacanies. Abraham and Thomas Alley were members of this company. Thomas was drowned in the Brazos river on the upward march of the expedition. “In the summer of 1825” says Mr. Alley “a party of Wacoes and Tawacanies came to our settlement professing friendship and stating that they were on their way to San Felipe to see the `capitan grande' (Austin) but the next night they stole seventeen horses and mules. Most of the horses belonged to my brothers and myself. The mules—a valuable team—belonged to a Mexican trader who had stopped in the neighborhood. We never recovered one of these animals.
[“]Early in the autumn of 1826 a runner came to us from the upper settlement on the Colorado with the news that a party of sixteen Wacoes and Tawacanies had appeared in that neighborhood professing friendship but who were all afoot and provided with ropes and bridles. As it was believed they had come down to steal horses our aid was invoked to attack them before they could consummate their object. It was late in the evening when we received this news, and at nightfall brother Rawson, myself and a few others set out for the upper settlement—a distance of thirty miles. We arrived at the spot designated for the rendezvous—some time before day, where we found Capt. Jas. J. Ross at the head of the party of the upper settlement. Our whole force was about twentyfive men.
The Indians were encamped not far away on the bank of a creek in the open Postoak woods and within fifty yards of the cabin of a Mr. Anderson. Before leaving the place of meeting, the plan of attack was arranged. My brother in command of a party, was to get in the rear of the Indians and take a position under the bank of the creek and await the attack of Capt. Ross's party in front.
[“]About the dawn of day my brother's party, to which I belonged, gained the position agreed upon. Here we remained in profound silence until Ross's party delivered their fire. The Indians, in consternation, leaped down the bank of the creek where they met the muzzles of our rifles and fell rapidly before our aim. The thigh of the Indian chief was broken, and one of our men (Griffin) had a hand to hand struggle with him before he was despatched.
[“]Nearly all the Indians fell, either on the spot or within a few hundred yards. There was good reason to believe that fifteen of the sixteen were killed or mortally wounded. One of the latter was found a few week[s] afterwards, still breathing. The Indians were so completely surprised that it is believed they did not shoot an arrow at us.”
Mr. Alley was a member of what was known as the San Saba expedition (1829)[.] He belonged to a small company commanded by his brother Rawson. Capt. Rawson Alley died in May 1883. The surviving brothers, Abraham and William, still reside on the Colorado near the Atascocito crossing.
Anno 1857.
Note.—The Mexicans greatly feared these Indians, who frequently visited their towns and were treated most hospitable, but the Indians upon their departure, generally stole horses, or committed other depredations. The same policy did not succeed so well in the “white settlements.”
By a Private in the Texian Army. 98
Dr. Lewis B. Dayton, it is believed, was a native of one of the northern States. In the winter of 1825-6 he came to Austin's colony, stopped about eight miles above San Felipe and boarded at the house of William Robbins. He was a man of good education and thought to be an excellent physician. He was, however, evidently fond of fishing in muddy waters. He soon found fault with Austin and his secretary (Williams), and denounced them in the most violent terms. He endeavored, and with some degree of success, to convince the settlers, that Austin, who alone was in possession of the colonization laws, suppressed such as favored the colonists, who, he contended, were not receiving their rights. Hearing a young man in the neighborhood sing a doggerel ballad he determined to adapt it so as to apply to Austin and Williams. Shortly afterwards copies of Dayton's parody were placed in the hands of various persons. Indeed the song soon became popular in various parts of the colony. One quatrain is remembered. It ran as follows:
“The first of those villians who came to this State Was runaway Stephen F. Austin the great; He applied to the Mexicans as I understand And from them got permission to settle this land.[”]
(Chorus.)
The mere fact that this scurrilous balad was sung by many persons throughout the colony is sufficient evidence of the spread of a strong and dangerous prejudice against the Empresario and his Secretary. Happily for the colony Dayton's career was of short duration. Early in the autumn of 1826 whilst on a visit to Fort settlement he was arrested by William Hall and others, on the charge of uttering false and slanderous accusations against the Empresario and endeavoring to produce grave disturbances in the Colony. Dayton expected to be tried by a lawful officer. But he was taken back to San Felipe arraigned before the tribunal of Judge Lynch and sentenced to be tarred and feathered. This sentence was instantly carried into effect. His head was besmeared with tar and the contents of a pillow emptied upon it. He was then released and ordered to depart the Colony forthwith. He, accordingly, did leave it immediately and never returned.
