Vol. IX. APRIL, 1906. No. 4.
The publication committee and the editors disclaim responsibility for views expressed by contributors to The Quarterly.
It will be remembered that when the war of the Texas Revolution began a call had been issued for the election of delegates to a convention or consultation at San Felipe on October 15. At the appointed time, however, a volunteer army was already on the march to Bexar, and many of the delegates were with it, so that the meeting was postponed by agreement until November 1. In the meantime there had been formed at San Felipe by the advice of Stephen F. Austin a sort of central executive committee, composed of representatives of the local committees of safety and correspondence. This committee, self-styled the “permanent council,” assumed until October 31 general direction of the work of organizing the defense against the Indians and of reinforcing and supplying the volunteers. By November 3 a quorum of the delegates had arrived in San Felipe, and the consultation began its sessions. Its most important work was the adoption of a plan for a provisional government and for the formation of a regular army. The government was to consist of a governor, a lieutenant governor, and a general council, composed of one member from each municipality of Texas. The military plan contemplated two things—the creation of a regular army and the organization of the militia.
The army was to consist of 1120 men, rank and file, part of them regulars, enlisted for two years, and part of them volunteers, enlisted for, and during the continuance of, the war—“permanent volunteers,” they were called. To this was added a corps of 150 rangers, commanded by a major, and subject to the commander-in-chief when in the field. The soldiers were to be governed, so far as local conditions and circumstances would permit, by the regulations and discipline of the regular army of the United States. And the force might be decreased or augmented at the discretion of the governor and council. The commander-in-chief, appointed by the consultation and commissioned by the governor, and “subject to the orders of the governor and council,” had the rank of major general and was to be “commander-in-chief of all the forces called into public service during the war.” He was allowed to choose his own staff of one adjutant general, one inspector general, one quartermaster general, a surgeon general, and four aids-decamp.
For militia duty all able-bodied men between the ages of sixteen and fifty were declared qualified, and they were ordered to embody themselves, on or immediately after the third Monday in December, in companies of fifty-six men, and elect officers—a captain and a first and second lieutenant. The municipality was to be the basis of organization, and in case there should be as many as three companies in a single municipality, the officers were to elect a major to command the entire force; if there were four companies, they were entitled to a lieutenant colonel; if five, to a colonel, and if more than five, to a brigadier general. Five companies formed a regiment of militia.2
General Sam Houston had already been elected commander-in-chief (November 12)3 and on the 14th the consultation adjourned, to be succeeded by the provisional government that it had created.
The Militia.—In his first message to the council, on November 16, Governor Smith, among other recommendations, urged haste in the organization of the militia. The council thereupon instructed the military committee to consider the object of the consultation in ordering an election of militia officers in December. The ideas of the committee were embodied in an ordinance that was passed November 25. It provided that the council should appoint in each municipality three commissioners to divide the district into militia precincts, which were to conform as nearly as possible with those already existing, and to choose election judges for each precinct. Officers were to be elected and companies formed as required by the plan of the consultation. Muster days were fixed for company, battalion, regimental, and brigade drill on the first Saturday in April, May, September, and October, respectively. Commissioners for sixteen municipalities were elected November 26, those for Matagorda were appointed the next day, and others for San Patricio and Sabine later. The governor was commander-in-chief of the militia, and was allowed a staff of four aids with the rank of colonel.4 To what extent the organization of the militia was effected is uncertain. Probably very little was done, for about the time that the elections were to take place news spread that the volunteers had begun the storming of Bexar and needed reinforcements. Many prepared to hasten to their assistance, some of the commissioners among them, and thus the organization was delayed.5
