Vol. VIII. JANUARY, 1905. No. 3.
The publication committee and the editors disclaim responsibility for views expressed by contributors to The Quarterly.
Before the late years of the seventeenth century, what we now know as Texas was still unoccupied by Europeans, and, in fact, had not even a name of its own on the map. Its coast had been explored, notably by Pineda in his voyage of 1519; its interior had been traversed by Cabeza de Vaca in his famous wanderings of 1528-1536; it had been entered, perhaps, by the survivors of De Soto's expedition and by Coronado; it had been included in Garay's short-lived province of Amichel; 1 and it had been sometimes considered a part of Florida. 2 All that had been achieved, however, was a strengthening of Spain's claim to this part of the Gulf coast.
The story of the French encroachment which aroused Spain to the need of occupying these long neglected regions is too well known to require more than a passing mention. After gaining control of the St. Lawrence and the Lake region, the French had pushed into the Mississippi valley. In 1685, La Salle led a colony which was to be planted at the mouth of the river, and thus to begin the occupation of the newly-claimed Louisiana. He missed his destination, and landed on what is now Matagorda bay, on the Texas coast. The settlement was a failure, and nearly all who were connected with it lost their lives by disease or by violence.
When the news of this attempt to settle on Spanish territory reached Mexico, the viceroy promptly reported to the government at Madrid, and made several efforts to find the French settlement. 3 As all these early attempts failed to bring any information regarding the reported encroachment, the matter was dropped until 1689, when the finding of an old Frenchman, a member of La Salle's party, among the Indians near Coahuila, 4 led to an expedition under Alonso de León; this expedition actually found the remains of the French fort. The result was the first occupation of Texas by the Spaniards in 1690 5 through another expedition, also under the command of De León.
The itinerary of De León given below is a translation of the second document in the Memorias de Nueva España. It is the diary of the expedition of 1689, written by some one who took part in it, probably by De León himself.
6 This is the only contemporary
account I have had access to, except the Letter of Manzanet.
7 There is, however, a letter, which Bancroft ascribes to León, cited by Bancroft and by Parkman;
8 and there are still other documents in the Archivo General de Indias. So far as I know, no copies of the latter have yet been made for American libraries. The map
9 of which a facsimile is here given, showing the route taken by the Spaniards in the expedition, is found in connection with some of these Sevilla manuscripts. It is presumably the work of Don Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora,
10 as it bears
his signature. It is quite inaccurate in its representation of the rivers and of the coast, as is to be expected in a sketch-map of this sort and of this period, yet it is of considerable value for the light which it throws upon the narrative in the Itinerary. The lower courses of the rivers, in particular, are mostly pure guesswork; the coast may have been modeled on earlier maps. The route, which is marked on the tracing in red ink, is for the most part in agreement with that described in the Itinerary, yet it presents enough discrepancies to suggest other sources of information. It is hard to tell whence the additional information could have come,— certainly not from the Letter,
11 because this does not go sufficiently into detail. The names as given on the Map, however, agree substantially with those given by the Itinerary.
The aim in translation has been to give the exact meaning of the Spanish in clear, readable English, without regard to literalness of rendition. With this end in view, changes have been made in the word and sentence order, whenever it seemed necessary; no liberties, however, have been taken with the paragraphing. When the translation seems doubtful or unusual, the Spanish is printed in italics within parentheses; the translator's additions and explanations inserted in the body of the translation are bracketed. The punctuation and capitalization of the text have not been strictly followed; proper names, however, are retained as in the Spanish.
March.
Date. Leg. 14
Wednesday, March 23, 15 it was arranged that the detachment of soldiers and camp-followers (el Rl. de la Gente y Soldados 16) who were in Coahuila 17 should set out. Accordingly, they marched one league down the river. 18 1.
24.Thursday, the 24th, the whole body (el general) set out. The detachment, being ordered to go down the river, [crossed over and] 19 travelled down the other bank to its junction with the Nadadores. They travelled that day seven leagues toward the north. 20 All this country is uninhabitable. 7.
25.Friday, the 25th, we travelled down the Rio de Nadadores, along the south bank, between two ridges which they call Baluartes. On the bank of the river we passed a cottonwood tree, the only one within a great distance. We travelled that day seven leagues, keeping the same northeast course. 21 All the country is level and affords good pasturage. 7.
26.Saturday, the 26th, we travelled down the river 22 as on the day before, to its junction with the Sabinas. We travelled east, halting a league from the junction. The country is level and affords good pasturage.
27th.Sunday, the 27th, we went down the river Sabinas and crossed it toward the north. 23 Passing along the bank we sighted the soldiers who were coming from the Nuevo Reyno de Leon to join us here according to agreement. 24 As we came together a salute was fired on each side. After we had travelled three leagues to the east, a general review and individual count was made of all the soldiers, drivers, and other servants, and of the baggage as well. 3.
28.Monday, the 28th, we travelled to the northeast, a distance of six leagues. After crossing some unwatered plains, we halted at a pool of rain-water. 6.
29.Tuesday, the 29th, we set out toward the northeast. 25 Before daybreak the French prisoner 26 sent out one of the Indians whom we were bringing because of their loyalty, to tell the Indians, his acquaintances, that we were going through their village. As a result, more than seventy Indians, some armed, others unarmed, came out to meet us a league before we arrived at the village, and accompanied us thither. They had a hut ready, covered with buffalo hides; there thev put the Frenchman, toward whom they made many demonstrations of affection. In front of the hut was driven a stake, four varas high, on which were fastened sixteen heads of Indians, their enemies, whom they had killed. They were five nations joined together, (according to the account the Frenchman gave), entitled Hapes, Jumenes, Xiabu,, Mescale, and another. 27 We counted eighty five huts. We distributed among them some cotton garments, blankets, beads, rosaries, knives, and arms, with which they were very much pleased. Five cattle were killed for them, too, so that all persons of all ages might eat. There were four hundred and ninety of them. We crossed a creek about the time of evening prayer. 28 4.
31.Thursday, the 31st, it was necessary to halt at this point, because of the suffering of the horses occasioned by lack of water.
April.
1.Friday, April 1st, we travelled down the river 29 five leagues, traversing some low hills. There was no lack of water-holes along the way (en este distancia). The route during the most of these five leagues was toward the north. We halted on this south bank in front of the ford. The river 30 was forded, and found easy to cross the next day. Now we had with us a faithful Indian guide, 31 who assured us that he knew the country, and that he would bring us where there were some men like ourselves, in a settlement of six or seven houses; that they had wives and children, and that they were about six days' journey distant from the said 32 Rio Bravo. This Indian can not speak Castilian, (es bosal) but we got some light on what he was saying through another Indian who acted as interpreter, albeit a poor one. 5.
2.Saturday, the 2nd, we crossed the river 33 and went about one league north, to avoid some ravines and low hills. Afterward we went mostly northeast, until we reached some pools, five leagues away. We named these El paraje de los Cuervos, because more than three thousand crows appeared at nightfall. The way was level and untimbered. 5.
3.Palm Sunday, the 3rd, we marched northeast three leagues through level country, and afterward two more through several thickets of mesquite (despues huvo otras dos de algunos Montecillos de mesquites). We crossed some little dry creeks; and then we came upon one that had water in it, on the bank of which we halted. Altogether we travelled that day five long leagues. 34 We named this creek the Arroyo de Ramos, 35 because we found it on Palm Sunday. There we observed the altitude of the sun with an astrolabe, though a defective one, and found our latitude to be 26° 31’. 36 I must call attention to the fact that the tables on which this observation was based were made before the so-called Gregorian correction. This correction was made in the year 1582, in which the equinox was on the tenth of March. Following the Ephemerides of the Roman Andrea Argoli, which places the equinox this year [1582] on the 20th of March, we found by these tables that today, April 3, corresponds to the 24th of March of this year [1689], which is the first since the bissextile. These tables, the author says, he took from the Arte de Navegar, by the Maestro Medina. It has been necessary to state these facts in explanation, in case it should appear that a mistake has been made because of our lack of modern tables. 5.
4.Holy Monday, the 4th, we marched northeast the most of the day, east-by-north 37 occasionally (algunos ratos), a distance of 8 leagues. At first the land was level, then there was a little mesquite thicket; and after that we got into a larger one, three leagues long. We came upon a river, which, as we could see, even though it contained little water at the time, overflows its banks in time of rain more than half a league from the main channel. We called it the Rio de las Nueces, 38 because there were many pecan trees (nogales) 39 [on its banks]. It is somewhat rocky, and all its rocks are flint (de fuego) and very fine. 8.
5.Holy Tuesday, the 5th, we crossed the river. We had to go half a league down its bank, and then we went through a glade. Then came (se ofrecio) a very dense thicket. We had to cut a passage into it for almost a league with our cutlasses and axes, because of the numerous prickly pears and mesquite which blocked up the way. Afterward we got into a mesquite thicket in which at intervals we had to make a clearing. We travelled about seven leagues. We came upon a river to which we gave the name Rio Sarco, 40 because its water was blue. We went, I repeat, (como digo), seven leagues, with many turns. 41 7.
6.Holy Wednesday, the 6th, we travelled about three leagues to the northeast, and two to the east. The country we passed through was level, with fine pasturage, with very pleasant glades, and, occasionally, little motts of oak. We came to a river, which we named Rio Hondo. Apropos of this river, its descent on each side is about forty feet; 42 near it, on both banks, are some insignificant hills, some of them timbered. The water was plentiful, so that the horses were easily supplied (con facilidad bebio). As we went down toward the river we found some large white rocks, on some of which we saw some crosses cut, and other figures artificially made with great skill, apparently a long time before. 5.
7.Holy Thursday, the 7th, we went more than four leagues down the river without crossing it, sometimes east, sometimes southeast; 43 we halted on the hither bank. The country is of the same sort here as at the last stopping-place; level, for the most part, though there is a little mesquite timber. Ever since the thirtieth of last month, when we passed the village of the Five Nations; 44 we have found along the line of march traces of Indians, made some time ago; but not a single Indian has appeared.
8.Holy Friday, the 8th, we crossed from the other bank of the Rio Hondo, 45 and travelled east-northeast, the most of the day near the river. We came upon two ravines (cañadas) near together. Here, it appears, the river rises in time of flood as much as six feet. After the ravines comes a little creek in a thicket. Here it was necessary to change our course for a while, to let the loaded mules cross, which they did with difficulty, some bogging up. After crossing this creek, we came to some very level land, and then to a large mesquite thicket. In the midst of the thicket were some pools of water, where we halted. We travelled that day eight long leagues, to the east, as has already been said. 8.
9.Holy Saturday, the 9th, we set out to the north, but on account of some thickets that were in the way, it was necessary to make some turns, sometimes north-by-east, sometimes north-north-east (4ta al Leste.) 46 We traveled that day five leagues. The land was very good. We crossed a dry creek that day, but a league farther on we found one with good water, with abundant pasturage and many oak-trees near by. We named this creek Arroyo del Vino, 47 because we opened a cask that day and divided its contents among the men. Under the trees we found wellgrown nuts, as large as those of Spain, but very hard to open. We saw many wild grape-vines, whose fruit, as we were told by the Indians we had brought with us, is in its season very pleasantly flavored. Our horses stampeded at this camp about nine o'clock at night, and they could not be stopped, though fifteen soldiers were on guard. According to the count made the following day, one hundred and two got away. 5.
10.Easter Sunday, the 10th, soldiers set out in different directions to look for the horses, which they found at various points. This search detained them till evening prayer, therefore the camp was not moved that day. We made a reckoning of our latitude, which we found to be 27° 55’. 48
11.Monday after Easter, the 11th, we set out to the east. We crossed two creeks of good water, and immediately after came to a great wood of pecan and oak-trees, more than five leagues in extent, all fertile and pleasant land. After having to travel twelve leagues to get water, we came that day upon a river, which was very large, though it had not much water [at the time], and which had a good ford. We named it the Rio de Medina. The descent to it is about fifty or sixty feet (Tiene la bajada de nueve á dies estados). All the rest of the way there were oaks and pecans. The course that day was east half the way, and northeast half the way. 12.
12.Tuesday after Easter, the 12th, we crossed the river, and found the ford very easy (acomodado). We travelled five leagues to the east, over some low hills, without any timber; we crossed some ravines of red and yellow earth; we entered a mesquite thicket, and found water in a creek. The creek was dry where we first struck it (en los principios), and we were somewhat discomfited because we thought our guide had mistaken the direction; about a league farther, however, there was a very good stream. We named this creek the Arroyo del Leon, 49 because we found a dead lion near by, very much mutilated (disforme). The country was level, and furnished good pasturage. 5.
13.Wednesday, the 13th, we advanced to the east, sometimes east-northeast 50 six leagues. About half a league from the camp we passed by the point of a little hill on which ends a clump of oaks, and which we left on the right hand. Among them were small piles of stones placed by hand (piedras puestas á manos). 51 We followed some low hills; there were about two leagues of oak timber which had to be partly cleared away; but after this all the county was level till we reached a little creek. 6.
14.14. Thursday, the 14th, we moved forward, east-northeast, in search of a great river which the guide told us we should find and which we reached at two in the afternoon. We travelled six leagues, the first three over some hills, and the rest of the way (despues) over some hills that were timbered, and marked with ravines. It was necessary in some places to clear away the timber so as to pass through. The country was the most pleasant that we had traversed; the river is not very full (caudoloso) and has a good ford; its banks are covered with timber. Six buffaloes—the first we had seen for a hundred leagues—were killed along the way. We gave this river the name of Our Lady of Guadalupe, 52 whom we had brought from Coahuila as our as our protectress, and whom we had painted on our royal standard. 53 6.
15.Friday, the 15th, the day dawned very rainy. None the less, however, our whole party set out (salimos con el real) toward the ford of the river, which was about a league away. We crossed the river, but as the water prevented our forward movement, we halted on a little creek. We travelled that day not more than two leagues. 54 As the guide said that we were near the settlement, a council of war was held, at which it was decided that the next day a reconnaissance should be made with sixty soldiers, while the camp should stay in another place at some distance away, with a sufficient guard. 55 2.
16.16. Saturday, the 16th, after a mass to our lady of Guadalupe had been chanted with all solemnity, the governor, in accordance with the decision of the day before, set out with the sixty soldiers, well equipped. The whole force (el real) set out at the same time. After travelling about three leagues 56 with the sixty men, the rear guard caught sight of an Indian in the timber. When he was taken to the governor and examined—through a poor interpreter—he declared that his ranchería was near by, and that four Frenchmen were there. 57 We quickened our pace, under the guidance of our Indian; after we had sent word to the main body to stay in the place whence they had sent the Indian. Before we came to the ranchería all the people left. We sighted them, however, as they were entering some motts; and after them came eight or ten dogs loaded with buffalo hides. We sent the same Indian who had guided us to call them; with the result that the most of them came. It was ascertained that the four Frenchmen were not there, but that they had gone on to the Tejas four days before. In this ranchería we found two Indians who told us that we should find them in a ranchería two days' journey further. 58 We gave (hicimos agasajo 59) these Indians some tobacco, knives, and other things, to get them to guide us, which they did. We turned and moved northward till sunset. Then we found in a thicket a village of more than two hundred and fifty persons, where we tried to find the Frenchmen, our French guide alweys serving as interpreter. They replied that the Frenchmen had gone to the Texas Indians four days before, and that the rest who had settled on the little sea (which is the bay), had all died at the hands of the coast Indians; that the Frenchmen had six houses; and that the event had occurred three moons 60 that is, three months, before; that previous to this there had been an epidemic of small-pox, of which the most had died. 61 The main body (el real) travelled east that day, and halted at the place appointed by the governor, who went eight leagues northward with the sixty men. 8.
17.Sunday, the 17th, after sleeping close by the Indian village, we again set out to the north. After travelling five leagues, we found some ranchos of Indians known to our French prisoner. We found out from them by minute inquiry the route of the four Frenchmen who were going to the Texas; we found out, moreover, that they had passed on horseback four days before. Here a consultation was held as to what decision should be reached, with the result that it was determined, as the main force was far away and the country unknown, to write a letter to the Frenchmen and send it to them by an Indian. Accordingly, the letter was written in French by the royal alférez 62 Francisco Martinez. Its contents, in substance, were as follows: that we had been informed of their escape when some Christians on the coast had been killed by the Indians of that vicinity; that they might come with us; that we would wait for them three or four days in the houses of the village from which they had set out. This letter was sealed by the governor and by our chaplain, Padre Fray Damian Manzanet, religious of our patron San Francisco. The letter added as a postscript some lines of Latin, in case any one of the four should be a religious, exhorting them to come. Putting in paper for a reply, we dispatched this letter by an Indian carrier who assured us that he would overtake them. About evening prayer an Indian came from the North to see the Frenchmen, of whom he must have had news. When we asked him through the Frenchman whether it was far from here to the Texas, he replied that it was not many days' journey and said that it had been three days since the four Frenchmen had gone on from his ranchería. 63
18.Monday, the 18th, 64 in view of the harm the camp might have suffered, even though we had left it well guarded, we set out in search of it. On the way thither the governor received a letter stating that the drove of horses had stampeded the night before, and that a hundred-odd had been lost; that some had been found, but thirty-six were still missing. 65 At this we quickened our pace to the camp. There we heard also that a soldier had been lost in the search for the horses. At this news sundry squadrons of soldiers were sent out in search of him, but he did not appear that day.