Had Dayton possessed as much nerve as venom he would probably have rallied his friends—of whom he had not a few—and caused a good deal of commotion in the colony.
At the time of this occurrence Austin was absent from San Felipe. After his return he expressed regret that Dayton had been mobbed, and said, had he been at home, it should not have happened.
(Compiled from the recollections of myself and others.)
During colonial times in Texas the full stock rifle with flint and steel lock was the gun generally used. After the invention of the percussion lock many were slow to adopt it.
Beef cut in strings and dried, penole and coffee, were the usual provisions for a campaign. In long campaigns each mess of eight or ten men had a packhorse. The men never encumbered themselves with anything that was not indispensable. Tents were not used in campaigns against the Indians.—From the first settlement of Austin's colony until the war of Independence—a period of fourteen years—every man furnished his own horse, arms, ammunition and provisions and never received any compensation whatever.
During the war of Independence privates received eight dollars a month and three hundred and twenty acres of land for three months' service.—The soldier, when discharged, was generally without money or clothing and was often necessitated to sell scrip and Land Warrant at a very great sacrifice, to purchase a few articles of apparel. I have also known men to sell their warrants for five or ten cents an acre in order to buy an outfit for another campaign.
With here and there an exception, those who made the most patriotic sacrifices and devoted the best years of their lives to the service of their country, are now amongst the poorest men in it. In battling to extend “the area of Freedom” they have contracted the area of their purses almost to the starving point.
In that portion of the State embraced within the limits of Austin's colony, the face of the country has greatly changed since its first settlement. In 1821 and for several years afterwards, wild oats and wild rye grew in great luxuriance in the bottoms of the Brazos and Colorado. These fine grasses have long since disappeared. In many localities in the same bottoms where dense and extensive cane brakes formerly existed, scarcely a cane can now be found. Many of the prairies on which, of old, the grass waved in rank luxuriance, have been grazed and trodden by stock until weeds and bushes are fast usurping their surface. Formerly the annual burning of the grass prevented the spread of forest vegetation in the prairies.
Thirty years ago the currents of the small creeks in the hilly and undulating portion of the colony whispered along through tall reeds and flags and “flowing hair of green confervæ,” and, here and there were deep and limpid pools, on the surface of which floated the broad, disc-like leaves of the water-lily. Innumerable perch, trout, and other scaly fry tenanted these pools undisturbed by the angler.
Now, how different is the aspect which these brooks present! The reeds, the flags, the confervæ, the lilies, and even the pools (and with them the fish) have disappeared, and in many instances, deep and unsightly ravines conduct the streams over muddy beds.
The formation of these ravines is easily explained. The cattle grazed and trampled down the flags and other vegetation and sank into and destroyed the cohesion of the turf. Successive freshets did the rest.
Greatly changed is also the appearance of the wooded bottoms of the larger creeks in the same section of the country. The small confluents of such streams, during freshets, carry down their tribute of earth washed from innumerable farms. This sediment is deposited over the length and breadth of the bottoms, covering from time to time the scanty winter-range that remains.
The wild honey-bee, which once hoarded its sweets in thousands of trees in these bottoms, has nearly disappeared, and bee-hunting, an occupation which, of old, richly rewarded the pioneer, is now no longer pursued.
For at least four years after the arrival of the first settlers in Austin's colony, there was not a practicing physician within its limits. I have often heard that to supply this need Austin induced a physician (perhaps Dr. Phelps) to come from the United States and settle in the colony. After the year 1825 the desideratum was amply supplied.—Preachers also came and occasionally broke to the settlers the bread of life. I well remember to have heard an old man of dilapidated mind named Bays or Baize—preach at the house of a neighbor of my father (Moses Shipman) early in the year 1824. I never knew to “which of all the sects” he belonged.
At an early period—as early as the winter of 1823-4—the school-master was also “abroad” and began to exercise his vocation in that primitive, and, when dedicated to such a purpose,—half sanctified institution, a log-cabin. I think it highly probable that Isaac M. Pennington was the first who wielded the ferule of the pedagogue. He taught reading, writing and arithmetic.
Very many of the first immigrants to Austin's colony had not even a hand-mill, and for a long time their only means of manufacturing meal was by pounding the corn with a wooden pestle in a mortar made in a log or stump. The first saw and gristmill propelled by water was erected on Mill creek by the Cummings family. It went into operation in the year 1826. One or two horse mills had been erected a short time before.