The Regular Army.—The military committee on November 21 presented a detailed report on the organization of the regular army. This force, which the consultation had limited to 1120 men, they proposed to divide into two regiments—one of artillery and one of infantry—of 560 men each. Each regiment was divided into two battalions and each battalion into five companies of fifty-six men. The field officers of the infantry were to be a colonel, a lieutenant colonel, and a major; those of the artillery, a colonel, two lieutenants colonel, and two majors. Artillery companies, likewise, were to have three lieutenants instead of two. These additional officers were considered necessary on account of the varied and important work that would be required of the artillery.6 The council with some amendments adopted this report in the form of an ordinance on the 24th. Officers and privates were to be subject to the same discipline and to receive the same pay as in the regular army of the United States, and each private and non-commissioned officer was promised a bounty of 640 acres of land. Later, as an incentive to enlistment in the regular army, rather than with the volunteers, an additional bounty of 160 acres of land and $24 in money was offered the regulars; one-half of the money was to be paid when the recruit reported at headquarters, and the balance on the first quarterly pay-day thereafter.7
On the same day that this ordinance was passed Governor Smith sent to the council a message, urging it to make “the necessary enactments calculated to authorize the commander-in-chief to issue his proclamation, in order that volunteers and other troops . . . may know to whom to report.” Whatever the act may have been which the governor considered necessary, the council was in no hurry about passing it. On the 28th company officers were elected for the regiment of infantry, and on December 1 it was agreed to elect the artillery officers the following Monday. Before this was done, however, the governor transmitted to the council a letter from General Houston, complaining of that body's delay in helping him organize the regular forces. The military committee replied that, considering “the press of business and the distracted state of affairs,” they had done as much as they could, and been as expeditious as possible, a good deal of their time being necessarily consumed in trying to provide for the volunteer army. They were of the opinion, moreover, that it would not be good policy, anyway, to appoint all of the officers of the regular army at that time. If the war should be prolonged, Texas would be compelled, they said, to depend largely upon aid from abroad, and they thought that men of superior qualifications would hardly be attracted from the United States if every door to promotion were closed.8 In conclusion, they urged that the governor be requested to issue a proclamation fixing the headquarters of the army at Gonzales or some other point on the frontier.9
On December 7 and 8 the field officers for both infantry and artillery were elected,10 but in accordance with the above report, company officers for only one battalion of artillery were chosen. Before hearing of this action General Houston wrote again to the governor, insisting that a complete corps of officers must be elected at once, if any success were to be expected in enlisting the regular army. Upon receipt of this letter the council proceeded to the election of company officers for the remaining battalion of artillery (December 11). The commander-in-chief was then provided with a list of all his officers and a copy of all proceedings of the council that related to the army. The council, however, was not yet through with the general. Another letter to Governor Smith on December 17 called attention to the fact that no appropriation had been made to cover the expenses of the recruiting service. A few officers had been ordered on this service, he said, but he had done it solely on his own responsibility. This obstacle was removed by the council on the 21st, when an ordinance was passed, appropriating $40,000 for recruiting purposes. Another ordinance (December 26), empowering all commissioned officers to administer the oath of enlistment completed the enactments for the organization of the regular army.11
In the meantime, the council had early taken up the organization of the corps of rangers, which was to form a sort of adjunct to the regular army. The consultation had authorized the enlistment of three companies, aggregating 150 men, but the ordinance proposed by the military committee, November 21, raised the number to 168, in order that the companies might conform in size to those of the regular army. The rangers' term of service was fixed at one year and their pay at $1.25 a day. They were to furnish their own rations, horses and equipment, and were required to be “always ready armed and supplied with one hundred rounds of powder and ball.” R. M. Williamson was elected major and commandant of the rangers, subject to the orders of the commander-in-chief.12