19.Thursday, the 19th, since neither the soldier nor the horses had appeared, two squadrons of soldiers set out in different directions to look for them; the governor went in person; but despite their diligent efforts the lost were not found. [The search-party], therefore, slept (se quedaron a dormir) in the open [that night], to continue the search. Indians from different rancherías came to the camp that day; we gave (agasajamos) them tobacco and other things, and charged them to scour the country in search of the soldier and the horses that were missing, promising them due return for the service.
20.Wednesday, the 20th, the party did not set out, because neither soldier nor horses had appeared. The efforts of the day before were repeated with new squadrons of soldiers. Just after they had left, the lost man came, guided by several Indians. He said that that night [after he had been lost] he had come to an Indian ranchería where he spent the night; that he had been undecided whether to stay there, because of his suspicion that they were going to kill him, but that he had been treated with great kindness. It was no little good fortune that he escaped from danger at the hands of so barbarous a race. 66 Though the astrolabe was broken, we righted it that day as best we could and made an observation of the sun, and found ourselves in latitude 28° 41’ north. 67
21.Thursday, the 21st, our party advanced (salimos con el real), sometimes east, sometimes east-by-north, 68 sometimes north-east-by-north. Our line of march lay through some wide plains which for long stretches were treeless. At the end of eight leagues we came to a creek of good water. Here the Indian guide told us that the settlement was on the bank of this creek and in its vicinity. 69 The land was all very pleasing; and we came across many buffalo.
22.22. Friday ,the 22nd, as we were near the settlement, our party set out (salimos con el real), though the day dawned rainy. Three leagues down the creek we found it. Having halted with the forces (con el real) about an arquebus-shot away, we went to see it, and found all the houses sacked, all the chests, bottle-cases (frasqueras), and all the rest of the settler's furniture broken; apparently more than two hundred books, torn apart, and with the rotten leaves scattered through the patios—all in French. We noted that the perpetrators (agresores) of this massacre had pulled everything [the colonists] had out of their chests, and divided the booty among themselves; and that what they had not cared for they had torn to pieces, making a frightful sack of all the French possessed (todo cuanto [los Franceses] tenian); for besides the evidence involved in our finding everything in this condition, further proof was found in the fact that in the rancherías through which we had passed before our arrival at the settlement, we had found in the possession of the Indians some French books in very good condition, with other articles of very little value. These books were recovered and their titles committed to memory. The Indians had done this damage not only to the furnishings, but also to the arms; for we found more than a hundred stocks (cavezas) of flintlock arquebuses, without locks or barrels. They must have carried these off, as was proved by an [arquebus] barrel found at some distance from the houses. We found three dead bodies scattered over the plain. One of these, from the dress that still clung to the bones, appeared to be that of a woman. We took the bodies up, chanted mass with the bodies present (con misa cantada de cuerpo presente), and buried them. We looked for the other dead bodies, but could not find them; whence we supposed that they had been thrown into the creek and had been eaten by alligators, of which there are many. 70 The principal house of this settlement is in the form of a fort, made of ship's timber, with a second story, also made of ship's timber, and with a slope to turn off water. Next to it, without any partition, is another apartment, not so strong, which must have served as a chapel where mass was said. The other five houses are of stakes, covered with mud inside and out; 71 their roofs are covered with buffalo-hides. All are quite useless for any defence. 72 In and about the fort and the houses (junto al fuerte y casas) were eight pieces of artillery, iron, of medium bore, —four or five-pounders,—and three very old swivels (pedreros) whose chambers were lacking. Some iron bars 73 were also found, and some ship's nails, estimated as altogether about five hundred-weight. 74 Some of the guns were scattered over the ground and some were on their broken carriages. There were some casks with their heads knocked in and their contents spilled out so that nothing was worth anything. Around the building was also some tackle, much the worse for wear. 75 The settlement was on a beautiful, level site, so as to be capable of defence in any event. On the frame of the principal door of the fort was inscribed the date of the settlement, which was 1684. 76 There are other details which are noted in the separate description of the post. The party travelled that day three leagues to the east. It appears, therefore, that the total distance from the Presidio of Coahuila to this settlement is one hundred and thirty-six leagues. 77
Discovery of Espíritu Santo Bay and its Harbor.
23. Saturday, the 23rd, we set out with thirty men to reconnoitre the bay to the south, trying to follow the creek below the settlement. We took the French prisoner for a guide, because he had told us he knew 78 the bay and had been all over it in a bark; in view of this assurance we let him guide us. He did not guide us (no lo hizo) down the creek, because he said it had no crossing. We went [instead] five leagues to the southwest; then, after going around the head waters of two creeks, we went three leagues farther, to the east, when we came upon (hasta dar con) the shore of the bay. Here we slept, as we arrived at twilight.
24. Sunday, very early in the morning, we set out along the shore of the bay, which at that season was at low water. There are many lagoons of salt water around it, whose marshes prevented us at some places from crossing on horseback. For long stretches, therefore, we went on foot, leading the horses. The arm of the sea which appeared to us the longest runs in toward the north, another smaller one to the south, and the other, the smallest, toward the settlement mentioned in this diary.
We went eight long leagues 79 along the shore, till it pleased God that we should discover the mouth, through which one enters the bay. This was probably about two leagues from the place we could reach on horseback. We were greatly rejoiced at this discovery; in token of which we fired a salute with our arquebuses. The Frenchman affirmed that this was the mouth and harbor, through which he had entered when he came into these parts with Monsieur Felipe So-and-So. The mouth of the harbor, so far as we could judge, is about two short leagues 80 across. There is a bar of low land across it which is closer to the mainland (mas arrimado a la costa) on the side toward Vera Cruz than toward Florida. 81 The Frenchman says that ships enter through the narrowest passage. On the south the river which we named Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe falls into the bay. We did not actually see its mouth, because it was impossible to reach that point; but we came to that conclusion because when we crossed it 82 we saw that it was near the bay, and also because the Frenchman made a statement to that effect. The arm of the sea which extends inland on the north of the bay is so wide that we could not see land on the other shore. On the shore of the bay, which we ran for about eight leagues, we saw a topmast (mastelero) of a large ship, another,—a small top-gallant mast,—a capstan, some barrel-staves, and other timbers, which must have belonged to some ship that was lost in the bay or along the coast whose harbor we had sighted. After seeing and exploring the mouth of the bay, we went back the same way we had come, and we camped for the night on the bank of a creek near a little mott. Here had been an Indian village, but it had been abandoned for some time. We found in the village book in the French language, a broken bottle-case, and other things, which gave us indications that the Indians of this village had taken part in the massacre of the French. In this creek, whose water was somewhat brackish, we found two canoes. 83
25. On the twenty-fifth of April we set out from there and went to the camp. There we found an answer to the letter that had been written to the Frenchmen who had gone to the Texas. The letter, read by the alférez, contained in substance that within two days they would come to where we were, for by this time they were tired of being among barbarians. There was only one signature—that of Juan Larchieverque of Bayonne. 84 It was written with red ochre. The distance traversed, in going to reconnoitre the bay and in returning, was fifty-two leagues. On that day, Monday, the 25th, the main camp remained stationary. 85
Discovery of the San Marcos River. 86
26. Tuesday, the 26th, it was decided that the main body should set out by the same route we had traversed, because the water of the creek is brackish, as has been stated, and the horses that drank it got sick. Accordingly, we moved three leagues up the creek, and halted in the same place where we had stopped in our advance; and then we went on with twenty men.
There was a very large river which the French prisoner said was toward the north and flowed into the bay. We found it at a distance of about three leagues, and followed its bank to where some lagoons form an impediment. It is a very large river; larger, it seemed to us, than the Rio Bravo; so large that a small vessel can navigate it. We determined to see its discharge into the bay, even though it should be a matter of difficulty. Finally we accomplished our purpose, looking from a little hill, which is about three quarters of a league distant from the mouth of the river. It appeared to us that it was about a league and a half (otro tanto) from the mouth of the San Marcos to the mouth of the creek on which the Frenchmen had lived, and the same distance from the mouth of the creek to the settlement. We travelled that day fifteen leagues. We took an observation on the shore of the creek, and found ourselves, allowing for mistakes on account of the defect in the astrolabe, in latitude 26° 3’ more or less. We named this river San Marcos, because we discovered it the day after that saint's feast day.
The Diary of the Return, continued, with the New Entrada made toward the North in search of the French.
27.Wednesday, the 27th, our party moved forward and halted on some pools, 87 near a little mott which borders on the trail.
28.Thursday, the 28th, we set out on our way, and the governor set out the same time with thirty companions toward the north bank, to look for the Frenchmen who had written. The main body (el real) halted on the River Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe, on the other bank.
29.Friday, the 29th, the main body (el real) halted.
30.Saturday, the 30th, the main body (el real) again halted.
May.
1. Sunday, May 1st, about evening prayer, the governor arrived with his companions, bringing two Frenchmen streaked with paint after the Indian fashion. He had found them twenty-five leagues and more from where we had set out with the main body (el real). One of them, the one who had written the letter, was named Juan; the other, a native of Rochelle, was named Jacome. 88 They gave an account of the death of their people, the first saying that an epidemic (achaque) of small-pox had killed more than a hundred persons; that the rest had been on friendly terms with the Indians of all that region, and had no suspicion of them; that a little more than a month before five Indians had come to their settlement under pretext of telling them something and had stopped at the most remote house in the settlement; that the Frenchmen, having no suspicions, all went to the house unarmed to see them; that after they were inside other Indians kept coming and embracing them; that another party of Indians came in from the creek at the same time, and killed them all, including two religious and a priest, with daggers and sticks, and sacked all the houses; that they were not there at the time, having gone to the Texas; but that when they heard the news of this occurrence, [the] four of them came, and, finding their companions dead, they buried the fourteen they found; that they exploded (quemaron) nearly a hundred barrels of powder, so that the Indians could not carry it off; and that the settlement had been well provided with all sorts of firearms, swords, broadswords (alfanges), three chalices, and a large collection of books, with very rare bindings (encuadernadura muy curiosa). The two Frenchmen were streaked 89 with paint after the fashion of the Indians, and covered with antelope and buffalo hides. We found them in a ranchería of the chief of the Texas, who were giving them sustenance and keeping them with great care. We took him [the chief] to the camp and treated him with great kindness. Although unable to speak Castilian (vozal), he was an Indian in whom was recognized capacity. He had a shrine with several images. The governor gave him and the other Indians who had come with him generously (bastantamente) of what was left of the cotton garments (huepiles), knives, blankets, beads, and other goods. He was very much pleased and promised to come with some Indians of his nation to the Province of Cohaguila. 90 The governor made a separate report of all that was expedient or important in the declarations of the two Frenchmen, to send it to His Excellency. We continued our march to the Nueces River. On Tuesday, May 10, the governor halted with some companions to send a dispatch to His Excellency, giving an account of this discovery. We arrived at the Presidio of Cohaguila today, May 13th, at nightfall. 91 Here ends the diary. To insure its authenticity, it is signed by the governor,
Alonso de Leon.
Dr. R. M. Swearingen was a descendant of Garret van Sweringen, a native of Holland, who in his early youth entered the service of the Dutch West India Company, and whose duties as an employee of the company brought him in 1657, when he was only twenty years of age, to New Amsterdam. After van Sweringen's arrival, he gave up his place with the company, and a little later he settled at New Amstel (New Castle.) After the English conquest of the Dutch settlements in that quarter, he moved to Maryland. 93 Samuel Swearingen, grandson of Gerret v. Sweringen, migrated from Maryland to North Carolina. Samuel's son Frederick moved from North Carolina to Alabama, and Frederick's son, Richard J., moved thence first to Mississippi, and then to Texas. Richard J.'s son, Richard M., is the subject of this paper.
Richard Montgomery Swearingen was born in Noxubee County, Mississippi, September 26, 1838. In 1848 his father moved, as already noted, to Texas and settled in Washington County. Such general literary and scientific training as Richard had from schools was obtained at Chappell Hill College, Chappell Hill, Texas, and from Centenary College, Jackson, Louisiana. He attended Centenary College during the year 1857-1858, and up till December, 1858, when he was called home by the serious illness of his mother. On account of her death in January, 1859, he remained at home the rest of the year. The next fall he went to the New Orleans Medical College, where he attended lectures during the session 1859-1860. His return to the same institution for another year's work was prevented by the excitement then prevailing throughout the South over the prospect of secession. This movement he opposed as effectively as he could; but when the ordinance was adoptd by the people of Texas he felt it his duty to go with his state.
Young Swearingen volunteered in response to the first call for Texas troops. February 28, 1861, he joined Captain Ed. Waller's company at Galveston and was sent to Brownsville. After remaining there six months, during two of which he lay ill with a fever, he was discharged and returned to Chappell Hill. He had been back only a short time, when he received a commission to raise a company; but while he was engaged in the effort he learned that his younger brother, who was with the Confederate troops at Cumberland Gap, was sick and needing attention. On hearing the news, he went thither at once, enlisted as a substitute for his brother, and sent him home.
The day after his arrival in camp, his company was sent on a scouting expedition into the edge of Tennessee; and, though he was at the time quite ill with pneumonia, he went along. At evening the second day, the company reached Sneedville, Tennessee, and the surgeon ordered Swearingen to seek shelter for himself. He went to the hotel, but found its accommodations already exhausted. He then went out into the village to look for quarters at a private residence. Attracted by the sound of a piano, he entered the house whence it came, and was heartily welcomed and given the attention he was needing. The home into which the young soldier had wandered was that of Mr. Lea Jessee. He remained there a month, during which time he was nursed back to health and strength by Miss Jennie Jessee, the daughter of his host; and the romance culminated in their marriage in the fall of 1864.
Shortly after Swearingen had relieved his brother, the Tennessee company which he had joined was reorganized, and he was elected first lieutenant. His fitness for promotion was soon tested. In the summer of 1862 his battalion was sent on a scouting expedition in the neighborhood of Cumberland Gap, and he was put in command of the advanced guard, a detachment only six in number. On June 12, as he was riding along with his little party, he found the way blocked by a handful of Federals. He opened fire on them, but immediately he observed a large body of troops hurrying to cut him off from his battalion, then some distance further back on the road he had come. He gave the order to retreat, and he and his men dashed off at full gallop. As they passed they received the fire of a whole regiment which had halted in line parallel to the road and within twenty paces, and they had to ride six hundred yards before they reached shelter. Lieutenant Swearingen's horse was shot and brought to his knees, but regained his feet and carried his rider out of danger. In spite of the concentrated fire, only one man of the party was struck, and he was not killed.
During the fall of 1862, when the Confederate forces under General Bragg advanced into Kentucky, Lieutenant Swearingen's brigade participated in the movement, and he had his full share of marching and fighting. A brief and general account of his experiences during that campaign written by himself many years afterward, but with such characteristic modesty as evidently to conceal much that one would like to know, gives, when read between the lines, a vivid impression of what peril and suffering he must have had to undergo. He did not, however, participate in the battle of Perryville, for the reason that his brigade was engaged at the time with a division on the left of Buell's main army, and some ten or fifteen miles away.
On December 15, 1862, Lieutenant Swearingen was promoted to the captaincy of his company. Soon afterwards he took part in the battle of Murfreesboro. The night before the battle he was very ill—so ill, indeed, that the officers of his company concealed from him orders that had been received to march during the night, and the whole body stole away in the early morning without notifying him. When the fighting began, however, he made his way first to a hospital where the wounded were receiving attention and where he gave such help as he could, and then to the field. On the second day of the battle he succeeded in finding his company once more. That day, in obedience to orders from General Hardee, he led a detail of thirty men in a perilous charge to ascertain the exact location and strength of a body of Federal troops stationed in a clump of trees a half mile in front of the Confederate left wing, which he accomplished to Hardee's entire satisfaction.
Captain Swearingen's narrative covers only a few days subsequent to the battle of Murfreesboro, and for a detailed account of the rest of his war experiences I have no materials available. Suffice it to say that he was with Joseph E. Johnston in the retreat through Georgia, and later in North Carolina, and that he remained in service till the war was over.