The army took up the line of march from the camp near Harrisburg about noon or perhaps a little later, of the 19th April. After marching down Buffalo Bayou between half and three quarters of a mile it began to cross the bayou in a small, frail, leaky flat-bottomed boat. We landed on the right bank almost immediately (a few paces) below the mouth of Sims's bayou. Here, in the pine woods, the men lay down and rested until dusk, at which time the march was resumed. It was not far to Vince's Bayou, which we crossed on the bridge. Here Santa Anna had encamped only a night or two before. His camp fires (extinct) extended from near the bridge into Vince's lane. The road passed through Vince's lane and near his house. (south of it) The night was pretty dark. The army marched slowly and in profound silence. Occasionally it was halted for a few moments. Orders to halt were given by our officers in a low tone. About a mile and half or two miles below Vince's the road crossed a ravine. On the west side of this ravine and a few paces (perhaps not more than fifty) to the left of the road we were halted and ordered to lay down on our arms. Our bivouac was in the open prairie.
Early on the morning of the 20th we resumed the march—still following the road to Lynche's ferry (or Lynchburg) [.] At the distance of two or three miles we reached a point of timber where we halted to eat breakfast. A number of cattle were grazing near us and several beeves were slaughtered, but just as we began to butcher them our scouts brought some information to Genl. Houston about the enemy and the butchering was not completed. By permission, many of the men discharged and reloaded their firearms. The march was then resumed towards Lynchburg—below which place the hamlet of New Washington was then undergoing conflagration—we distinctly saw the smoke. When the army entered the valley of the San Jacinto it was halted for fifteen or twenty minutes. When it resumed the march it diverged from the road (to the left) and entered a point of timber nearly opposite (but perhaps rather above) the mouth of Buffalo Bayou. Here, on the bank of the bayou, the army again halted and again some beeves which happened to be convenient, were shot down; but they were scarcely butchered when the enemy were discovered in the prairie marching towards us in solid column from below. We were quickly undèr arms again and moving along up the bank of the bayou. The march was continued about half a mile, when we halted. The second regt. (our left wing) was posted in a point of timber—the first Regt. farther up the bayou and under its bank (where there was also a narrow strip of timber) [.] The artillery was posted in the centre. (in the prairie.) On the bank, fronting the position of the first Regiment, was a narrow fringe of thicket—which was quickly cleared away with our knives. Before the enemy were within rifle shot both of our cannon opened on them—They instantly wheeled and moved to a position in an Island of timber, whence they opened on us a fire of artillery and musketry.
Years after the battle of San Jacinto, Col. Burleson informed me that on the 20th or 21st, an order was brought to him from General Houston by his aid (Col. Wharton) to detail men from his Regiment to build a floating bridge across the bayou.—Col. B. said he told the aid that his men would fight but would not work,—and refused to execute the order. Shortly afterwards Gen. Houston himself asked Col. B. if he refused to obey this order. Col. B. replied—“No, General, but I decline to obey it.” General Houston then asked the Col. of he would vouch for his men. Col. B. replied “Yes, General, I will vouch that every man in my Regiment will fight.”
* * * I do not believe that Genl. Houston wished to avoid a conflict with the enemy. The order to build the bridge was doubtless given to test the nerve of the men—to ascertain beyond a peradventure that they were willing to “do or die.” On the morning of the 20th, Lynche's ferryboat—a large and good one—had been brought up the bayou to our camp. In this boat the army could have been ferried over the bayou in a few hours. A floating bridge was therefore unnecessary, and the idea of constructing one, was, in my opinion, for these and other reasons, never seriously entertained[.]