Auxiliary Forces.—On December 4 the council referred to the military committee a letter from J. W. Fannin on the subject of the regular army. He was emphatically of the opinion that its size ought to be doubled. “If an army be at all requisite,” he said, “it sh'd be large enough to answer the [purpose] of its creation. . . . The case appears to me so plain that I can not doubt but you will see it in the same light. With this conviction, I will proceed to the main subpect—By virtue of your delegated powers &exigency of the case increase the `Regular Army' to another Brigade of like numbers with the one already ordered.”13 It was no doubt due to the influence of this letter that the military committee at the evening session of December 4 introduced an ordinance “to organize and establish an auxiliary volunteer corps to the army of Texas.” By a suspension of the rules the act was passed the next day. Permanent volunteers, or those enlisted for the duration of the war, were to receive the same pay, rations, and clothing as were allowed by the United States in the war of 1812, and, in addition, at the expiration of service, or when honorably discharged, a bounty of 640 acres of land.14 Those who enlisted for only three months were entitled to 320 acres of land, but at the discretion of the governor and the commander-in-chief others could be accepted for even a shorter period, such as they thought consistent with the good of the service. These last, however, were to receive no bounty. The ordinance does not fix the number of this corps, but the day after its passage a resolution was adopted authorizing the commander-in-chief “to accept the services of at least five thousand auxiliary volunteers, in addition to the local volunteers.”15
Just as the auxiliary corps was in a great measure due to the influence of Fannin, so the creation of a cavalry force seems to have received its first impulse from Travis. On December 3 he wrote to Governor Smith, saying that a member of the council had asked him for his views on the organization of the army. He unhesitatingly approved the recommendations of Fannin on the subject of the regular army, he said, and, therefore, confined himself to a consideration of the volunteers. Among these he thought that provision should by all means be made for a battalion of cavalry, commanded by a lieutenant colonel, “subject alone to the orders of the commander-in-chief for the time being.” They ought to be armed with broadswords, pistols, and double-barrelled shotguns or yagers, and should be enlisted for twelve months—unless the war terminated sooner,—“subject to regular discipline &the rules &articles of war,” for, he concluded, “a mob can do wonders in a sudden burst of patriotism or passion, but can not be depended on as soldiers for a campaign.”16 This letter was passed to the military committee on the 4th, and on the 16th Mr. Hanks, the chairman, brought in a bill embodying Travis's recommendation. General Austin and General Houston both concurred, he said, in the belief that cavalry was necessary. The strength of the force was fixed at 384 men, rank and file, divided into six companies, and Travis's suggestion as to arms was so modified that, while all of them had broadswords and pistols, one-half of them had in addition double-barrelled shotguns and the other half yagers. They were to receive the same pay as cavalry in the service of the United States and a bounty of 640 acres of land. It is somewhat interesting to note that this was the only force for which the council prescribed, or, indeed, even mentioned a uniform. It was to be “a suit of cadet grey cloth coats, [with] yellow bullet buttons, and pantaloons for winter, and two suits of gray cottonade round-abouts and pantaloons for summer, and fur caps, black cloth stocks and cowhide boots.” Travis, who had declined a previous appointment in the artillery, was elected lieutenant colonel and commandant.17
An “Army of Reserve for the protection of the Liberties of Texas” was the last of the auxiliary forces authorized by the council. It was to number 1145 men, officers included,—three battalions of infantry, one of riflemen, one of cavalry and one of field artillery—and was to receive the same pay and bounty as the other auxiliaries. Judge T. J. Chambers was responsible for this act. The first of January, he offered to recruit a force in the United States and have it ready for service, if possible, by May 15, 1836. He agreed to loan $10,000 of the funds necessary for the purpose, and to raise the balance on the credit of the government without harassing the council. Naturally the council accepted the proposal, and pledged the public faith to repay his loan and any other obligation incurred by the undertaking. Chambers, with the rank of general, was to command the men enlisted. This ordinance was passed January 7 and sent to the governor for approval, but was never returned by him to the council. Chambers, therefore, was never commissioned, and, strictly speaking, had no authority to carry out his plan. Nevertheless, he was not deterred, as we shall see, from going to the United States and sending to Texas between May and December of 1836 nearly 2000 men and quantities of war materials, in which he spent some $23,000 of personal funds and $9,035 in Texas bonds.18