On one occasion during the course of the operations in which Captain Swearingen's company was engaged in East Tennessee, as it approached Hume's Ferry on the Tennessee River above the town of Loudon, information was received to the effect that a band of bushwhackers was in waiting to contest the passage. The company had to cross by a ford which was about one hundred and fifty yards wide, where the current was swift, and the extreme depth of the water was from four to five feet. The bushwhackers were known to be good shots, and the bank towards which the crossing must be made, and where they were supposed to be concealed, was steep and heavily timbered and an excellent place for a force to lie in ambuscade. The danger of the crossing was evident; and, when the company reached the ford, Captain Swearingen called for volunteers to lead the way and draw the fire of the enemy, but none responded. Thereupon he gave some directions to his first lieutenant, 94 bade his men goodbye, turned his horse, and rode into the stream alone. In a moment or two, hearing a great noise behind him, he looked back and found the whole company was following. It proved that the alarm was false, and that there was no enemy in wait; but this happy issue of the affair had been foreseen neither by Captain Swearingen nor by his men, and it was none the less a supreme test of his soldierly manhood, as well as of their own.
September 12, 1864, Captain Swearingen was married to Miss Jessee. Ten days later he was captured at the home of her father in Sneedville by a party of bushwhackers. He was kept a prisoner in their camp for weeks, with the prospect of death before him unless he could procure a money ransom. His wife meanwhile sought to effect his release by exchanging for him some of the bushwhackers who had been captured by the Confederate troops. Accompanied only by her little brother, she undertook toilsome and perilous journeys on foot to the Confederate camp in order to get assistance from the officers in accomplishing her object. Twice she reached the spot where the camp had been located, only to learn that it was moved. Finally she went to her husband himself, but after a short interview she was forced to leave him in the hands of his captors. 95 Every means of saving his life had now apparently been exhausted, and the day for his execution was appointed; but it may have been that this was intended only as the final test of the resources of his friends. At any rate, the captain of the gang, who was under strong personal obligations to Mr. Jessee, instead of carrying out the sentence, himself escorted Captain Swearingen safely to the home of his wife.
When the war was over, after a little exciting experience as a schoolteacher in West Virginia, Captain Swearingen returned to his old home at Chappell Hill, Texas. Taking up again the thread of his normal life where it had been broken off in 1860, he resumed his work at the New Orleans Medical College and finished his course there in 1867.
The professional knowledge and skill of the young physician were immediately put to the test by one of those calls which he was always quick to heed for their employment in the service of humanity. The occasion referred to was the spread of yellow fever through southeast Texas in the summer of 1867. On the outbreak of the disease in Chappell Hill, Dr. Swearingen at once threw himself into the struggle against it with exhaustless courage and energy. He and his wife and their baby daughter were all stricken with the fever, and the little one died, but the father and mother recovered.
Eleven years later Dr. Swearingen answered an appeal for like humanitarian service in another state. Meanwhile—in 1875—he had moved to Austin. In the fall of 1878, when the yellow fever was raging in Memphis and in Holly Springs, Mississippi, and there was a call for medical assistance, he immediately volunteered, and with him went another physician from Austin, Dr. T. D. Manning. Because the necessity of Holly Springs seemed greatest, they went there. In seventeen days from the time they left home, Dr. Manning died of the fever, but Dr. Swearingen continued at his post until the plague was over. What feelings towards him this inspired among the people of Holly Springs may be inferred from the expression of the local paper of the town, which said that, while not intending to single out as pre-eminent for service and self-sacrifice any one among those who had come to the help of the town, “a common sense of justice impels us to give to the world the name of Dr. R. M. Swearingen, who for measureless energy and conspicuous devotion to his sick is facile princeps.”
One result of the epidemic of 1878 was the appointment by President Hayes, in pursuance of action taken by Congress, of a commission of nine experts to investigate and report on the subject of epidemics. Dr. Swearingen was a member of this commission. The outcome of its report was the creation of the National Board of Health, which was later merged in the Marine Hospital Bureau.
In 1881 Dr. Swearingen was appointed state health officer of Texas, and with the exception of the four years 1887-1891 he held the position till his death. In the discharge of his official duties, his courage, tact, and patience were often severely tested, but he was always equal to the emergency. In spite of the fact that he frequently had to resist the popular impulse, he attracted and held popular commendation with rare success.
Not the least of Dr. Swearingen's public services was his activity in organizing the public schools of the city of Austin. He was for many years an active and efficient member of the board of public school trustees, being for most of the time its president.
Dr. Swearingen died of Bright's disease, August 9, 1898. He had been for years a sufferer from this malady; but, knowing its nature as he did, he had been able to keep it in check. In his anxiety, however, to guard the interests of the state during the epidemic of yellow fever in 1897, he neglected his own health and thus shortened his life.
Though the subject lends itself to such treatment, this is no eulogy. It is intended rather as a plain, uncolored account of a life which the writer believes to be a genuine historical influence. Because he so believes, he has undertaken to prepare this brief sketch, doing it in the hope that it may assist some reader the better to understand the generation which was at once the mold, and also bears the permanent impress of that life.
96Political disturbances always offer pretexts for absurd and false rumors. Thus, during the past year the newspapers have given us the most alarming impressions, founded only upon hearsay or upon the false or imperfect understanding of facts in whose interpretation appearances only have been considered, without a previous examination of their true character and significance.
Such are the rumors spread abroad during the course of two years to the effect that the people of Texas have attempted and desire separation from the Mexican republic, that they have disobeyed the government, that they do not wish to be law-abiding, and other imputations with whose falsity the supreme government of the nation and that of the state of Coahuila and Texas are well acquainted. But the public, which has not had the requisite information, can not understand the origin of these calumnies or the appearances from which they have emanated; consequently, it is an act of justice, demanded by the circumstances, that it should be explained to the people, as well for their own satisfaction—since the Mexican populace has the right to be correctly informed concerning everything that bears relation to the common interest—as for the vindication of the worthy people of Texas, who, perhaps, on account of such rumors, have suffered unjustly in the good opinion of their fellow-citizens, which they deserve and ought to enjoy, as Mexicans who have never deviated in the slightest from their obligations.
For the proper understanding of the affairs of Texas a glance is necessary at the geographical and political situation of the country, at the character and occupations of its inhabitants, and at its productions, in order, in view of these premises, to answer the fundamental question, What are the true interests of Texas?
That district was a distinct and separate province under the Spanish government, and, as such, it was a participant in the war for independence, was represented in the constituent congress, and was provisionally united to Coahuila by the law of May 7, 1824, to form the state of Coahuila and Texas. It is exclusively agricultural, its inhabitants are tillers of the soil, and possess the virtues of industry, strength of character, regular habits, and ardent love of liberty and of prompt and wholesome administration of justice, which usually animate this important class in all enlightened countries. With their arms they have conquered those lands, warring incessantly against the savage Indians; with their plows they have made the desert disappear; and they are habitually enterprising.
The chief products of Texas are cotton, corn, beans, indigo, tobacco, garden vegetables, lard, cheese, butter, and all kinds of stock known in the republic. Its rivers and creeks afford abundant facilities for the establishment of mills and factories. The climate is hot in summer and cold in winter; it is unhealthful on the rivers and along the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, which borders Texas from the Sabine river to the Nueces. There are ports adequate to accommodate, and abundant timber for the construction of, medium sized vessels.
Every one who has any knowledge in regard to the commerce of Texas must know that the Mexican markets are the best in the world for the products of Texas. Ginned cotton is worth seven or eight pesos 97 an arroba 98 in Mexico, Puebla, San Luis, etc., while in the United States of America and in Europe it is worth from two to four pesos. Corn in the ports of Matamoros, Tampico, Vera Cruz, and Campeche is worth from four to six pesos a fanego, 99 and in Texas it is worth from six reales 100 to one peso, and almost the same in New Orleans; in the Mexican ports lard is worth from one to two reales a pound, while in New Orleans and other parts of the North [North America] it is worth a half real at best, and the same proportion holds true with reference to all the products of Texas.
In regard to exportation to foreign countries, it is very evident that it can be carried on under the Mexican flag as easily as under that of any other nation whatever. The Texans would receive from foreigners merchandize in exchange for their products, while from their Mexican fellow-citizens they receive gold and silver.
The farmers of Texas believe that in agricultural products they can compete with the landowners and agriculturists of the southern part of the republic on the coast of the Gulf of Mexico, because the habits of the Texans and their practical experience in the different branches of agriculture ought, for many years at least, to offset the advantage that the others have in the natural fertility of lands, the mildness of climate, and the nearness to market. Consequently they think that they can, in general, sell their products in the ports of the Gulf at a lower price than those of the same grade from the haciendas 101 of other districts are sold.
From this competition will always result a national benefit, since it will greatly hasten the advancement and the true aggrandizement and independence of the republic, for it will increase industry and agriculture in all sections, particularly as to those products adapted for export.
At the present time the exports of the republic are reduced to little more than gold and silver, whence it follows that the Mexicans are the miners for other nations. Let such a state of affairs change; let the imports be paid for with agricultural products such as sugar, cotton, indigo, cocoa, etc.; let mining unite with flourishing agriculture, and in a few years Mexico will present an interesting picture of wealth and prosperity hitherto unknown to the world.
Commerce by land from the ports of Texas to the interior of the republic presents advantages almost equal to the coast trade, since that country is level and very well adapted for highways to Monclova and the other towns of Coahuila, to El Paso del Norte in the state of Chihuahua, and to New Mexico. It is worthy of note that every year about two million pesos' worth of merchandise enters New Mexico and Chihuahua from Missouri across more than four hundred leagues of desert. This commerce from Missouri is entirely outside the course which the geopraphical situation of the country and nature itself has marked out; the ports of Texas were evidently designed for it. There is no difficulty in opening highways from Texas to the state of Chihuahua and to New Mexico, whose length would not be half the actual distance over which merchandize from Missouri is now transported, and they would pass throughout their whole extent within Mexican territory by the way of the interior of Texas, which can be settled and would afford abundant means for facilitating the transportation. The work of opening these roads is certainly of the greatest importance, since it would change the course of the commerce that now comes from Misouri from that foreign country to the Mexican ports of Texas, and consequently all the advantages from the payments for freight and transportation would pass from the freighters of Missouri to Mexican citizens; it would increase the income of the maritime custom-houses; it would distribute merchandize to the inhabitants of the interior at less cost than [if brought by the other route] from Missouri, on account of the reduction of the distance and of the expenses of transportation; it would attract settlers to the vast uninhabited districts of the interior, because of the advantage of establishing themselves along the road or near it, and thus without cost to the government would subdue the savage Indians who now are desolating the frontiers of Chihuahua; it would form a new and very strong chain to draw closer the union of Texas with the interior states of the republic, identifying their interests by means of a commercial intercourse, intimate, direct, and of mutual advantage; finally it would change the isolated and solitary position that Texas now occupies, bringing it into contact, through facility of transportation, with the most remote states of the interior. To establish these roads has been one of the favorite projects of the citizen Austin, who has labored with enthusiasm for the advancement of this, his adopted country; but it is a great enterprise and beyond the common routine of slow progress, and consequently it needs the support of the general and state governments, and their favor in the concession of certain privileges and special advantages.
The federal system has as its foundation the general and individual happiness; and the distinct parts of a society thus constituted are cemented, to form the national unity, by private interest and advantage working in harmony with the common welfare. Applying these principles to Texas, it is evident that instead of there being any antagonism between its own welfare as a state of the Mexican federation, and the common interests of the national unity, the pecuniary as well as all other interests of Texas bind more closely its union to the Mexican republic and must be better promoted with Texas as a part of Mexico than as a part of any other nation whatever.
Without further extending this general view, and in order not to weary the reader, these premises are sufficient in reason and sound politics to answer the important question, What are the interests of Texas?
The Texans are persuaded that these interests demand for them a local government as a state of the Mexican federation, and that, as such, the very nature of things will strengthen more and more the union of the state with the republic. It would not be strange if the landowners 102 should desire the separation of Texas from Mexico to prevent competition in agricultural articles; but it would be so if the Texans should seek it only to lose the best market for their products.
But it will be asked, Whence have arisen so many rumors concerning the separation of Texas from the Mexican republic? How is it that the public has been deceived by such erroneous and false impressions concerning this point? Why was the citizen Stephen Austin, agent and commissioner of the people of Texas to the supreme government of the federation, imprisoned and kept almost a year in the dungeons of Mexico?
A satisfactory reply to these questions will be found in a brief review of the political occurrences in that country in recent years. From an examination of these events the impartial man can not fail to be convinced that all the equivocations and false rumors that have appeared in the newspapers have arisen solely from having inferred positive facts and definite results from superficial appearances of things, without the thorough knowledge of them, obtained by previous analysis, so necessary to clarify the truth and to secure the practical and genuine demonstration which justice, patriotism, national honor, and the true interests of the country demand. Finally, by sounding the intentions of the inhabitants of Texas, bearing in mind the circumstances, an impartial and just judgment concerning the matter will be formed.
In the year 1821 Texas was scantily populated by civilized people, but was full of savage and roving Indians; since of the first there were only the old villas of Béjar and Bahía del Espíritu Santo, whose united population at the time did not exceed three thousand five hundred inhabitants.
In this year was begun the settlement of those deserts by means of foreign colonists whom the empresario Stephen Austin brought to the country under the authority which, previous to the change of government, had been conceded to his father. Protected by the liberal system which was the outgrowth of independence, Texas continued its progress until in 1830 the growth of population and the consequent social needs began to involve grave inconvenience on account of the bad organization of the local government.
The system established for the local administration of Texas by the government of Coahuila and Texas, although perhaps the best that the circumstances permitted in 1825, when it was organized, was never adequate, and, as the country became settled, grew to be unbearable. In all Texas there was not one justice of the peace, and the alcaldes, in all important civil and criminal affairs, had to consult with the assessor of the capital of the state, two hundred and fifty or three hundred leagues distant.
In the year 1832 the evils which grew out of this situation became so extreme that the ayuntamientos earnestly petitioned the legislature of the state, begging for adequate reforms in all branches of public administration. The ayuntamiento of Béjar, on the 19th of December, 1832, gave a long enumeration of these evils It should be observed that this town is the old capital of Texas, that its population is composed entirely of native Mexicans, and that its memorial was adopted by the people in mass meeting. Speaking of the administration of justice, this memorial says: “In the judicial department there has never been the proper organization, and it may be said with well founded reason that in this branch there is not, nor has there been, any government in Texas.”
The same memorial, referring to the anti-constitutional and inadequate laws that were passed by the state legislature when the capital was in Saltillo, says: “The people of Texas could have declared themselves in a state of nature and proceeded at once to the organization of a government of their own adequate to their needs and local conditions, and their not having done so, though possessing the right, is and ought to be a satisfactory and conclusive reply to the accusations and calumnies with which certain enemies of Texas have attempted to deceive the Mexican people, scattering vague and false rumors against the colonists and other inhabitants of this country.”
This memorial concludes its argumentative part in these terms: “The grievous situation of this valuable portion of the republic, and the only hopes of remedy that remain are finally demonstrated. Your Honor, persuaded of the importance of this petition and of the necessity for it, will surely appreciate the sincere and frank language with which this body has explained itself in the name of the sentiments that animate this vicinity, which, openly and without thinking even remotely that under any aspect there is a question of disavowing the dear and priceless name of Mexican which it possesses, begs your Honor will do it the justice of believing that the motive of this memorial, besides its evident right, is to avoid the most extremely irreparable consequences, which, perhaps, are already showing themselves and will be very difficult to remedy in the deplorable event of not heeding its demands. Heaven endow your Honor with foresight and due justice to examine impartially this interesting subject!”
The memorial of the villa of Bahía del Espíritu Santo (now called Goliad), also an old Mexican settlement, is even more energetic than that of Béjar. All the ayuntamientos of Texas drew up similar memorials.
What has been set forth on this point is sufficient to show to the public that the evils from which Texas was suffering at that time were of the greatest gravity, and that all the discontent there resulted from the absolute lack of adequate local government and from no other cause.
In the summer of the year of 1832 the principles of the plan of Vera Cruz obtained a foothold in Texas. In June a portion of the people pronounced in its favor, and in July and August all Texas. The military detachments also adhered to the aforesaid plan, and set out by sea and land to join the liberal forces at that time. During these events there were some collisions between the military and the inhabitants, as was the case in all part of the republic and as very naturally would happen in time of a national revolution. Persons who either did not understand these events or desired to misinterpret them limited themselves solely to appearances and to the material fact of the collisions, without analyzing the causes or the principles that influenced the inhabitants who were caluniously charged, because of false impressions, with the design of separating themselves from the Mexican republic.
The memorials to the state legislature in December did not have the desired results. Things were going from bad to worse. Savage Indians were menacing the whole frontier. A general conflagration was compassing the entire republic, and the Texans could see nothing except a direful future. If those people under circumstances so critical and alarming had in fact declared their separation from Coahuila seeking relief and order in their own resources, taking the place wished for in the Mexican federation, it is probable at least that impartial men would have given their approbation on principles of necessity and self-preservation. They did not do it, nor did they attempt it. What they did was to come together peaceably in conventions, by means of delegates chosen by popular vote, in order to present their needs to the general Mexican government and to seek timely remedies.