Charles Amsler, a native of Switzerland immigrated to Texas in the summer of 1834, and settled near Mill creek in Austin's colony. Though very poor at the period of his migration, he has, by patient industry acquired a handsome competency. Mr. Amsler says: “In the autumn of 1835 my wife and I were picking cotton on Mr. Nichols's farm on Piney creek when I learned that men were needed to strengthen our army, which was then besieging San Antonio. I at once resolved to repair to the scene of action. With not a little difficulty I procured a horse to ride, and having no arms of my own I borrowed a worthless rifle of an acquaintance and set out alone for the army late in the month of November. Near Gonzales I met Genl. Austin—then on his way to the United States—and Col. Wm. Pettus. With the latter I was very well acquainted. I told him that I was going to the wars but complained of my lockless rifle. Pettus handed me his musket—a very good one,—in exchange for the rifle, which he promised to deliver to the owner who was a neighbor of his, and I went on my way rejoicing. Upon my arrival at the camp of the Colonial army I sought the company of Capt. John York—to which a number of my acquaintances belonged—for the purpose of joining it. Not finding Capt. York, who was temporarily absent—I applied to the first lieutenant—John Pettus, for permission to attach myself to the company. Lt. Pettus rejected my application for the reason that the company already had its complement of men. I then attached myself to Capt. Fisher's 100 company Almost immediately afterwards Col. Milam called for volunteers to storm the town. I joined the storming party and after we had effected a lodgment in the town and in the midst of the conflict, Capt. York recognised me and told me he wished me to join his company, which I at once did, with the permission of Capt. Fisher.—After the reduction of San Antonio de Bexar an expedition to the Rio Grande was set on foot by Cols. Grant and Johnson. I volunteered for this expedition—which set out from San Antonio about the first of January 1836. Becoming very sick on the march I was left in the care of some Mexican rancheros two or three miles west of the mission of Refugio. Late in the month of February, being convalescent, I became very anxious to return to my family, but had no horse to ride, and no means with which to buy one. I made known my condition to some people living near the rancho who very kindly furnished me a horse and I set out for home. Late in the ensuing evening I arrived at Goliad where I procured some provisions and continuing my journey four or five miles farther stopped in a ravine a short distance from the road, tethered my horse, and lay down. About two o'clock in the ensuing morning, I awoke, kindled a fire, and was boiling some coffee when a man rode up and enquired where I was from. I told him from the mission. “I” said he “am from San Antonio and am on my way to Goliad with dispatches for Col. Fannin. I am much fatigued and will rest awhile with you.” So saying, he dismounted and tethered his horse near mine. My coffee being now ready he joined me in drinking it. He was a sociable old gentleman and I was much pleased with him. After resting an hour or more, he said, “Well, my friend, we had better be traveling”—to which I assented and rose to go after my horse. “Please bring my horse too” said the stranger—“certainly,” said I, and walked away. The stranger then picked up my gun, threw out the priming and poured water in the pan. I did not witness these acts but was soon afterwards advised of them. When I led the horses to the camp-fire the agreeable stranger cocked his gun and presenting it at my breast, said “you are my prisoner!” Never was countryman of Tell and Winkelreid more amazed than I was at that moment! I demanded by what authority and for what offence I was arrested.—My captor replied—“By authority of Col. Fannin and for stealing that horse.” I assured him of my innocence and told him how I came in possession of the horse. The stranger then said—“My friend, I trust you did not steal the horse—I scarcely believe you did—but you are charged with having done so and I shall take both you and the horse back to Goliad”[.] I was compelled to submit and we started back towards Goliad.—After daylight I showed my captor a certificate from my captain of my good conduct in the storming of Bexar. I also represented my penniless condition and the probable destitution of my wife. My captor seemed moved and handed me two dollars saying—“This is the money I have—but I can do without it and it may relieve a little.” I now enquired the name of my generous captor. He told me it was Smith—Deaf Smith!—When we arrived at Goliad I was handed over to Col. Fannin. Mr. Conrad, of Goliad, who claimed the horse I rode, made the necessary proof and took his property. After a short detention I was exonerated from the charge of theft and released. I now set out for home on foot. I crossed the Guadalupe at the Labahia road. As the Mexican army of invasion was known to be near our frontier the few settlers on the lower portion of the Guadalupe had already abandoned their homes and moved eastward. About eight miles east of the river I found a house which had evidently been very recently vacated. A fresh wagon track led from the door in the direction I was traveling. I followed this wagon-track with the hope of overtaking the movers and late in the evening got in sight of the wagon on the waters of Lavaca. I also saw the oxen grazing in the prairie. When I arrived at the wagon some trunks were lying, broken open, around it, but no person was visible. At a short remove was a thicket, and it occurred to me that the movers were encamped in it. I walked a few steps towards it and found the half naked body of a man, pierced with many wounds and scalped.—Hastily glancing around, I discovered another dead man—much mangled and scalped. I knew at once that this was the work of Indians—who were doubtless then but a short distance from that spot, as the wounds of the murdered men were still bleeding. I was greatly shocked and traveled on with reasonable fears of becoming the next victim of the savages.