The Regular Army. — The effort to enlist the regular army was a heart-breaking failure. Accurate figures can not be obtained, but the assertion may be ventured that at no time before the battle of San Jacinto did the regulars much exceed one hundred men. Houston issued his first proclamation inviting recruits December 12.19 It is a remarkably strong document, even for Houston's pen, but it was all but fruittless. By January 17 there were thirty-five regulars at Refugio, and some others, apparently, elsewhere, for Houston urges Governor Smith to “cause all the regulars now enlisted to be formed into companies, and marched to headquarters.”20 By January 28 Travis had enlisted twenty-six more and marched to the relief of Bexar. And on February 12 George W. Poe wrote that there were many at Columbia who would enlist if the officers were only prepared to “support them and clothe them.” “Lieutenant Chaffin,” he said, “has enlisted about 30 men who have no place to live at and he has no supply of arms, clothing &c for them.”21 But the fact remains that on March 10, when the Alamo had been four days fallen, and Sesma was beginning his march on San Felipe, Harrisburg, and Anahuac, and when Urrea was drawing near Fannin at Goliad after the massacre of Johnson and Grant's division at San Patricio, a special committee, appointed by the convention then in session at Washington, had to report that “Of the regular army, there appears to be sixty privates,” and, though they did not know it, thirty of these were dead with Travis in the ruins of the Alamo. The chairman, J. W. Bunton, acknowledged that his information was incomplete, and there may have been a few more, in fact, he had heard unofficially of a company of forty regulars under Captain Teal, but the number all told was pitifully small.22
The Auxiliary Corps.—Enlistments for the auxiliary corps were more numerous. Companies from Tennessee and New Orleans and Mobile had arrived early in the campaign of 1835, and, as time passed, volunteers came in constantly increasing numbers from the United States—chiefly from Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Ohio (Cincinnati). Most of these later arrivals and some of the earlier ones joined the auxiliary corps, though in general they hesitated to volunteer for a definite period, and were with difficulty enlisted for a term of only three months.23 After the capture or San Antonio, an effort was made to bring the volunteers there under the orders of the commander-in-chief,24 but most of the Texans dispersed to their homes, and the others, together with some companies from the United States at first refused to submit to the command of an officer of the regular army. Six captains—Llewellyn, Lawrence, Pearson, Baugh, Burk, and Cooke—declared themselves of this mind, December 25, and claimed that their men, having volunteered with the understanding that they would be independent of the laws of the regular army, could not be induced to serve under any other condition.25 They must have thought better of it very soon, however, for a month later three of these captains, Burke, Cooke, and Lawrence were refusing to follow F. W. Johnson in the Matamoras expedition without the consent of General Houston, and one of the others, John J. Baugh, was killed while serving under Colonel Travis in the Alamo.
Indifference of the Texans.—The citizens of Texas often manifested a surprising amount of indifference toward the war—and this attitude was much more general than is ordinarily suspected. They did, as we shall see below, form the majority of the force that by good luck captured Bexar in December, but their lack of discipline—the simple expression of the frontiersman's individuality—was the despair of such officers as Austin, Travis, and Fannin. With the termination of the campaign they did not enlist either as regulars or auxiliaries, and did not again take the field in any numbers until immediately preceding the battle of San Jacinto. On December 17 Silas M. Parker wrote the president of the general council that he had with the greatest exertion been able to get together but thirty rangers, and could with difficulty get provisions for them. “I cannot,” he said, “engage any beef or pork for them, tho there is plenty in the country. Such is the indifference of the people as to the cause of Texas.” He had to go to the men who had beeves to spare and value the beeves and kill them himself. Travis, in a letter to Governor Smith, January 28, complained of the same indifference, and gives some pertinent reasons for it. He said: “I have done everything in my power to get ready to march to the relief of Bexar, but owing to the difficulty of getting horses &provisions, &owing to desertions &c, I shall march today with only about thirty men, all regulars except four. ... Our affairs are gloomy indeed — The people are cold and indifferent—They are worn down &exhausted with the war, &in consequence of dissensions between contending &rival chieftains they have lost all confidence in their own gov't and officers. You have no idea of the exhausted state of the country—Volunteers can no longer be had or relied on—A speedy organization, classification, &draft of the militia is all that can save us now. A regular army is necessary—but money, &money only can raise &equip a regular army— ... The patriotism of a few has done much; but that is becoming worn down—I have strained every nerve—I have used my personal credit &have neither slept day nor night since I received orders to march—and with all this exertion I have barely been able to get horses and equipments for the few men I have.” Again he writes from Bexar, when the enemy were already advancing against it, that he hopes the people of Texas will at last open their eyes to the danger and unite in a common cause. But he bitterly adds, “I fear that it is useless to waste arguments upon them—The thunder of the enemy's cannon and ... The cries of their famished children and the smoke of their burning dwellings will only arouse them—I regret that the gov't has so long neglected a draft of the militia which is the