Through the newspapers this step of calling the convention has been attacked. In “La Razon y la Ley,” published in Saltillo, it was denominated as anticonstitutional, unknown to the laws, and revolutionary. If it would not seem burlesque irony it might be asked of the editors of this periodical whether the pronunciamientos, including that of Saltillo itself of the past year, are not revolutionary, and whether they are constitutional, and known to the laws. The object that the pronunciamientos have had has been to change the government with arms in hand, to establish some law or authority, or to seek reforms by force. Would to heaven all pronunciamientos that have been and shall be were exactly like that of the Texas convention! No force was employed. Popular elections were held to name agents and commissioners. And for what purpose? In order respectfully and in a fitting and peaceable manner to present to the general government the needs of the people.
This is indeed a right of petition which belongs to every free people and is an essential part of the republican system, because it is born of the fundamental principle that the will of the people forms the safest standard to guide the deliberations of public agents, and that this will ought to be expressed in the simplest and most direct manner, not by means of insurrections, clash of arms, threats, nor with lack of respect.
The convention was held in the town of Austin, a central point, on April 1, 1833. The people of Texas were there represented by fifty commissioners or delegates. Memorials directed to the general government were drawn up, among them one soliciting the erection of Texas into a state of the Mexican federation separate from Coahuila; and citizen Stephen Austin was chosen as commissioner or agent of Texas to carry them up to the supreme government and to urge action concerning them in the capital of the republic. These specific and sole purposes of the convention accomplished, it was dissolved and its members withdrew to their homes.
It is important to bear in mind the basis upon which Texas founded its claim to become a state. It has already been seen that it is to the interests of Texas to bind closer its union to Mexico, and that the only cause of the discontent, as well as of the desire of its inhabitants to make of their country a state of this republic, separate from Coahuila, is the lack of local government and the consequent danger of internal anarchy and of war with savage Indians. The means adopted was that of assembling a convention to present memorials, because this was most in harmony with republican institutions and was the best that the circumstances permitted.
Concerning the necessity of making Texas a state and the important advantages that would result to the republic in general and to Coahuila and the neighboring states in particular, there was no difference of opinion among the people; because they understood that country, as a part of Coahuila, to be rather an appendix to the Mexican republic than anything else, but as a state of the federation it would form an essential and integral portion of the body social of the nation, and consequently its union would be as much more binding and intimate as in the whole of a thing that of the parts that constitute it in a material sense is [closer than the union of an appendix to the whole]. The Texans, therefore, desiring and striving for their separation from Coahuila and the erection of Texas into a separate state, believed that they were acting as faithful Mexican citizens who understood their duties and aspired to fulfill them, and as honorable men who were seeking their individual welfare and happiness.
The memorial of the convention is extensive. It contains a minute exposition of the deplorable situation of that country as regards its internal affairs; of the evils which it was suffering, and of those that were threatening it; of the general and particular advantages that would result from the formation of a state; and it considers the question from the standpoint of policy. It makes no charges or accusations against Coahuila for failures in its intentions, or for bad faith in regard to Texas; on the contrary, it attributes to it the merit of having desired to serve the interests of Texas in general. But it shows that this is impossible through the very nature of things, the difference in situation, climate, products, occupations, character of inhabitants, the distance which separates one people from the other, and the consequent difficulty about the needs of Texas being understood by the legislatures and governments of the state with that definiteness so indispensable for proper and adequate legislation, and especially by a legislative body three-fourths of whose members are from Coahuila.
This has not been a matter of private quarrels and hatred between Texas and Coahuila—nothing of the kind; it is a question of sound policy, of reason, of impartial justice, and of public and private convenience. The following recapitulation presents in summary the principal basis upon which the convention rested its memorial. 103
1st.The provisional union of Texas and Coahuila and the right that was guaranteed to the first by the law of May 7, 1824, to dissolve this provisional union when it should have the requisite elements to figure as a state by itself.
2nd.Texas possesses elements sufficient for this, its inhabitants desire it, and its situation, isolated and removed from the inhabited portion of Coahuila, requires it; because it is separated by an unpopulated district of one hundred leagues, to cross which is always dangerous, on account of savage Indians, and at times impossible because of swollen rivers and creeks.
3rd.Texas has a natural right to organize itself as a state and to take this rank at the side of the other states, because it was at the time of independence a distinct province which effectively contributed with its blood and its resources to the common cause of the country; and because it has at all times upheld the national rights in that remote portion of the Mexican territory which it has conquered from savage Indians, causing by its own efforts the unpopulated wastes to disappear, and which it has defended against all kinds of enemies. This natural right was recognized, and it was in no manner abrogated or weakened by the union of Texas and Coahuila; for the aforesaid law of May 7, 1824, gives to this union a provisional character, leaving to the Texans the decision as to when it should cease. These are the terms of the law: “Coahuila and Texas shall form a state, but as soon as the latter shall be in a position to figure as a state by itself it shall notify the general congress for its decision in the matter.”
4th.Texas has the right, as its interest requires, to cement and secure its permanent union with the Mexican federation, which it can accomplish only as an integral part of the body social, and not as a mere appendix.
5th.Likewise the common right that is guaranteed it in the system adopted by the Mexican republic of promoting its welfare and internal tranquility by an adequate organization of a local government.
6th.Also the right and the natural duty that belongs to every people of saving itself from anarchy and ruin on the principle of self-preservation.
This extract is sufficient to show the principles upon which the convention rested in asking the general congress to admit Texas as a state into the Mexican federation.
Since the chief object of this explanation is to throw light upon the conduct of the inhabitants of Texas by a frank and brief statement of the purposes that guided them and the motives that influenced them, it is necessary to examine here the views published by some relative to the interpretation that the Texas convention gave to the above-mentioned law of May 7, 1824, which interpretation they characterized as revolutionary. Observe that it is not intended to reply to any periodical in particular, but to all in general.
The constituent act, decreed on January 31, 1824, established the state of the East, composed of the provinces of Coahuila, Nuevo Leon, and Texas; that of the North, composed of Chihuahua, Durango, and New Mexico; and that of the West, of Sonora and Sinaloa. This organization was afterward changed by decrees of the constituent congress; that of the 7th of May, 1824 established the states of Nuevo Leon and Coahuila and Texas; and by other decrees the state of the North was divided, leaving united only Sonora with Sinaloa and Coahuila with Texas.
It must be borne in mind that when the state of Sonora and Sinaloa was established there was expressed in the decree no condition or proviso that would give to that union a temporary or provisional character; while in the one relating to Coahuila and Texas there were such conditions, as has been shown by giving the terms of the decree. It must also be remembered that the delegate from Texas to the constituent congress was opposed to the union with Coahuila, as he informed his constituents, and consented only in consideration of that proviso or reservation to Texas of its rights.
The interpretation, so condemned by some, which the convention gave to this decree of May 7, is very natural. According to this interpretation the decree gave Texas the right to organize as a state by act of the general congress without having to obtain the approbation of three-fourth of the other states; otherwise it would have been no more than a ridiculous concession, granting only the privilege of petitioning the general congress without previous permission of that number of states; they, as the people of any part whatever of the republic, would have had that privilege, or it may be that right, without the necessity of a special decree.
But it is objected that, by the constitution sanctioned October 4, 1824, subsequent to the decree of May 7, this decree was nullified, and that, in order to be admitted as a state, Texas was subjected to the conditions and formalities of paragraph 7, article 50 of the constitution. The convention thought that the constitution sanctioned the establishment of the state of Coahuila and Texas, leaving in force all the particular guarantees conceded by previous special laws; since it can not be supposed that when the constitution was sanctioned, as a solemn guarantee of acquired rights, it would at once operate to destroy that right which Texas had obtained through a law drawn up by the same constituent legislators. The constitution did not change the provisional character that the law of May 7 gave to the union of Coahuila and Texas, especially since Texas consented to the union in confidence that the law asserted its temporary character.
The convention likewise thought that paragraph 7 of article 50 applied to the states whose territory had not previously been divided, such as Mexico, for example, or to those that were composed of two or more ancient provinces whose union was not merely provisional, such as Sonora and Sinaloa, to divide which the aforesaid paragraph 7 must be observed. But, in order to separate Texas from Coahuila, this is not necessary; since evidently it was the intention of the constituent congress that by right each should preserve its separate unity, their names being joined and their governments being united provisionally for convenience until Texas should have the elements for a government by itself.
It seemed to the convention that the object of paragraph 7, referred to above, was to prevent congress itself from surprising the nation with any change in the number or territorial organization of the states, which is avoided in demanding by fundamental law the knowledge and approbation of three-fourths of them. The convention believed that this principle was not applicable to Texas, because the states themselves, through their representatives in the constituent congress, gave a provisional character to the union of Texas to Coahuila, with the object, then declared and sanctioned, of admitting it as a state whenever it should have the elements to figure as such. Consequently the other states should not be surprised if Texas constitutes itself a state with only the approbation of the general congress, because this sovereign resolution would be no more than the carrying out and fulfillment of another already sanctioned about eleven years ago, and the perfection of an edifice whose foundations were laid by the Mexican nation represented in the constituent congress.
To claim that the special condition or circumstance of the law of May 7 should have been expressed in the constitution, in order to be considered valid after the sanction of the fundamental law, is to claim that the same provision should be decreed twice. It was necessary that the constitution should include at the time of its publication the number of states that existed on October 4, 1824, because otherwise it would have presented an imperfection.
The argument that the Texans have made relative to this point is founded exactly upon the elementary principles of legislation. Since there was not in the constitution a clause definitely repealing the special law of May 7, it could not be the intention of the framers of the constitution to repeal it; since this must necessarily have been done in express terms. This is the more evident from the objection that the special law is supposed to be annulled because the general law does not contain explicitly the same provision.
But for the principal purpose of this explanation, the vindication of the conduct of the inhabitants of Texas, the matter of chief import here is a question of the construction or interpretation of a law important to Texans, because they believed that the national as well as their individual interests required that their district be made into a state with the least possible delay. The convention has expressed its opinion on this subject; each citizen has the right to do the same, without, on that account, having imputed to him base intentions of violating the constitution or insulting the government, with the like of which Texas has been slandered upon this point. According to the constitution the only authority competent to pass judgment upon the meaning of the constitution itself or of the special laws is the general congress. To this authority the Texans submitted the question by sending up their memorial; to slander them for only having thought in such a manner concerning a point, which at best is of a nature to admit of controversy, certainly shows a lack of justice and candor of which no impartial Mexican can approve.
Let us now direct attention to subsequent events. For this it is necessary to keep well in mind that at the time of the convention and for many months afterward the situation of Texas, on account of the lack of local government, danger from Indians, and other causes explained above, was so critical that public opinion among the majority showed itself very decidedly in favor of a local organization in fact, in case remedies were not provided by the government before the end of 1833.
The commissioner Austin set out from Texas toward the end of April of that year. He went by Matamoros and reported the purposes of his mission and the state of affairs in Texas to the general commandant of the eastern states, Don Vincente Filisola, who was in that place. He then embarked at the Brazo de Santiago for Veracruz and arrived in Mexico, July 18, after having been delayed by a long voyage and by various accidents.
He was very well received by the vice-president and ministers then in power. Without delay he presented the memorials of the convention and set forth the chief purposes of his mission, as well as others, such as the establishment of a weekly mail between Monclova and Nacogdoches (it had previously been every fifteen days), the extension of it to the dividing line of the United States of America at the Sabine River, and the establishment of another route between Matamoros and Goliad; certain reforms in the Texan custom-houses, the payment of presidial companies, and the circulation of the official newspaper, The Telegraph, to the ayuntamientos of Texas—all very necessary measures for binding closer the connection of those distant countries with the rest of the republic.
The citizen Austin, although of a disposition naturally conservative, has had the misfortune of becoming involved in the political affairs of these times of social fluctuations. He has endured almost a year of incarceration in the ex-prisons of the inquisition and others in Mexico, and his name, much to his regret, has figured in the newspapers in connection with the most false and unjust representations. In order to form an impartial judgment in regard to his conduct and intentions, it is necessary to bear in mind what has been said concerning the political status of Texas, and to take into consideration the fact that Austin's attitude was much affected by his position as agent and commissioner for Texas and as a faithful citizen desirous of fulfilling his duties under the peculiar and trying circumstances in which he found himself.
The months of July, August, and September passed without the accomplishment of anything in regard to the affairs of Texas. The civil war toward the close of September and the beginning of October assumed a dubious aspect, and opinion varied concerning the stability of things. The end of the year was approaching, which was the limit of time that public opinion in Texas believed it possible to wait for improvements in the situation before proceeding to a local organization by popular action.
This disagreeable and dangerous outlook could not but arouse in Austin much alarm and make upon him a deep impression. Republican by education, frank to an extreme, with exaggerated ideas, perhaps, in regard to the sacred obligations of a public agent to his constituents; bound to Texas by all local relations resulting from fourteen years of labor as principal in the most important colonization contracts to people it, and to its inhabitants by sufferings, common interests, and mutual friendships; little accustomed to the equivocal manner and language of courts, and anxious to fulfill his obligations as commissioner and citizen; and expecting to see an immediate overthrow of order in Texas, he orally made a very energetic statement of his opinions to the most excellent vice-president and others concerning the delay in attending to the petitions of Texas.
Unfortunately his arguments were understood in an entirely different sense from that in which he naturally would have spoken and intended and desired to speak; and he was accused of having expressed himself with threats. There have been very false reports in the public papers in regard to this point, charging Austin with having insulted the government. Such charges are the result of having misinterpreted appearances; for it seems that this happens by some fatal chance in everything relative to Texas. An explanation of this matter certainly is due to the public and to the commissioner of Texas, in order to enable impartial men, in the light of the circumstances, to form a correct judgment.
Austin said to the government in substance, but, according to his judgment, respectfully, that in his opinion there would be an overthrow of order in Texas at the end of the year if at least some remedies were not applied for the troubles there, because the inhabitants, in their urgent, keen, and extreme distress, had taken the position that, if the government would or could not attend to their needs, they would act for themselves.
Now suppose the fact to have been as Austin represented and believed it to be. As a Mexican citizen and as a commissioner of Texas appointed to represent the truth, was it his duty to state it frankly and openly, or not? Would he have complied with this duty by concealing the dangers with courtly words and deceiving the government with a sense of security in regard to the tranquility of Texas?
The earnest desire and the great concern that Austin felt at that time for the early consummation of these affairs may perhaps have made him overstep, in his manner of expressing himself, the rigid formalities of policy and etiquette, and in spite of the fact that his recollections in the matter absolve him from this fault, which truly is very foreign to his character, it must be assumed that it was so, because, though what he said gave rise to offense and irritation at the time, afterwards when all was calm it produced a different effect through an explanation of his intentions and true object. Impartial men, and even those who made the charges, will form their own opinion; before Austin left Mexico the most excellent vice-president (as Austin understood) was completely satisfied.
At this time Austin believed that the evils were increasing, and, despairing then of being able to secure the remedies that the people of Texas expected, fearing a popular uprising there, and believing that, in the event that it should really and actually take place, the public interest would be served by having it directed by the civil authorities, he wrote a letter, dated October 2, to the ayuntamiento of Béjar, the capital of Texas, whose inhabitants are all Mexicans by birth, recommending, in substance, that it consult with the other ayuntamientos, in order that they might place themselves at the head of the popular movement, providing, by way of precaution, a local government under the law of May 7, 1824, in the event that the anarchic tendencies came to a head through desperation. Austin wished by these purely preventive means to avoid the fatal and lamentable consequences that would result from a popular outburst.
The letter was discovered. This occurrence has been the only motive for Austin's arrest, extended imprisonment, the judicial proceedings against him, and the unjust charges of some journalists who allowed themselves to be carried away by appearances not considered, still less analyzed, and not in the least understood.
Suppose the danger of these popular uprisings in Texas imminent, would it not have been better for the general welfare and for the particular interest of that country that the ancient capital, Béjar, should have taken the wise precaution to forestall the outbreak of public disorder? Undoubtedly it would. And Austin in this conviction recommended it, unconstrained by the consequences to his own person, because to have hesitated would have made him unworthy of the trust that had been conferred upon him.
A short time after having written the letter referred to, everything changed favorably. Perhaps Austin may be blamed for rashness and for having allowed himself to be deceived by appearances that incited him to write the letter. This charge, however, can be made only by one who is not thoroughly informed concerning the affairs of Texas at that time, and by one who adjusts his prudent foresight of an event in accordance with its results, paying no heed to its origin or to the unforeseen turns that may occur. But be that accusation what it may, it will at most amount to an error, and certainly it was one of judgment and nothing more. Austin at least has the consolation of having been himself the victim, and the only victim, of its consequences.
The civil war ended in Guanajuato on October 7, 1833. The houses devoted themselves with energy to the despatch of business, and in that month issued a decree of the greatest importance to Texas and very satisfactory to its inhabitants. Austin did not lose a moment in announcing this happy turn of affairs to the ayuntamientos and people of Texas, uttering a grand eulogy upon the attitude of congress, recommending the greatest tranquility and calmness, and himself remaining in Mexico to push on the business of his mission that still remained pending.