An hour or two after night, being much fatigued, I turned a few paces aside from the road and wrapping my blanket around me, lay down in the grass and was soon asleep. The day had been warm, but long before midnight I awoke thoroughly chilled and a piercing norther was sweeping over the prairie. I slept no more that night. When daylight came I resumed my journey slowly and painfully, for my limbs were so stiff and numb that at first, I was barely able to move at all. Early in the day I struck the road leading from San Felipe to Gonzales. Here I found several armed men encamped, on their way to the latter place. After warming myself well at their fire and taking some refreshment which they gave me, I again set out on my solitary march. I had proceeded but a few miles when I discovered, as I supposed, a number of mounted men moving rapidly towards me. I did not doubt that they were Indians, and though escape seemed hopeless, I ran as fast as possible towards the nearest woods, but soon broke down and stopped in the open prairie. Death appeared inevitable, yet I was resolved to sell my life as dearly as possible. Turning towards my pursuers, now near at hand—I beheld a score or two of horses without riders. They were mustangs. Having made a circuit around me and viewed me to their satisfaction, they galloped away. I resumed my journey and in due time and without further adventure, rejoined my wife on Mill creek. The tide of invasion had by this time reached our frontier—the Alamo had fallen—our little army was in full retreat from Gonzales, and nearly all the families of middle and western Texas were deserting their homes and moving eastward. A few of the German settlers on Mill creek not having any means of transportation, resolved to remain at home and take their chances. Mr. Frederic Ernst, the founder of the Industry settlement, vacated his house and camped in Mill creek bottom—hoping thereby to avoid discovery by the enemy. My own effects were no great encumberance, but my wife was enciente and unable to travel on foot. I therefore camped with Mr. Ernst. Mr. Frells and Mr. Wapler—neither of whom had a family—did likewise. Here we remained until our army arrived on the Brazos, when two of our neighbors, namely, Capt John York and John F. Pettus, returned from the Brazos and urged us to leave—saying that if we should not be discovered by the Mexicans the Indians would certainly find and destroy us. Capt. York said he would walk and let my wife ride his horse as far as the Brazos, and I willingly agreed to depart the ensuing day. Capt York then requested me to accompany him to his late home—a few miles further up the creek, to assist him to hunt some horses he had left there. I immediately borrowed a horse and we set out together. We had travelled about three miles when I discovered an Indian standing in the prairie—but he disappeared before I could point him out to Capt. York—who expressed the opinion that I had mistaken a wolf for an Indian. We galloped to the spot where I had seen the Indian—but nothing was visible. York was then satisfied that I was mistaken, and we travelled on.
After a fruitless search for York's horses, we returned, in the evening, to our camp. At nightfall, as the mosquitoes were somewhat troublesome at the camp, Mr. Wepler went to Ernst's house to sleep. Late in the night we were awakened by the discharge of fire-arms in the direction of the house, andp resently Mr. Wapler came to the camp and stated that a party of Indians had fired into the house—apparently at random, and then disappeared.
In a little while it was ascertained that Pettus's horse and one belonging to Frells, were missing.
Ere an hour had elapsed we again heard guns at a distance southward, and in a short time a Mr. Jeorgen, 101 who resided about three miles distant from Ernst's, ran into our camp nearly naked and bleedingly profusely from an arrow-wound in the arm. He stated that the Indians had forced open the front door of his cabin and fired into it—and that being without arms and consequently unable to make any defence, he had, after being wounded, escaped through a back door and left his family (a wife and two children) to their fate. To ascertain, if possible, what that fate had been, York, Pettus, Frells and myself—the former alone being mounted—instantly set out for Jeorgen's house, where we arrived a little after daylight—but found nobody either living or dead—about the premises, and the presumption was unavoidable that the family had been captured and carried away by the savages. We found the trail of about twenty Indians leading from the house. After following this trail two or three miles we gave up the pursuit as hopeless, and returned to our camp. These exciting occurrences “put life and mettle in the heels” of men, women and children, and in a few hours we were all on the way to the Brazos, the few effects we were able to take with us being hauled in an ox-cart of Mr. Frells.
Note 1.
One of the men whom Mr. Amsler found murdered on the waters of the Lavaca was named Hibbins. The name of the other is not recollected. He was said to have been brother-inlaw of Hibbins. Hibbins's family—a wife and two children—were made prisoners and borne away by the Indians.—Another Hibbins and his wife were, two or three years afterwards, murdered by Indians west of the San Antonio river 30 miles below Goliad. Their children were rescued by a party of Rangers.
Mrs. Jeorgen, after a long captivity, was purchased from the Indians and sent home by a U. S. Indian agent. I believe her children were also subsequently ransomed.
Note 2.
Jeorgen, in the foregoing paper, should be written Juergen. 102
In the Biographical sketch of Genl. Rusk in the Texas Almanac for 1858, occurs the following passage: “While the army was encamped on the evening previous to its reaching the forks of the road [near McCurley's] 104 the commander-in-chief called Col. Sherman to his tent and directed him to go through the camp and inform the officers and men that on the next day they would take the road to Harrisburg—that Col. Rusk, secretary of war, had given him a positive order to move in that direction, and that he was bound to obey the order as coming from his superior. The order was received by the whole army, with the greatest enthusiasm, as it ensured a speedy termination of the retreat and gave hope of a 105 battle with the advancing Mexicans.”
I cite the above passage in order to record my conviction of the erroneousness of the concluding sentence, which implies that Col. Sherman, in obedience to the order of the commander-in-chief, actually did go through the camp and communicate to the officers and men the intention of the general to take the right hand road to Harrsburg. If Col. Sherman asserts that he received such an order from Genl. H. I have no disposition to question his veracity—but I do deny that such information was disseminated generally, among “the officers and men,” and re-assert what I have elsewhere stated, namely, that it was not generally known which road the army would take until it arrived at the point where the road forked.
Perhaps the exhilarating information was confided to the staff and Regimental officers—perhaps also to a few others, whose “enthusiasm,” however, was certainly not manifested by either words, signs, or gestures. In short, were it worth while, I think I could easily convict Col. Sherman (provided the foregoing statement is made on his authority) of at least partial disobedience to the orders of the Commander in Chief.
In a hasty perusal of a portion of Yoakum's History, I note the following errors:
In vol. 1, page 213 he says, “Among the emigrants from Pecan Point was the Cherokee John Williams. * * It is probable Garrett and Higgins were the first settlers on the Brazos.”
John Williams was not an Indian but a white man—For aught I know he may have been called by the soubriquet of “Cherokee.” Garrett and Higgins were certainly not the first settlers on the Brazos. “Dewees' letters” which Yoacum several times quotes, are not reliable.
“They” (the Carancawas) “proposed to meet Col. Austin at Labahia and make a treaty. The latter colecting a hundred volunteers met them at the creek four miles east of La Bahia. Peace was made and the Indians obliged themselves not to come east of the San Antonio. This pledge they ever after observed.” Vol. 1 page 226.—This pledge the Indians did not observe. There are other errors in the sentences above quoted. (See the true version in some of the papers sent you.)
The account of what is termed the “San Saba expediton” on pages 260 &261 vol 1. is incorrect.
“The next day, the 21st, Ward set out again towards Victoria where he and his command surrendered to the enemy as prisoners of war.” Vol 2. page 89.
Ward did not surrender at Victoria but on the Garcitas several miles east from Victoria.
Note.—Yoacum's orthography of the name McCurley (so pronounced) is probably correct. He writes it McCareley.
On page 105 vol 2. speaking of the Texian troops at Gonzales on the 12th of March, he says “They had not two day's provisions: many were without arms and others destitute of ammunition.” This statement is not true. Provisions were plentiful; very few, if any, were without tolerable arms and none were destitute of ammunition.
“The Texan army reached the Navidad on the 14th” page 107. The army reached Daniels' on the Lavaca on the 14th and the Navidad on the 15th.
“He (Genl. Houston) reached this point (Burnham's) on the evening of the 17th” ibid.
I feel almost confident that the army reached Burnham's on the 16th.
“On the 27th the army resumed its march and reached the timbers of the Brazos; and on the 28th it arrived at San Felipe” page 114 vol. 2.
It is true that the army reached the timbers of the Brazos or rather the waters of the that [sic] river, on the 27th, but it certainly did not march to San Felipe on the 28th—but up the river towards Groce's.
[“]On the 31st the soldiers buried the only one of their comrades who died a natural death during the campaign.” vol 2 page 116. The soldier alluded to was doubtless Felix G. Wright—He was the first but not by any means the only soldier who died a natural death during the campaign. He was buried on the 30th instead of 31st.