On November 5 of the same year the most excellent president general, Don Antonio Lopez de Santa-Anna, convoked a special assembly of ministers, at which Austin was present, to discuss the petition of Texas to be admitted into the federation as a state. After a frank discussion, in which Austin supported the claims of his constituents wherever possible and firmly objected to the idea dropped during the discussion of making Texas a territory, because such were the special and positive instructions of his constituents (see No. I), 104 the government decided that, while not ready to discuss that question with a view to acting then, it was disposed to favor, at the opportune time, the claims of Texas to become a state; that the local administration of Texas should be improved so far as it would depend upon the general government to do it, by assisting the presidial companies, establishing mails etc., and urging the government of the state of Coahuila and Texas to provide for reforms suitable for Texas, particularly the establishment of justices of the peace, trial by jury, and other similar things.
Austin, satisfied with the very friendly disposition of the supreme general government shown in favor of Texas, and content with the remedies he had secured and the recommendations to the government of the state of Coahuila and Texas, suspended for the time his efforts in regard to the demand for the erection of the latter into a state; and, on December 10, he set out with a passport from Mexico to Monclova, the capital of his state, in order to urge before the legislature, which would open its sessions in January, the much desired reforms in the administration of justice, and other measures of local interest to Texas. Before leaving Mexico Austin received from the Minister of Relations, for the satisfaction of his constituents, the letter copied as No. II 105 and placed at the end of this explanation.
Austin arrived at Saltillo, January 3, 1834, and was presented to the general commandant who showed him an order from the most excellent vice-president for his arrest and conveyance to Mexico as a prisoner to answer charges that the government had to make against him, without saying what they were. This order grew out of the discovery of his letter of October 2, which came to the knowledge of the government after his departure from this capital. Upon arriving as a prisoner in Mexico he was placed in the ex-prison of the inquisition, incomunicado. An indictment was based upon this letter which has led to so many recriminations that to hear them burst forth, although only through ignorance or bad faith, one would believe that it was the terrible box of Pandora. But the impartial man will judge this letter in view of what has been said concerning it in this explanation, and, for this purpose, an exact copy of it is appended as No. III. 106 The criminal case against Austin has continued almost a year, only a little less than the time his imprisonment lasted; for he obtained his liberty on the 25th of last month. His excellency, the president general, concerned for his 107 vindication, has continually used his high and honorable influence to cut short that useless trial, in so far as the independence of the judiciary has permitted it, after having had the goodness, as soon as he assumed the supreme government, to relieve Austin from his status as incomunicado and to ameliorate his confinement. The consideration of his excellency for Austin honors the latter more than any accusations or calumnies whatever that may appear can injure him.
This sketch of the chief facts relative to Texas and of the principles that have been at work in these events is sufficient for the public to pass judgment upon them. It is evident that the inhabitants of Texas have not deviated in the slightest from their duties as Mexican citizens. On the contrary, though desiring the reforms necessary for their individual welfare and happiness, they have not lost sight of the general prosperity and well-being of the nation to which they belong.
In regard to Austin, public opinion will pass judgment upon his conduct, in so far as it may be conceded that a tribunal, as inexorable as it is honorable, should occupy itself with an individual. Brought to Texas by an enterprising spirit, Austin left his native country, the United States of America, where he was and is yet respected. He became naturalized here. He has labored, to the best of his ability, to plant new colonies and to serve humanity 108 and his adopted country. He has offered services that have deserved the thanks of the general government and of the state of Coahuila and Texas, especially at the time of the administration of the worthy general, Victoria. The agent of an honorable people, determined, and of a character resolute in upholding their rights, or what they believe to be such, he had to work constantly and courageously, as the commissioner of such constituents, at the affairs that were entrusted to him in accordance with his instructions. He did so, and if in this he committed an imprudence, he believes that it is much less serious than to have erred in the direction of weakness and negligence.
The principles of local reforms that have animated the Texans were and are certainly sound; nevertheless, the excitement among them, on account of the imprisonment of their commissioner, might have produced mischievous results. He attempting to prevent this as opportunely as possible and before being confined incomunicado in his dungeon—shame to the republic—wrote to his constituents charging them, and begging his personal friends, to act with moderation, and censuring in very strong terms any sort of excitement, giving them to understand also that his return to Mexico was necessary in order to vindicate his honor and good name, and that they should have no fear of the result. And what is more, in his letters he even exonerated the government from blame in regard to the sentence for his imprisonment. Such was his determination to avoid any disagreeable consequence that might occur; and in truth the communications of Austin had the desired effect, for his constituents yielded to his counsels and suggestions. Let this conduct attest his good faith.
Perhaps it will be asked, Why did Austin not inform the general government of his letter of October 2 at the time when he wrote it or before leaving Mexico in the month of December, if his intentions were so good? Austin might have done it certainly; but his doing otherwise does not belie his good faith; rather the sincerity itself with which the letter was written clears him of the charge. And this sincerity and his good intentions are corroborated by the fact that the author of the letter remained in Mexico two months after writing it, urging reforms, and that he returned to Texas by the principal road to Monclova, the capital of the state and the residence of the authorities of Coahuila and Texas.
But would it have been prudent that Austin should make another representation to Señor Farías concerning the deplorable consequences that were impending on account of the evils that Texas suffered, when his excellency had been so disturbed upon another occasion, through having interpreted Austin's frankness in a sense contrary to that in which he wished to express himself? The measure that he proposed in his letter was directed toward escaping from anarchy and total ruin; the object being, of course, since it was difficult to form any idea of the result of the civil war, that Texas should not become involved in it. If, then, the letter referred to a case which, although it was very probable from the political situation and by the coincidence of certain circumstances that it would happen, yet might not take place—as indeed it did not through the providence of heaven—it was undoubtedly useless to trouble his excellency, already well on his guard, about a future contingency.
Austin was so far from believing that he had committed any fault that, as has been shown, he remained in Mexico two months, after having written the letter of October 2, furthering the interests of Texas in whatever manner it was possible. And when, thanks to his efforts, he obtained the repeal of article 11 of the law of April 6, 1830, he, by his communication during the same month of October in which he figured so conspicuously, and before this happy outcome had been published, contradicted and took back all the ideas expressed in the first letter, as the reading of that communication, a copy of which is given here as No. IV 109, will show.
If Austin had not been thoroughly possessed with enthusiasm for the prosperity of this country of his, instead of having undertaken the toilsome and costly journey from Texas to Mexico, all at his own expense, instead of laboring with ceaseless zeal and earnestness for the happiness of Texas, separated from his family and suffering the inconveniences and annoyances that these efforts involved, especially those at the court, he would have remained at home, letting things go from bad to worse, as they would have done in the natural course of events, without running the risk of becoming involved in the political labyrinth.
The man of honor who works with a clear conscience convinced of the uprightness of his intentions rests in his good faith and scorns the interpretations of malice or suspicion. For he will always find a guarantee in the laws or in the opinion of men of impartial judgment who examine things to the bottom, and not superficially or according to their appearances. Such is the guarantee in which the slandered people of Texas and their commissioner trust for a just judgment that shall decide whether either the one or the other has merited the accusations and calumnies with which they have been reproached.
For greater clearness in these matters—this has been the cause of some diffuseness in this explanation, which the reader will please pardon—it is necesary to observe that, in the end, public order in Texas was not and is not being upset; that the legislature of Coahuila and Texas of 1834, adopting the suggestions of the supreme general government of 1833 made at Austin's instigation, and heeding the just claims of the Texans, has improved the laws and the local administration of that country. With these reforms even the efforts toward separation from Coahuila have entirely ceased, and the inhabitants of Texas are quiet, devoting themselves to the cultivation of their lands, to the development of their country and their individual progress, through the exportation of agricultural products, and to the pleasures of domestic life, unmindful of insurrections, political upheavals, or revolutions.
Mexico, January 18, 1835.
“It may perhaps happen that the general congress would prefer a territorial government, believing it to be more adaptable to the circumstances of Texas. Upon this point the convention desires that you understand explicitly that a territorial government is not the object of our petition, that the country will not be satisfied with it, and in the change to it no more will be accomplished than passing from one evil to another, leaving future experience and future sufferings on the part of Texas to prove which of the two evils is the more fatal to its prosperity. You ought, therefore, to resist, respectfully but firmly, anything that tends to impose upon us a form of territorial government.”
Taken from the original. Mexico, January 18, 1835.
Austin.
Chief office of the Secretary of State, Department of the Interior.
The petition that the colonists of Texas addressed to the general congress for the formation of that portion of the Mexican territory into a state absolutely independent of that of Coahuila was referred to the Chamber of Deputies on August 21, last, attention being called to the importance of the matter and the desirability of prompt consideration thereof. Thus you have been informed in this office, and you have been advised of the measures that the government has taken in regard to that colony. One, among others, has been to urge the government of the state to secure for the colonists all the privileges of which they are worthy as Mexican citizens, in civil as well as as in criminal affairs. To this end were indicated the measures that ought to be put into execution for the most undeviating and suitable administration of justice in each branch. One method was the establishment of juries, wholly in conformity with the petition of the colonists themselves, without the government's being able to do anything else, because that was not within the scope of its authority. In regard to congress, you are already informed of the law that it has seen fit to pass, repealing the 11th article of the law of April 6, 1830, and providing that this repeal shall not take effect until six months after its publication.
His excellency, the president, orders me to make this communication to you, in order that you, who have been entrusted with securing a favorable outcome for the petitions of the colonists, may inform them of the result that has now been attained, in the conviction that, since the supreme government is disposed to favor their claims in all that relates to the development of that colony and to facilitate the administration of justice, you may assure them that it 110 will help toward and use all its influence to secure this important object, and therefore that all improvements and reforms conducive thereto will continue, both for the purpose of enabling Texas to become a state or territory of the federation, and to secure meanwhile good order in its internal administration.
In regard to the other petitions that you have urged concerning the establishment of mails and the reduction or removal of duties upon certain articles, they have been referred to the Treasury Office, and through it you should be informed of the decision of the supreme government, if, as this minister believes, it has been notified through that channel of the status of this affair.
God and Liberty. Mexico, December 7, 1833.
Garcia. To Colonel Stephen F. Austin. A faithful copy taken from the original that is in my possession. Mexico, January 18, 1835. Austin.
In the letter that I addressed you on the 14th of August, last, I expressed the opinion that the affairs of Texas would turn out favorably. Since then there have been very few sessions of congress on account of cholera. The events of the civil war also have delayed all public affairs in such a way that nothing has been accomplished, and I am sorry to say that in my opinion nothing will be done, and that it is difficult to form an idea of the result of the civil war.
In this state of affairs I recommended that all the ayuntamientos of Texas put themselves into communication with each other without delay for the purpose of organizing a local government for Texas, in the form of a state of the Mexican federation founded upon the law of May 7, 1824, and have everything ready to accomplish this in union and harmony as soon as it is known that the general congress has refused its approbation.
This step is absolutely necessary as a preparatory meaure, because there is now no doubt that the fate of Texas depends upon itself and not upon this government; nor is there any doubt that, unless the inhabitants of Texas take all its affairs into their own hands, that country is lost.
I am firmly persuaded that the measure that I recommend is the only one that can be adopted to save us from anarchy and total ruin. This being my conviction, I hope that you will not lose a single moment in addressing a communication to all the ayuntamientos of Texas, urging them to co-operate in the plan of organizing a local government independent of Coahuila, even though the general government should deny its consent.
God and Texas. Mexico, October 2, 1833.
Stephen F. Austin. To the Illustrious Ayuntamiento of Béjar.
Copy of a letter addressed by citizen Stephen Austin to all the ayuntamientos of Texas.
Article 11 of the law of April 6, 1830, has been repealed, and the affairs of Texas and of the whole republic have taken on the most favorable and flattering aspect.
God and Liberty. Mexico, October 30, 1833.
Stephen F. Austin. To the Illustrious Ayuntamiento of Béjar.
The great importance of opening roads direct from Texas to Chihuahua and New Mexico, to which reference has been made on page 6, 111 of this pamphlet, and the importance that those countries would acquire through becoming peopled by means of colonies thus established in the interior of Texas—for instance, upon the head waters of the Rio Puerco and the banks of the Rio Bravo in the neighborhood of El Paso del Norte—require that a little more attention be given to this matter.
The most of the barbarous tribes that menace the frontiers of those states, traversing the immense deserts east of the Rio Bravo, are but wanderers and enemies of civilized settlements. If any of them have been subdued, this result has been possible only through force and under the shadow of these settlements, consequently the most certain and effective method for protecting the frontiers from the incursions to which they are exposed is to people the country. But, today, two serious difficulties are encountered in carrying settlers to those vast deserts—one, the lack of security, and the other, the absence of open roads to accomplish the necessary transportation. But these difficulties can be overcome by continuing the establishment of colonial settlements from those that already exist in Texas (which will serve as the bases and starting points from which this chain should begin) in the direction indicated above until those near El Paso del Norte are reached. These settlements will be able to sustain each other, like a line of fortifications, without burdening the government. In this manner Texas has been peopled, beginning near the coast and penetrating the interior by degrees.
The privileges, of which mention has also been made, that are needed for these enterprises, are these: exemption for a short time from duties on merchandize carried over these roads, and a concession of lands to empresarios, to colonists, and to settlers who open the roads or come to reside near them.
With these means of communication in operation, and supposing at the same time that the one from Missouri through New Mexico is open, the most extensive immigration and concourse of settlers would follow; since those who could not come by one way might come by the other; and the inhabitants of the northern and western interior states would obtain the great advantages that competition—which must naturally be aroused between the merchants of the Texas ports and the importers by the Missouri route—always brings, for it is a general rule that such competition produces low prices of goods and better service to the consumers.
In a history of Fort Bend County recently published by J. A. Sowell are recorded many interesting incidents in the life of John R. Fenn, one of the old settlers of that county, and a grandson of one of the oldest settlers in the State of Texas.
The Fenn family on both sides were from Savannah, Georgia, but John R. Fenn was born in Lawrence County, Mississippi, on October 11, 1824. David Fitzgerald, his maternal grandfather, came to Texas in 1822, when the country was an unbroken wilderness, and the place settled by him and his son, John Fitzgerald, three miles below the present town of Richmond, on the Brazos River, was one of the first to be opened in Austin's Colony. In 1832 Eli Fenn, who had married Sarah, the daughter of David Fitzgerald, visited Texas, and being well pleased with the country, returned the next year, bringing with him his family, whom he had left in Madison County, Mississippi. They first settled on the Fitzgerald place, where crops were raised in 1834 and 1835. The one planted in 1836 was lost on account of the Mexican invasion.
At the time of this event, John R. Fenn, the son of Eli Fenn, was between eleven and twelve years old, and the account of his capture by the invading Mexican army is most interesting.
His recollection of the stirring events of his boyhood, in many of which he participated, and of the adventures of older members of his family with the Karankawa and Bedi 112 Indians, reveal striking pictures of frontier life in Texas.
His father, Eli Fenn, served in the army of the Texas revolution in Captain Wiley Martin's company, and when, in 1842, a force was organized under Gen. Alexander Somerville for the invasion of Mexico, John R. Fenn, although not yet of age, joined the company of Captain William Ryan, of Fort Bend County. Later this expedition went to pieces on the Rio Grande, a part returning to Texas with Somerville, and the others crossing over into Mexico. John Fenn, through the influence of Robert Herndon, joined with the former band, and thus escaped the horrors of the captivity and decimation, which have made the term “Mier prisoners” suggestive of all the suffering that humanity is capable of enduring.
In 1852 John R. Fenn married Miss Rebecca M. Williams. She was born in Wilkinson County, Mississippi, and came to Texas with her parents in 1845, settling on Oyster Creek, one and a half miles from Clear Lake, in Brazoria County. Mrs. Fenn's ancestors were distinguished in the war of the American Revolution. One great-grandfather, General Nathaniel Randolph, served on the staff of General Lafayette, and Ezekiel Ayers, another great-grandfather, served with equal honor in another branch of the colonial army. The grandfather, Isaac Williams, was for some time colonial governor of the province of Mississippi.
After their marriage, Mr. and Mrs. Fenn also settled on Oyster Creek, on the Thomas Barnett League. For many years past Houston has been regarded as their place of residence, but there was also a home maintained on the old plantation, where they entered upon life together, where he always retained supervision over his plantation affairs, and where, at his request, he was laid away when his period of life ended.
Mr. and Mrs. Fenn early became members of the Texas Veterans' Association, attending nearly every meeting. He became first vice-president, and was always an active, useful member. Upon the organization of the Daughters of the Republic of Texas his wife was made president of San Jacinto Chapter, and, as an earnest worker for the preservation of the historic associations of the old Republic of Texas, was ably aided by his counsel. They were truly united in patriotic fervor, as in all the objects of life. In 1902 they celebrated their golden wedding at their home in Houston, and on that happy occasion there were gathered around them their two sons, Francis Marion Otis Fenn, and Joseph Johnson Fenn, with their wives and children; their daughters, Mary—with her husband James J. McKeever, Jr.—and Miss Belle Fenn; and numbers of loving friends.
On November 23, 1904, the family circle was broken, John R. Fenn then being called by the All Wise Father to leave the scenes of his eighty years of service on earth.
The last sad scenes are described by the Houston Post of November 25th, as follows:
As announced, the funeral services of Captain John R. Fenn were held at the family residence, 1117 Bell avenue, with Rev. William Hayne Leavell of the First Presbyterian church as officiating minister, at 9 o'clock a. m. yesterday. The floral tributes were many and beautiful.
A fragrant, snowy star, from the San Jacinto chapter, Daughters of the Republic of Texas, reposed upon the casket of the old Texas hero.
At the conclusion of the services at the home the family and friends drove to the depot, where at 10 o'clock, through the kindness of Mr. T. W. House, a special train was secured from Mr. Leroy Trice of the International and Great Northern railway to convey the funeral party to and from Duke, the railroad station of his ranch and plantation. Permission was kindly granted by the Sugarland Railway company to run this train over their track from Arcola Junction to Duke.
When the train arrived at Duke it was met by Mr. Fenn's friends and neighbors, who had gathered to pay the last honors to one they had known and esteemed so long. These friends had brought enough vehicles to accommodate the funeral party; the family carriage and driver having been sent overland from Houston for the widow to occupy in this last sad journey.
Before starting to the old family burying ground, where the mother of the deceased was buried years ago, a short halt was made and the casket carried into Mr. Fenn's house at Duke to permit the family servants and the plantation hands, some of whom have been in the family five generations, to gaze once more at the placid countenance of their sleeping master. It was an affecting sight to see these old darkies file by the casket in respectful silence, but with tears streaming down their faces as they passed out from the dearly loved presence of “old marse.” There was also in this occasion the widow's brother, Mr. Edwin J. Williams, and Judge W. P. Hamblen, who were present at the marriage of Mr. and Mrs. Fenn in 1852, and also attended their golden wedding celebration in 1902.
Arriving at the appointed spot, a short service of reading and prayer was conducted by Dr. Leavell, after which loving hands covered the earth with flowers, and left the mortal remains of John R. Fenn laid to rest beneath the tall live oak trees, with their waving streamers of gray moss, and amidst the scenes he loved so dearly in life, and where so many busy years had passed. After the last sad rites were concluded the family and friends returned to the city on the special train, arriving at about 3:45 p. m.
It can be truthfully said that he sleeps beneath a canopy of flowers upon a tract of land granted to his forefather, David Fitzgerald, by the Spanish government in 1822. David Fitzgerald was one of Stephen F. Austin's colony of the Old Three Hundred.
Captain Fenn's father, Eli Fenn, was also one of the Old Three Hundred, and his son, constituting the families represented, was the last survivor of this old, historic settlement.
The following gentlemen acted as pallbearers: Honorary, T. W. House, Captain William Christian, Judge W. P. Hamblen, Captain J. C. Hutcheson, Dr. Max Urwitz, A. C. Herndon, Captain R. G. Ashe, Captain S. Taliaferro, John W. Bell, Captain J. S. Rice, James Bute, Captain D. D. Peden; active, W. B. King, Alex Bergamini, Pierce Geiselman, Dr. E. J. Hamilton, Jo F. Meyer, Nat Ewing.
Samuel Price Carson, first Secretary of State in the cabinet of David G. Burnet, Provisional President of the Republic of Texas from March to October, 1836, was born January 22, 1798, at Pleasant Gardens, Burke County, North Carolina.
His official connection with the Republic of Texas, though short, justifies a sketch of his life in The Quarterly.
Before coming to Texas he had been a prominent figure in the political history of North Carolina. He represented his district in the State Senate for two consecutive terms and then became a candidate for the United States Congress. His district embraced all of the extreme western or mountainous portion of North Carolina, and since 1817 had been continuously represented in the lower house of Congress by Felix Walker, the originator of the expression “talking for buncombe.” Walker was an old soldier of the Revolutionary War, and, on account of his patriotism, generosity, and hospitality, rather than for his talents, had been elected three successive terms. In the canvass of 1824, he was opposed by Dr. R. B. Vance and James Graham, and, while the canvass was going on, Carson, then only twenty-five years old, entered the field. His youth and his boyish appearance only excited the contempt of his three opponents. Vance and Graham scarcely noticed him, while Walker referred to him as “the boy from Burke who wanted to be a candidate.”
Owing to the advanced age and high standing of Walker, Carson treated him with profound respect on all occasions, referring to him as a patriot who had rendered his country good service and who was entitled to the gratitude of his countrymen. Walker was so won by his magnamity and charmed by his eloquence, that before the canvass was over he withdrew in Carson's favor. The result was the election of Vance.
During the canvass both Vance and Graham ridiculed Walker and ignored Carson, until after Walker's withdrawal, when Vance turned his batteries upon Carson. Among other things he charged Col. John Carson, the father of his opponent, with having been untrue to the cause of the colonies in the Revolutionary War. The old man was present and angrily denounced the charge as false, and would have attacked Vance then and there but for the interference of bystanders. Vance said to him “You are too old, but you have a boy who can fight for your reputation.”
Vance was afterwards called upon to retract and apologize. He refused to do so, repeating the charge in the most taunting manner. The result was a challenge to fight a duel. When the time, place, and terms had been agreed upon, Carson went over into Tennessee and engaged the services of Davy Crockett to drill him in pistol practice, and to pass upon the quality of his weapons. Crockett was present at the duel. It took place just across the State line, at Saluda Gap, South Carolina, in 1827. Vance fell mortally wounded at the first shot, and died at midnight. His last words were “out, brief candle!” He was the father of Zebulon B. Vance, the famous war Governor of North Carolina, and, later, United States Senator from that State.
While public opinion sustained Carson, he ever afterwards profoundly regretted the affair. As an evidence of the esteem in which he was held, he was elected to Congress from that district in 1827, again in 1829, and again in 1831. He was regarded as the best impromptu speaker in Congress, and, by his constituents, as the most eloquent speaker that had ever been heard in the mountains.
Up to his last term in Congress he was a trusted friend of Andrew Jackson, and was often his chosen leader in the House when his administration was attacked. He was an ardent advocate of a tariff for revenue only, a strict disciple of Mr. Calhoun, even endorsing and supporting his nullification policy. This, of course, estranged President Jackson, and in the campaign of 1833, he was defeated by his old opponent, James Graham. His health had become seriously impaired and he was unable to canvass his district, where public opinion was overwhelmingly in favor of Jackson.
An illustration of his power as a public speaker, even in his enfeebled state of health, is found in the old story of how he captured a crowd at Morganton, called together in 1833 to censure him for his course in adhering to Calhoun and opposing Jackson. A two days' meeting was announced to be held at the Presbyterian church, and on the first day Col. B. S. Gaither, then quite a young man, delivered a well considered speech that was very creditable to the man and the occasion. The program for the next day was a speech by Colonel W., the most eminent lawyer of that day and place, and then the adoption of the resolutions of censure. Colonel W. was not without a weakness known to Carson, as the sequel shows. To the surprise of all, as the bell was ringing the next morning to summon the indignant clans to the meeting, Carson's carriage drove up. He alighted, and, entering the church, walked down the aisle to the pulpit and took his stand immediately in front of the audience. When the crowd had gathered, he arose and appealed in a most beseeching tone to all present to say whether it was fair to convict him of misrepresenting his constituents without giving him a hearing. The crowd then voted in favor of hearing him to speak first, and for Col. W. to reply. While he delivered a most eloquent speech that charmed his audience generally, he had before him a pitcher of brandy toddy. He made a clear presentation of the principle of a tariff for revenue only, showed how a protective tariff violated the letter and spirit of the Constitution, and boldly and logically showed that a State had the right to nullify unconstitutional legislation. Before opening his argument he poured out a glass of toddy and gave it to Colonel W., with the compliments of the occasion, then drank one himself, and frequently repeated this performance throughout a speech that lasted over two hours. When the time came to reply, Colonel W. was unable to rise from his seat; there was no one else in the audience to take his place, and the meeting broke up without further proceedings.
Carson's health had now become very precarious. After a rest of nearly a year at his country home, finding that his health did not improve, he concluded that a milder climate might restore him. In 1834 he came to Texas, and after some months selected a location on Red River. While he was absent in Texas, his constituents elected him a member of the famous constitutional convention of North Carolina, held in 1835. His service in that body was his last public appearance in his native State.
As Texas was well on the way in her revolution against Mexico, he returned to Texas in 1835, and in March, 1836, was appointed by President Burnet as Secretary of State. He did not serve in this position more than sixty days. During that period the fate of the Republic was hanging in the balance. The Alamo had been taken and its garrison all killed. Fannin and his command surrendered and were put to death, and the entire population of the Republic not under arms was panic-stricken and fleeing to the Sabine. The cabinet left old Washington, the Capitol, and there were ample grounds for believing that the Indians in East Texas, incited by the Mexicans, would rise and massacre the white population left in and near Nacogdoches.
In this emergency President Burnet dispatched Carson to Louisiana to see General Gaines at Fort Jessup, with a view to having the United States move troops to the Sabine to compel the Indians to respect a treaty that had been made, and thus to protect the settlers in that neighborhood. Carson arrived at Natchitoches one week before the battle of San Jacinto, saw General Gaines and succeeded in his mission, and on the 14th of April so notified President Burnet.
His health continued to fail, and as soon as he heard the news of the battle of San Jacinto he resigned his position as Secretary of State, and spent the summer in Tennessee and North Carolina in quest of health. While in these two States he lost no opportunity to urge the annexation of Texas to the United States, and it was through his efforts that the first public meeting held in the United States to advocate annexation was assembled in Burke County, North Carolina, at his old home.
He returned to Texas late in 1836, and continued to travel in search of health. He died at Little Rock, Arkansas, in 1840, at the age of forty-two.
In the latter part of December, 1866, Colonel Dalrymple, 114 of Georgetown, and Jacob Schnively, a noted prospector, created an excitement over a supposed gold mine in the Sierra Nevada mountains on the Rio Grande River. Colonel Schnively claimed to have been there and he had in his possession several rich specimens of galena quartz. He said that the mineral was to be found in inexhaustible quantities.
In order to get men to accompany him as a guard, he promised to give each man an equal share in the enterprise, and, if gold should be found, to help to locate the land by certificate. Colonel Dalrymple, who was a noted Indian fighter, was instrumental in organizing the party. The writer, having made the trip through the country near the place where the gold mine was supposed to be, was selected for a guide. Colonel Dalrymple thought that ten men would be all that were necessary for the occasion. The names of those who were selected are as follows: Abe Hunter, Malcolm Hunter, Warren Hunter, Tom Holly, John Coen, Tom Jones, Temp. Robinson, Bud Robinson, George Carson, 115 brother of the famous Kit Carson, and A. Whitehurst.
We organized at Camp Colorado 116 about the end of December, 1866, or in January, 1867. The exact date I have forgotten. We started well armed and equipped with six months' supplies. Everything was carried on pack mules. After traveling three or four days we concluded to camp on the Concho river and to kill buffalo and cure as much buffalo meat as we could carry with us. While in camp at the mouth of Kiowa Creek, near the head of the main Concho, we met five men from San Saba, John Murray, Dr. McBunnells, and three others whose names I have forgotten. They had heard of our expedition, and had come there to meet us. We had some parleying and discussion before we would agree to let them join us, but, as they were good men and had come so far for that purpose, we consented to take them with us. Besides they had more buffalo meat already cured than we could very well carry. We remained in camp on the Concho two days. We packed our mules with nice, well-cured buffalo meat, and one morning as the sun arose we set out for the head of the Concho only ten miles beyond.
After leaving the camp about a mile, we discovered a party of Indians behind us chasing Tom Holly, one of our men, who had left his gun at camp. He was a quarter of a mile behind when he discovered a couple of the red devils trying to cut him off from us. The alarm was given, and our party now saw that a fight was inevitable. Colonel Dalrymple cried out: “Boys, now we have got to hold our packs and fight—fight for our lives, for just look, they are coming from every direction!” On our right there was a band that appeared to number as many as a hundred, and before us there were equally as many. They had planned the attack, no doubt, while we were in camp at the mouth of Kiowa creek. They would have been successful in their plan if Tom Holly had not made the trip back to the camp, for had we proceeded a mile fuurther we would have been at least two miles out on a level, open flat, where there were no natural fortifications whatever. As it was, we had to retreat only about half a mile to the banks of the main Concho, where we found a small ravine which we barricaded, and there we stopped with our little band. When we were first attacked Colonel Dalrymple ordered ten of the men to hold the pack animals, and five others to charge through the Indians who were between us and the Concho. He himself lead the charge with Bud Robinson, Tom Jones, and myself. We made the opening for the packs, but Colonel Dalrymple was wounded through the arm, carrying a lance away with him. His family still hold it as a relic of the event. My horse was killed in the charge. He was shot through with an arrow, but held out until we reached a little ravine on the bank of the Concho. Our pack mules were all killed while on the retreat, and the packs, which contained the bulk of our ammunition and all of our food, were captured.
Old George Carson was eighty or ninety years of age and bald-headed, and the Indians apparently respected his age and his baldness; otherwise they would have killed him, as he was the last to reach the place of refuge. In the charge he dismounted and came leading his horse as though nothing unusual was happening. Colonel Dalrymple also led his horse in. Warren Hunter and his brother Malcolm, Colonel Schnively, Tom Jones, Bud Robinson, and several others held to their horses. After the Indians got our position and brought their forces up, completely surrounding us (it was then about ten oclock), they made charges first on one side, then on the other, but every time we succeeded in repelling them, leaving several of them dead on the field. Colonel Dalrymple, because of his wound, could not use his right arm, so he gave me his rifle because I had lost my carbine when my horse fell. My only means of defense had been a Colt revolver, and I had emptied all six rounds into the Indians.
After we had taken our stand in the ravine the Indians, failing to rout us, commenced killing our horses, piling them around us on every side, and at the same time making for us very good breastworks. We kept them at bay by firing at every Indian that showed himself. Late in the afternoon we began to get very thirsty and hungry, but we had no water and not a morsel of food. Malcolm Hunter was wounded, having several of his ribs broken by an Indian who knocked him off his horse with the butt of a rifle. Dalrymple was lanced through the forearm, Abe Hunter shot in the hip, and the old man shot in the heel with a spent ball. Some of the others were slightly wounded.
We remained in our position until about twelve oclock at night, when a northwest wind came up, raising a dust, and we thought it a favorable opportunity to make our retreat for home. We silently stole away, passing through the Indian lines unmolested. We traveled on foot down the Concho until daylight, when we halted, killed a buffalo, made a fire, and broiled meat for our breakfast. We still had one wounded horse, which belonged to Warren Hunter, and, though wounded, it was able to carry Malcolm Hunter and Dalrymple. It was then proposed that three of us should hurry on foot to the nearest ranch, where Frank Tankersley was living on the South Concho, about seventy-five miles distant.
Tom Jones, Abe Hunter, and I volunteered to go. We left our comrades and struck out, taking tied to our belts some buffalo meat, of which we would eat a morsel occasionally. We traveled all that day and until four o'clock the next morning, when we met old Rich. Coffey on his way to the Pecos for salt. We heard the sound of his ox-bells about day-light, and found him camped on Spring Creek. His intention had been to overtake us on the Concho at our buffalo camp. We were delighted when we heard the sound of the ox-bells, as we knew that Uncle Rich. would be supplied with bread and coffee, of which we had not had a taste for two days and a half.
We related our defeat to Uncle Rich., and after we had breakfast he hitched up his ox teams and went with us on the back trail to meet our companions. We met them jogging along about thirty miles back. We put our wounded on the wagon and made our way to Frank Tankersley's about thirty-five miles distant. Frank received the crowd very cordially and hospitably and gave us each food enough to last until we reached home.
Before disbanding Colonel Dalrymple and Schnively told us to go home and prepare for another trip in the spring. We all agreed to meet on the Concho on the first of May with a company of one hundred men, which we did. Some of the company were very distinguished men from different portions of the State. Among them was General Hardeman, of Austin, Colonel Lane and Captain Cunningham, of Comanche, and Captain Carrington, of Bosque. We also had several mineralogists and geologists in the crowd.
We met on the Concho at the specified time with one hundred men, all well equipped, and made the trip across the Staked Plains, following the Pecos River. At Horsehead Crossing, on the Pecos River, we relieved a party of emigrants who were surrounded by Indians. The Indians had captured all of their horses and cattle, and burned their wagons. One lady, Mrs. Hoyett, whose husband was a photographer, was wounded, having been shot through the thigh. Several others were slightly wounded. The Indians had besieged them, trying to starve them out. The emigrants were about to take chances on slipping out, when we rescued them. When the Indians discovered our party, they disappeared, and carried the cattle belonging to the emigrants into the Guadalupe mountains. We had a bunch of beef steers, and we fitted the emigrants out with a wagon and steers to draw it. They pulled them through to Fort Summer, New Mexico.