“After marching twelve miles the Texans halted at one o'clock on the morning of the 20th at a beautiful spot in the prairie.” vol. 2. page 136.
The distance is over-estimated.
“Bray's bayou runs into Buffalo Bayou at Harrisburg, on the right bank. Five miles farther down towards the bay, over Vinces Bayou is Vinces bridge. * * * After the main body of the Mexican reinforcement under General Cos had passed Bray's bayou and while the rear-guard was crossing over, the wagoners and some others of the Texan camp-guard near Harrisburg, hearing the noise, paraded under the command of wagon-master Rhorer, made a forced march to the bayou and gave them a volley, which so alarmed them that they turned and fled towards the Brazos scattering and leaving their baggage on the road. The wagoners thereupon crossed over and gathered quite a supply.” vol 2. page 141.
Most of the foregoing statement is incorrect. (See “recollections of a private in the Texian army.”)
The account of the capture of Santa Anna on pages 146 &147, vol. 2—is also incorrect. It founded on a letter of Jas. A. Sylvester of Capt. Woods comp—Sylvester wished, apparently, to monopolize all the credit of Santa Anna's capture. Some of his statements are doubtless false and I well remember were so pronounced when they were first published, in 1836.
I am credibly informed that David Cole (now residing in Colorado county, and quite blind), claims to have been, and probably was, one of the captors of Santa Anna.—This completes the list—viz:
-
Robinson.
-
Thompson.
-
Sylvester.
-
Vermillion.
-
Miles.
-
Cole.
In the recollections of Joel W. Robinson, in the account of the attack on the Kechi tribe in 1835 should have been stated that two of the Indians were —after which their village was burned. Papers were found in the village which were known to have been on the person of a young man named Edwards who was killed by Indians 20 miles below Bastrop, a few months previously.
In the recollections of G. Kuykendall in the account of the attack on the Carancawa camp at the mouth of Scull Creek in the year 1823, it is stated that Judge Rabb remained with the Tonkewa chief, Carita, in charge of the horses of the party. This is a mistake. The name of the white man left in charge of the horses, is not known.
In the Biographical sketch of John Ingram it is stated that Ingram led a party of 19 settlers against the Carancawas who were encamped on Live oak Bayou (in 1831) [.] Buckner commanded the party—Ingram was subordinate to Buckner. (second in command.)
86. This brier root is common in Texas. It contains a farina as palatable and wholesome as arrow-root. The Indians extract this starch by pounding the root and washing it in water.
87. [line 2] See note 1 at the end of this paper.
88. [line 5] See note A.
89. [line 29] See note B.
90. [line 9] We also recovered Varner's horse.
91. I. e., Williams first and Eccles next.—Editor Quarterly.
92. [line 27] See note 2, end of this paper.
93. See note, p. 47. If the reminiscences were ever continued in a third book, it is not now among the Austin Papers.—Editor Quarterly.
94. See note one at end of this paper.
95. See note 2 at end of paper.
96. While Capt. B. was delivering this speech, Genl. Houston sat near on his horse and listened attentively.
97. The reminiscences were written out by the collector, Mr. Kuykendall, in two small blank books. This letter, which was intended for Judge Bell (see The Quarterly, VI 236), introduces the second.—Editor Quarterly.
98. The matter belonging under this title has already appeared in The Quarterly. See Vol. IV, pp. 291-306.—Editor Quarterly.
99. See no. 7 of this series.—Editor Quarterly.
100. Query—Capt. Cheshire?
101. See note 2 at the end of this paper.—Editor Quarterly.
102. See The Quarterly, I 301-302.—Editor Quarterly.
103. This, of course, is Mr. Kuykendall's title. As will be seen from the matter, the caption is too comprehensive.—Editor Quarterly.
104. This is Mr. Kuykendall's bracket.—Editor Quarterly.
105. The italics are Mr. Kuykendall's. Several other departures from the text—not very important, perhaps, but still worth noting—have been made in this quotation.—Editor Quarterly.
How to cite:
Kuykendall, J. H., "REMINISCENCES OF EARLY TEXANS. A COLLECTION FROM THE AUSTIN PAPERS. ", Volume 007, Number 1, Southwestern Historical Quarterly Online, Page 29 - 64. http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/publications/journals/shq/online/v007/n1/article_4.html
[Accessed Sat Mar 20 19:04:10 CDT 2010]