After resting on the Pecos for a few days we marched on to Eagle Springs, in the Rio Grande country, where we were directed to look for the rich gold mine, but our search was in vain. We hunted several days in the surrounding hills for miles around. We then moved several miles south and made a number searches, but found no gold, nor any indications of any. Finally the men, becoming disheartened, disbanded, some going to California and Arizona, the majority returning to Texas.
NOTES AND FRAGMENTS.
The Mexican Advocate.—A brief note on the Mexican Advocate appeared in Volume VII, p. 243, of the Quarterly. This note will now be supplemented by the following extracts from The Arkansas Gazette, a weekly contemporary of the Advocate, published at Little Rock. The earliest reference found was printed in the issue of the Gazette of September 9, 1829, and is a quotation from the Natchitoches (La.) Courier:
Extract of a letter from the Editor of the Mexican Advocate, at Nacogdoches, Texas, to a respectable gentleman of this town— “It is said Com. [David] Porter and Lorenzo de Zavalas 117 Ser. of Haciendas, [Minister of the Treasury,] have obtained a grant of Land of the Ayish Bayou, down as far as the Sea Coast.”
In the issue of September 23, 1829, appeared the following editorial notice:
A newspaper has been established at Nacogdoches, Texas, and is published in the Spanish and English language, by Milton Slocumb. 118
A third reference to the Mexican Advocate is contained in the following article, which was taken from its columns, and was printed in the Gazette of October 20, 1829:
Nacogdoches, Texas, Sept. 4.
By a letter from the interior we learn that an action has been fought near Cabo-Rojo, between the Mexicans and Gauchapines, in which the latter were defeated with the loss of 200 killed.
It is stated that Gen. Terran has taken command of the eastern division of the army, and that Col. Ahumada has marched with the Sattillo troops to join the main army. It is likewise stated that as the European Spaniards in Tampico, who had their time prolonged to settle their business were on the eve of sending $400,000 to the Spanish army, they were discovered and the money seized and confiscated.
Mex. Adv.
The date of the first number of the Advocate is fixed by these extracts on or about September 4, 1829. Perhaps it was a few days earlier. The article below, dated “Nacogdoches, Sept. 1,” may possibly have appeared in an earlier number. This article was printed in the St. Louis Beacon of Nov. 21, 1829. There is nothing in the Beacon to indicate whether it is original or copied. The points that suggested its appearance in the Advocate are: (1) the date; (2) the editorial we; (3) the almost verbatim reproduction in the New York Courier's notice 119 of the “first number” of the Advocate, of the second sentence in this article, beginning “Nacogdoches is situated in 31 deg. 42m N. L.” etc.; and (4) it contains facts that would have occurred only to one who wrote on the spot described.
Nacogdoches, Sept. 1.
There are probably few places of the size of Nacogdoches, of which more has been said and of which less is known at a distance; we shall therefore give a short description of it. Nacogdoches is situated in 31 deg. 42m. N. L. on the main road from Natchitoches to San Felipe de Austin and Bejar. The situation of the town is beautiful, it being on an eminence just above the junction of two beautiful creeks, the Nana on the east and the Banito on the west—the waters of which are as clear as crystal.
Few places have undergone more changes and been the seat of more or greater imaginary undertakings for the benefit of mankind and the projectors, if all they have said could be strictly relied on, than Nacogdoches; in it new imaginary republics have been conceived and brought to mature perfection—new empires, with all the reverence shown the gallant founders which has since been magnanimously conferred on the exploits of Francis Berrian, 120 and for a short time the residence of the youthful hero, who at the time had the honor of belonging to the staff of a young Spanish nobleman. From the time of the commencement of the first revolution in this section of country which gave birth to the fame of that pink of chivalry, Francis Berrian, there has been no less than seven different flags displayed at different times, with the usual formalities in cases of conquests.
Previous to the first expedition which passed through this place, and of which General Gutterez was appointed commander, but afterwards superseded in his command by the traitor Toledo, through intrigue, Nacogdoches was a village of considerable importance; since then it has passed through every vicissitude of fortune, and at the time it was evacuated by the Fredonians only contained five or six houses, and one small store. Within less than three years about one hundred and twenty-five houses have been erected, of rough construction; many of them, however, are very comfortable, and the country in the vicinity is settling very rapidly with inhabitants, principally from the United States of America. The inhabitants of the town probably amount to about 630, exclusive of the military, of whom there is 269 stationed here under command of Colonel Pedras. It likewise contains 8 stores, a post office, tannery, with a considerable shoe manufactory attached to it; 1 saddler's shop, 3 blacksmith shops, 1 silver and gunsmith's shop, 1 hatter, 2 bakers, 1 confectioner, 2 tailors, 2 wagon makers, and 2 public houses.
How long the Mexican Advocate maintained an existence is not known. The fact that Mr. Slocumb is still set down as a printer in the Padron for 1831 may or may not aid in determining this fact. Certain it is, however that Nacogdoches is entitled to the honor of having the second as well as the first newspaper to be published within the present limits of Texas; for the first number of The Texas Gazette, published at San Felipe de Austin, did not appear until about September 29, 1829. 121 Niles' Register, of Nov. 28, 1829, expressed this fact in the paragraph below, taken from “Interesting Items”:
Texas.—Mr. G. B. Cotton is about to commence a newspaper at St. Felipe de Austin, in Texas. A newspaper has been recently commenced at Nacogdoches.
E. W. Winkler.
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTICES.
Mr. Eugene C. Barker, instructor in history in the University of Texas, contributed an article on “The Finances of the Texas Revolution,” to Volume XIX, No. 4, of the Political Science Quarterly.
The contents of the Publications of the Southern History Association for October, 1904 (Vol. VIII, No. 6), are “Vice-President Andrew Johnson,” by D. M. De Witt; “Joseph Martin and the Cherokees” (documents); “Recent Race Problem Literature,” by A. H. Stone; “The National Era, an Abolition Document” (document); and “James Murray Mason,” by W. L. Fleming.
The American Historical Review for October, 1904 (Vol. X, No. 1), contains the following contributed articles: “The University of Paris in the Sermons of the Thirteenth Century,” by Charles H. Haskins; “English Poetry and English History,” by Goldwin Smith; “The Naming of America,” by Edward G. Bourne; “Nova Scotia and New England During the Revolution,” by Emily P. Weaver; and “The First Stage of the Movement for the Annexation of Texas,” by George P. Garrison. The documents printed are “Alexander Hamilton's Notes in the Federal Convention of 1787,” and “Some Papers of Franklin Pierce, 1852-1862, I.”
2. See note 3, page 219.
3. See The Quarterly, II 281-282, V 176-177, and VIII 13, for accounts of the early expeditions sent out for this purpose. There are two small maps of a part of Espíritu Santo Bay, as the Spanish called the bay where La Salle settled, listed as Nos. 79 and 80 in Lanzas, Relación Descriptiva de los Mapas, Planos, &de México y Floridas Existentes en El Archivo General de Indias, which, no doubt, relate in some way to the epdedition of La Salle. Both were sent by Pedro Ronquillo, then Spanish ambassador to England, from London to Madrid in January, 1687. Their exact meaning and value, however, can of course not be determined until the documents accompanying them have been exploited. Tracings of these maps were made several years ago for Mr. Peter J. Hamilton, of `M'obile, who called my attention to them and placed them in my hands. The accompanying documents, however, have, so far as I know, never been copied.
4. See The Quarterly, II 25.
5. Ysleta dates further back, but, as is pointed out in Garrison's Texas, 19, 67, it was not properly a Spanish settlement.
6. See page 203 for the full title in Spanish. The writer was in De León's company throughout, and the document was signed by De León; the writer never uses the first person, however, except in the plural, but refers to De León in the third person, usually as el Gobernador; and there is no distinct statement that he is the author; the evidence in favor of his authorship, therefore, is not conclusive.
7. Carta de Don Damian Manzanet á Don Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora sobre el descubrimiento de la Bahía del Espíritu Santo. See The Quarterly, II 253-312, for fac-simile and translation. My references to the Letter are to this translation, by Professor Lilia `M'. Casís, of the University of Texas.
8. See Bancroft, North American States and Texas, 1 400, 401; Parkman, La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, 373, 444. The title of the document is: Carta en que se da noticia de un Viaje hecho a la Bahía de Espíritu Santo. Parkman says that it was written by some one in the party, but evidently by another hand than De León's; and that it follows closely the account given in the Itinerary. Parkman and Bancroft both had access to it in Florida, Col. Doc., 25.
9. Listed as No. 86 in Lanzas under the title, Mapa del camino que el año de 1689 hizo el Gobernador Alonzo de Leon desde Cuahuila (Nueva España hasta hallar cerca del lago de San Bernado el lugar donde havian poblado franceses. It is referred to in the notes as the Map. Parkman, La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, 442, note 2, cites a French map with the title Route que firent les Espagnols pour venir enlever les Français restez à la Baye St. Bernard ou St. Louis, après la perte du vaisseau de Mr. de la Salle, en 1689, which he says is a part of Margry's manuscript collection; it is not included in the Découvertes et établissements des Français dans les Pays d'Outre-Mer. It is possible that this is a copy the one from the Sevilla archives (No. 86), though nothing positive on this point can now be asserted. A tracing of the Map, made under the direction of the jefe del archivo, Señor Lanzas, in 1903, is now in the library of the University of Texas.
10. Don Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora was born of Spanish parents in Mexico, in 1645, and died in 1700. Educated as an ecclesiastic, he was a poet, a scientist, a historian, and a public official. He was honored by the Spanish king Carlos II with sundry public appointments; and by Louis XIV with the offer of a place at the French court, which he refused. In 1693, he was placed by Viceroy Galve on a scientific commission, which, under the direction of Andrés de Pés, admiral of the Windward Fleet (Armada de Barlovento), governor of the Royal Cōuncil of the Indies (Real Consejo de las Indias), and secretary of the General Marine Department (Despacho Universal de la Marina), was to make a reconnoisance of the Gulf of Mexico. Judge Coopwood, in a note on Sigüenza (The Quarterly, III 66, 67), states that this expedition was to settle and garrison Pensacola. At any rate, after carrying out this mission, Sigüenza published in Mexico a folio with the title, Descripción de la bahía de Santa María de Galve, de la Movila y río de la Palizado ó Mississippí, en la costa septentrional del seno mejicano. Another work of his of interest to students of Southwestern history is a manuscript entitled Historia de la provincia de Tejas. See the Diccionario Enciclopédico Hispano-Americano de Literatura, Ciencias y Artes, for a fuller biography.
11. The Letter was addressed to Sigüenza in response to a request of his. No doubt he was collecting material for his Historia de Tejas, to which reference has already been made. The letter cited by Bancroft and by Parkman may be the other source of information.
12. Matagorda Bay.
13. Derrotero dela Jornada que hizo el General Alonzo de Leon para eldescubrimiento de la Bahia del Espiritu Santo, y poblacion de Franceses: Año de 1689.
14. In the Spanish text, the measures of distance traveled each day are usually placed in the right-hand margin. For the sake of convenience, however, they are printed in the translation flush with the text.
15. The Map begins with the 24th. The Letter states that the start was made on the 25th.
16. See the description of the review held on the 27th.
17. The Presidio of Coahuila, now Monclova.
18. The River of Coahuila (Cuahuila on the Map), one of the headwaters of the Sabinas, a tributary of the Salado.
19. See the Map.
20. Eight leagues toward the northeast (Map.)
21. See above (24). The Map gives northeast as the direction of the march on the 24th and the 25th. The norte of the 24th in the Itinerary is probably a copyist's error for nordeste.
22. The Nadadores.
23. That is, to the left bank. The direction was really east.
24. The Letter states that the entire force consisted of forty men from the presidios of Viscaya, and forty from the New Kingdom of León. These troops were grouped into three companies, with Alonso de León as commander-in-chief and Nicolás de Medina as sergeant-major; with Lorenzo de la Garza, Tomás de la Garza, and Francisco de Martínez, as leaders of the companies.
25. Northeast by north (Map). The Map also gives five leagues as the distance traversed on this date.
26. See page 200, note 2.
27. Some of the same tribal names, apparently, in somewhat different form, occur in the Letter, in connection with the Indian Juan's search for the Frenchman “Juan Francisco.” Here Mescale appears as Mescate; Hapes as Apis; Jumenes as Chomenes.
28. Five (Map). The Map describes the line of march for the thirtieth as being toward the north, and as extending through four leagues; the Itinerary omits the thirtieth, and apparently confuses the occurrences of two distinct days in giving the account of what happened on the twentyninth. There is possibly a copyist's omission, the restoration of which might clear up some ambiguity in the following paragraph.
29. The Map, like the Itinerary, fails to indicate what river. It shows a northward line of march for the Ist, crossing an unnamed branch, or possibly the main stream, of the Salado, and ending on the south bank of the Rio Bravo.
30. See note 3.
31. The Letter states that the Pacpul Indian chief Juan, or Juanillo served as guide to the party throughout the whole course; and that a Quems Indian was secured as a second guide, after they reached the Rio Grande.
32. The Rio Bravo has not been mentioned before. The use of the word dicho, therefore, would seem to be a further indication of a copyist's omission. See p. 205, note 3.
33. The Rio Bravo (Map). The Letter states that this river is variously known as Rio Bravo, Rio Grande, Rio Turbio; that all that could be learned about its source was that it came from the Gran Quivira.
34. The meaning here is “at least five leagues, and possibly more.”
35. Rio de Ramos (Map). Both this river and the Nueces are there represented as flowing into the Rio Grande. Apparently the Ramos is in reality a western affluent of the Nueces.
36. There is a mistake in the reckoning of at least one degree, possibly two. The Rio Grande crossing was made above the junction of the Salado, which is not far from 27°; the Nueces crossing, about eight leagues northeast from the place of observation. (Map.)
37. Cuarta al Nordeste. Supplying norte before cuarta to fill out the ellipsis, makes it mean north by east. The Map has simply nordeste.
38. As has already been noted, the Map makes this river flow into the Rio Bravo—a good illustration of its wild guesswork. Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, I 400, note 1, remarks that the Nueces was not the stream vaguely known by that name before.
39. Nogal is a general name applied to several kinds of nut-trees, according to the local usage. Here the meaning seems to be pecan.
40. Identified by Mr. Clark (The Quarterly, V 179) with the Frio.
41. “Five leagues, but seven counting the turns.” (Map.)
42. “Tiene por cada lado la bajada mas de siete estados.” The estado is about the average man's stature.
43. “Four leagues to the east-southeast” (Map).
44. The account of the visit to the Indian village is given above under date of the twenty-ninth of March.
45. That is, from the west bank. The expression is a little peculiar, but the writer is speaking from the point of view of the 8th. This stream may have been San Miguel Creek. Parkman (La Salle and the Discovery of the Great West, 442, note 2) identifies it with the Frio.
46. The usual expression would be nordnordeste; here, however, the explorer seems to be reckoning from the north toward the east, and a quarter to the east, therefore, would mean north-northeast.
47. Possibly this was Atascosa Creek.
48. Here, too, there seems to be a mistake of one or two degrees.
49. The San Antonio. Mr. Clark (The Quarterly, V 179) suggests that the name arroyo indicates that it was crossed rather high up. It is drawn far out of the true position of the San Antonio, being almost far enough west to represent the Nueces.
50. The Map gives the direction as “east, veering to the northeast.”
51. Mr. Eugene Giraud, of Austin, informs me that in Western Texas one often finds near a water supply a heap of small regularly shaped stones, and, usually, a larger flat stone near by, with a hole scooped out of the middle of the top. The theory generally accepted in explanation is, that the Indians piled up the stones and used them in cooking the stem of lechuguilla, a species of the maguey (agave Americana; American aloe, century plant), afterward pressing the juice out of the stem to make an intoxicating drink; and that they used the flat rock as a receptacle for the juice. The heaps of stones mentioned in the text are doubtless of this character.
52. The Guadalupe is not so incorrectly drawn on the Map as the San Antonio, especially in relation to the French settlement.
53. The Letter sums up the account of the journey from the Rio Grande to the Guadalupe in a single sentence: “We travelled on towards the northeast and at times east-northeast, till we reached the river of Our Lady of Guadalupe.”
54. The Map adds that the line of march ran eastward.
55. Father Manzanet says that the Indian guide said the settlement was fifteen leagues from the river. As to to the council of war, he says that De León asked his advice about what should be done to ascertain the number of Frenchmen in the village and the condition of things there; that his advice was that a mass should be sung where they were to the Blessed Virgin of Guadalupe, and that after they reached the settlement another should be sung to St. Anthony of Padua. All readily agreed. After the mass to the Virgin had been chanted, about nine o'clock that morning, the council continued reaching the agreement that the Indians should be retained as guides, and that “twenty-five men should travel on with us until we should come upon the French village in the early morning, while the remaining soldiers with the beasts of burden should come behind us and camp when they reached a suitable spot.” They were not to move from their camping place without De León's express order; if they saw any Indians, they should seize them and notify De León of the capture.
56. “Some four leagues.” (Letter.)
57. “The rear-guard saw an Indian come out of a dense wood, and called to him, whereupon he went toward them without any show of resistance. They sent us word of the occurrence, and we halted. On the arrival of the Indian the two we had along asked him whether there were, there-abouts, any of the white people who dwelt further on. He said that, as to those living further on, they used to inhabit houses, which now no longer existed, for two moons previous, the Indians of the coast had killed all but a few boys whom they had carried off; that he himself lived in the `ranchería' of the Emet and lavas Indians, which was about three leagues out of the route which we were following towards the bay of Espiritu Santo.” (Letter.)
58. “We went with this Indian to the `ranchería' of which he spoke, and reached it at about three in the afternoon. As soon as the Indians became aware of our presence, they made for the wood, leaving to us the `ranchería' and the laden dogs, which they had not been able to drive fast enough when they fled. The Indian who served as our guide himself entered the wood, and called to the others, declaring that we were friends, and that they should have no fear. Some of them—and among them was their captain—came out and embraced us, saying, `thechas! techas!' which means `friends! friends!' One of them who came out first was a big young fellow about twenty years old, who wore a monk's cloak, and when we saw that it was the habit of a friar, we gave him a blanket and I took the robe from him.” (Letter.)
59. The noun agasajo and the corresponding verb agasajar are used frequently in the documents bearing on the Spaniards' relations with the Indians, in reference to gifts bestowed with a view to winning the favor of the Indians.
60. The text has here sumas, no doubt a copyist's error for lunas. The Letter has dos lunas, two moons.
61. “These Indians [the Indians of the `techas' incident] told how two days previous the Frenchmen had passed by with the Tejas Indians. That very afternoon we started in pursuit of those Frenchmen, and at sunset, we reached the `ranchería' of the Toxo and Toao Indians, who told us that the Frenchmen had passed by with the Tejas, and had been unwilling to remain there with them. That night we slept in the neighborhood of the `ranchería,' and at eight in the evening some Indians came to the place where we were, one of them dressed after the fashion of the French. And they brought some French books, and a Holy Bible.” (Letter.)
62. For the meaning of this term see The Quarterly, VIII 10. The Letter calls Martínez captain.
63. “The next morning [after the night near the Toxo and Toao ranchería] we set out in quest of the said Frenchmen, passing through some very dense woods; and at about two o'clock in the afternoon we came upon some `ranchitos' of Emet Indians. On our inquiring concerning the Frenchmen these Indians pointed out to us an Indian who had just arrived and who had conducted them (the Frenchmen) as far as the San Marcos river, and seeing us pass they told us that we should not be able to cross the said river. We told the Indian that if he would take them a paper and bring an answer we would give him a horse, and that he should take the answer to the houses where the Frenchmen had lived. Capt. Francisco Martinez wrote the letter in the French language because he was master of it.” (Letter.)
64. Here, as is the case throughout, the Letter makes no definite statement as to the time. The paragraph following the account of Martínez's letter to the Frenchmen begins: “Then we returned where the camp was, five leagues beyond the Guadalupe river.”
65. [On the return to camp] “we learned that three days previous the horses had stampeded, and a number having been recovered, fifty were still missing.” (Letter.)
66. The Letter does not go into detail in regard to the search for the soldier, but narrates fully what happened to him during his four days' absence.
67. The reckoning here seems to be about right.
68. The text has merely “4ta al Nordeste” at this point. Leste, however, is naturally supplied before 4ta, from what precedes.
69. “On the following day [after the soldier's return] we left for the French settlement, and when we were about three leagues from it there came out some twenty-five Indians. Now the old Frenchman who accompanied us took occasion to say that the French settlement was not in the place to which the Indian guides were taking us. On the way this Frenchman tried several times, by means of an Indian of the Cavas nation whom he had with him, to make our two Indians desert us, or say that it was very far, and that we should not be able to cross the rivers which were on the way. I was so sorry that the Frenchman should be given occasion to speak that I grew annoyed, and Capt. Alonso de Leon said to me `Father, we are going where I wish to go.' We continued following the two guides quite three leagues; we arrived at a stream of very good drinking-water, and the two Indians said to me: `Lower down on the bank of this stream are the houses of the French, which must be about three leagues off.' Then the old Frenchman saw that there was no help, and that we were certain to come upon the village. He then said: `Sir, now I knew very well, yea, very well, that the houses are on this little river.' ” (Letter.)
70. This sentence is transferred from its place in the text, because this is its logical place. (See p. 218, note 2.) The Letter says: “We found two hundred unburied bodies, which I interred, setting up a cross over the grave.”
71. “Por dentro y fuerza.” Fuerza is no doubt a copyist's error for fuera.
72. “We . . . found six houses, not very large, built with poles plastered with mud, and roofed over with buffalo hides, another large house where pigs were kept, and a wooden fort made from the hulk of a wrecked vessel. The fort had one lower room which was used as a chapel for saying mass, and three other rooms below; above the three rooms was an upper story serving for a store-house.” (Letter.)
73. Bergajones. The Diccionario Extractado del Diccionario Enciclopédico defines vergajon as “an iron bar two inches thick and four or five varas long, with an eye in each end, through which pass the cables by which, under certain circumstances, sunken ships are drawn up from the bottom.” The Letter mentions the finding of some large iron bars, which it calls barejones.
74. Twenty arrobas. The arroba is a measure of weight which is equivalent to twenty-five pounds.
75. The sentence in regard to the search for the other dead bodies was transferred from here. See above, p. 217.
76. The true date was 1685.
77. This total does not quite tally with the total obtained by adding the Map's statements as to each day's distance, which comes to 139 leagues. The Itinerary does not always state how far the party travelled on each day, and therefore it furnishes no satisfactory basis for a comparison of totals. The sum of what distances it does give is 119 leagues.
78. Havia in the text is probably a copyist's error for savia.
79. See p. 206, note 3.
80. That is, barely two leagues.
81. The Map contains no mention of Florida. The Planta de la costa de Florida la mas occidental desde 27 grad. de latitud norte hasta 29 grad. (Lanzas, no. 80), is apparently intended to represent Espíritu Santo Bay, since it contains the legend, “Enderecho donde hallamos el S.de la Salle con dos navios”. The map accompanying the documents in regard to the León expedition of 1690, the Viage que el año de 1690 hizo el Governador Alonso de Leon desde Coahuila hasta la Carolina Provincia habitada de Texas y otras naciones al Nordeste de la Nueva España has the name “Costa de la Florida” applied to what is apparently Matagorda Peninsula; while the name “Costa de na. España” applies to what should be Matagorda Island, but is joined to the mainland, west of the entrance to Matagorda Bay. The Planta cosmographica del lago desan Bernardo conlos senos y Rios qae à èl se communican, descubierto por el orden del exmo. Sr. Conde de Galve V. Gor. y Cpn Gl. desta Na españa obserbada y delineada por Dn Manl Joseph Aficado Alas Matas An de 1691 (La nzas, no. 61), has the legend “Costa que mira A La Florida,” on what is apparently Matagorda Peninsula, between about 28° 40’ and 29°; Costa que ba para Vera Cruz, applied to a stretch of coast west of the Laga de San Bernardo (Espíritu Santo Bay).
The term Florida is exceedingly indefinite in its early use. Ponce de León died in the belief that the land he had discovered was an island; accordingly, one finds the name Isla de la Florida on the early sixteenth century maps embodying the results of his discovery. As a result of Pineda's voyage of 1519, its true peninsular nature was discovered; accordingly, the Traza de las costas de tierra firme (1519 or 1521) contains the legend Florida que decian Beimini, que descubrió Juan Ponce on the peninsula of Florida. Later, the name is applied sometimes to the peninsula, sometimes to a wider extent of country. (See Garcilasso de la Vega, Historia de la Florida, Coxe, Carolana in French, Historical Collections of Louisiana, Part II; Shea, Ancient Florida, in Winsor, A Narrative and Critical History of America, IV chapter IV; and Harrisse, The Discovery of America, 142-173).
82. The Map does not show any crossing. The route there represented strikes what appears to be a distributary of the Guadalupe about a league from the bay, and follows its banks to the bay shore.
83. “The next day [after reaching Ft. St. Louis] we went down to explore the bay of Espíritu Santo, and coasted it until we succeeded in finding the mouth; in the middle of this there is a flat rock, and all along the shore of the bay there are many lagoons which it is very difficult to cross. Black-berries are abundant, large, and fine, and there are a number of stocks which seem to be those of vines, but no trees, and no fresh water. The Indians dig wells for drinking water.” (Letter.)
84. Jean L'Archevêque. The Letter gives his name as “Juan Archebepe.” See The Quarterly, II 291, note 9.
85. “After exploring the bay we returned to the main body of our party, whom we had left in the village; we arrived there at noon, and remained there that afternoon, and the next day they bent the large iron bars, making them up into bundles, in order to carry them with ease. We found the Indians with the reply to the letter which we had written to the Frenchmen; they said that they would soon come, that another Frenchman was further on, and that they were waiting for him in order that they might all come together..... The Indian received the horse, as we had ordered. As to the fort, Capt. Alonso de Leon would not have it burned down, and it remained as it was.” (Letter.)
86. Identified by Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, I 400, with the Colorado. As is the case with other parts of Texas, as represented on the Map, there is so much confusion in the drawing that it is hard to determine with absolute certainty just what is meant by the streams represented as flowing into the bay.
87. The Letter states that the camp was pitched on the site of the French settlement for five days.
88. “Santiago Grolette” (Letter). See note in Clark, The Beginnings of Texas, The Quarterly, V 181.
89. The text has the present tense.
90. “The next day [after the return to Ft. St. Louis] we set out on our return trip to the Guadalupe River, and when we got halfway, since we saw that the Frenchmen did not come, Capt. Alonso de Leon, with twentyfive men, went to the `rancheria' where they were, and the main party went on as far as the Guadalupe River where it remained waiting three days. The Frenchmen were in the `rancheria' of the Toao Indians, with the Tejas; they came to the Guadalupe with Capt. Alonso de Leon, and arrived there on the 2nd of May, '89. Two Frenchmen came, naked except for an antelope's skin, and with their faces, breasts, and arms painted like the Indians, and with them came the governor of the Tejas and eight of his Indians. Through that day and night I tried my utmost to show all possible consideration to the governor, giving him two horses, and the blanket in which I slept, for I had nothing else which I could give him. Speaking Spanish, and using as an interpreter one of the Frenchmen whom we had with us, I exhorted the governor that his people should become Christians, and bring into their lands priests who should baptize them, since otherwise they could not save their souls, adding that, if he wished, I would go to his lands. Soon the aforementioned governor said he would very willingly take me there, and I promised him to go, and to take with me other priests like myself, repeating to him that I would be there in the folowing year, at the time of sowing corn. The governor seemed well pleased, and I was still more so, seeing the harvest to be reaped among the many souls in those lands who know not God.” (Letter.) It will be noted that the Itinerary gives May 1st, the Letter May 2d, as the date when the Frenchmen came to the Spanish camp.
91. “The next day [after the Frenchmen came] was the day of the Holy Cross—the 3rd of May; after mass the governor of the Tejas left for his home and we for this place. We arrived at Coahuila, and Capt. Alonso de Leon sent the two Frenchmen—the one named Juan Archebepe, of Bayonne, the other Santiago Grollette—from Coahuila to Mexico, with Capt. Francisco Martinez, and his Excellency the Conde de Galbe had the Frenchmen provided with suitable clothes and dispatched to Spain on shipboard in the same year, '89.” (Letter.)
92. The materials from which this sketch has been compiled consist of a collection of newspapers and private letters belonging to Mrs. R. M. Swearingen, a register of the Swearingen family, an incomplete account of the experiences of Dr. Swearingen in the Confederate service till the end of the year 1862 written by himself, and some notes furnished by his sister, Mrs. H. M. Kirby.
93. In John Bennett's Barnaby Lee, which first appeared as a serial in St. Nicholas and was afterwards issued in book form by the Century Company, Gerret van Sweringen is one of the most important characters. How faithful the portrait of him there may be, it would be difficult to judge; but it is in some respects at least well drawn.
94. This was S. M. Inman, afterwards a member of the well-known firm of S. M. Inman &Co., of Atlanta, Georgia. Mr. Inman is yet living, and this account is based mainly on letters written by himself.
95. Whether anything was done to raise the money needed for a ransom the available accounts do not show. Under the circumstances, that was doubtless impossible.
96. This article is a translation of a pamphlet issued from the press of Cornelio C. Sebring in Mexico in 1835. It was dated by Austin, January 18, 1835, and consists of thirty-two octavo pages. It is chiefly valuable for the light that it throws upon the attitude of Texas toward the Mexican republic, on the one hand, and, on the other, toward the question of separation from Coahuila; for we may assume that Austin understood the prevailing sentiment in Texas and represented it honestly.
In translating the document the aim has been to render it into as good English as possible without departing too far from the literal expression of the original. This expression, however, is elliptical and involved, and hence many difficulties have arisen in the translation. In cases of doubt effort has been made to preserve the thought rather than the form. The punctuation and capitalization of the document have in some instances been departed from, in order to comply with modern English standards. The paragraphing, except in the concluding parts of the letters given as appendices, and the italicising of English words, however, are the same as in the original.
Acknowledgments are due to Miss Lilia M. Casís, Dr. George P. Garrison, and Dr. Herbert E. Bolton for various helpful suggestions and corrections.—Ethel Zivley Rather.
97. That is, Mexican dollars. By an act of Congress, approved June 25, 1834, the Mexican dollar was made legal tender at its face value in the United States (Dunbar, Laws of the United States Relating to Currency, Finance, and Banking from 1789 to 1896).
98. The arroba is a measure of weight equivalent to twenty-five pounds.
99. The fanega is a measure of capacity equivalent to about fifty-five liters.
100. The real is one-eighth of a peso.
101. This might be freely translated, country estates.
102. That is, the landowners of southern Mexico.
103. In the translation of this summary it has been thought best to preserve the form of the original, which for some of its heads has complete propositions and for others abbreviated expressions or phrases.
104. Page 255.
105. Pages 255-256.
106. Pages 256-257.
107. That is, Austin's.
108. Literally, to serve philanthropy, servir á la filantropía.
109. Page 257.
110. That is, the government.
111. See pages 235-236.
112. In Spanish manuscripts probably the most usual spelling of this name is Vidais, though it is spelled in various other ways, as Beedi, Bedais, Vedais, etc.
113. For the main facts of this sketch I am indebted to Hon. S. A. Ashe, of Raleigh, North Carolina, and to Wheeler's history of that State.
114. William Cornelius Dalrymple.—H. E. B.
115. George Carson was a member of the Mier Expedition. He escaped death at Salado by drawing a white bean. After the first defeat of the Schnively Expedition at the Concho River, mentioned further on, he returned to Georgetown, where he died shortly afterward.
116. In Coleman County.
117. Lorenzo de Zavala obtained a grant, conforming in general to the one described above and providing for the introduction of 500 families, in March, 1829, previous to his appointment to the Treasury. Commodore Porter was not associated with him in this grant.
118. The Nacogdoches Archives, in the Texas State Library, contain the following facts relative to Milton Slocumb: The Relacion de los extrangeros que en el mes de la fha. han yegado al territorio de esta Municipalidad, y que en complimiento del Reglamento de Pasaportes de 10 de Mayo 828 se Remite al Gov. del Estado, a report by the ayuntamiento of Nacogdoches, dated December 31, 1829, shows that, on June 27, 1829, “Meton Esclocom,” a native of Massachustee, but late of Louisiana, and a printer by profession, arrived at Nacogdoches, where he is now settled. The Padron qe. comprende el Numero de Almas qe hay en este Pueblo de Nacogdoches, formado pr. el Alcalde Constitucional de dho. Pueblo hoy dia de la fha. [June 30, 1830,] esto es desde Atoyaque hasta Trinidad, page 6, gives his name as “Meltin Eslocom,” and describes him as being unmarried, a printer, a Roman Catholic, and twenty-seven years of age. The Padron for 1831, dated June 30, repeats these facts, varying only the spelling of the first name to “Meliton” and his age to twenty-eight. The Padron for 1832 shows that “Milton Escolon” has quit the printer's trade, and that he has become a farmer or farm hand attached to José Doste. The Padron of 1833 shows him still in this relation and occupation. No notice of him was found in later Padrones.
119. The Quarterly, VII 243.
120. Perhaps a reference to the hero of the romance, entitled Francis Berrian, or the Mexican Patriot (in two volumes. Boston: Cummings, Hilliard, and Company. 1826. 12mo. pp. 299 and 285). The authorship of Francis Berrian is ascribed to Timothy Flint (see Griswold, The Prose Writers of America, 152).
121. A Comprehensive History of Texas, II 369.
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