only measure that will ever again bring the citizens of Texas to the Frontier.” Almost at the same time Fannin was writing to Lieutenant Governor Robinson, “But when I tell you that among the rise of 400 men at and near this post, I doubt if twenty-five citizens of Texas can be mustered in the ranks—nay, I am informed that there is not half that number—Does not this fact bespeak an indifference and criminal apathy truly alarming? We count upon the servie of our volunteer friends to aid in the defense and protection of our soil. Do the citizens of Texas reflect for a moment that these men, many of whom have not received the first cent's wages, and are nearly naked and many of them barefooted, or what is tantamount to it? Could they hear the just complaints and taunting remarks in regard to the absence of the old settlers and owners of the soil, and total neglect in the officers of the Government—not providing them with even the necessaries of life—this, our mainstay would not be so confidently relied on!!” Finally, on April 8, when Santa Anna was at San Felipe, entering the heart of the most populous settlements, A. Roberts wrote to President Burnet, “I was astonished to find upon making a call upon the men who have stopped here [at Spring Creek] that in place of obeying promptly the general's call, some of them began to prepare for going further who had previously decided on remaining here for some time ... while others manifest a total indifference on the subject. ... It is thought that there is at this time on this side of the Brazos in a moving position at least a thousand men liable to do militia duty.”26
The special committee appointed by the convention to consider the state of the army could only report, therefore, on March 10, that “Of the volunteer army, there are 390 at Goliad, commanded by Colonels Fannin and Ward and Major Mitchell; and 130 at Bexar under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Travis.”27 There was, besides, at this time a force concentrating at Gonzales, but most of it, no doubt, was composed of citizen soldiers, not regularly enlisted.28
The Army of Reserve.—General Chambers and his “Army of the Reserve” warrant a passing notice. He left Texas February 22 for Natchez, Mississippi. Shortly after his arrival there news of the fall of the Alamo and the Goliad massacre so lowered the credit of Texas that he could raise no funds, either on his personal pledge or on that of the State, and very few volunteers. He reached Tennessee coincidently with reports of the battle of San Jacinto, and found his credit improved. He sold some land, and in the next six months sent many companies to Texas from Tennessee, Kentucky, and Ohio. By December (1836) he had thrown into Texas 1915 men, all well equipped, and had shipped a number of cannon and a considerable amount of ammunition and other supplies. In doing this he expended of his own money $23,621.30, and in bonds which he issued on the government of Texas $9,035. Besides these amounts a great deal had been contributed by sympathetic friends for the support of the men. He had been hampered a good deal in his operations, he said, by President Burnet's proclamation that Texas had no agents in the United States, except Thomas Toby &Brother. Some time in 1837 he returned to Texas, and made a detailed report to congress on June 3. He claimed that he had faithfully fulfilled his contract, and that by the terms of his commission from the council he was a major general, the second one created—Houston being the first—and now that Houston was president he was entitled to the command of the Texan army. Congress accepted his report, voted him a resolution of gratitude for his services, instructed the auditor to honor his accounts, and requested the president to make a satisfactory settlement with him in regard to his commission.29
Though the regular army, so far as its relation to the general council was concerned, remained a good deal of an abstraction, steps were not neglected to secure supplies for its use when needed. On November 27 an ordinance ordered the purchase of munitions, provisions, scientific and surgical instruments, books, and stationery. Among the small arms enumerated were 300 yagers, 600 muskets, 200 pairs of cavalry pistols, 1000 butcher knives, and 1000 tomahawks; among the provisions desired were 350 barrels of flour, 20,000 pounds of bacon, 15,000 pounds each of coffee and brown sugar, 5000 pounds of soap, and 3000 pounds of Kentucky chewing tobacco; the books included 100 copies of Scott's “Infantry Drill,” 26 copies of Crop's “Discipline and Regulations,” and 36 copies of McComb's “School of the Soldier.”30 A resolution of December 6 permitted the commander-in-chief to send two agents along with the commissioners to the United States to purchase these supplies, but whether he availed himself of the privilege does not appear. Doubtless many of the supplies were never bought, but the commissioners, Messrs. Austin, Archer, and William H. Wharton, appointed William Bryan, of New Orleans, general agent for Texas, and he from time to time shipped the stores that were most urgently needed.
The council decided, December 8, that the original order for 350 barrels of flour was insufficient, and increased the number to 700, while at the same time it requested the governor to have the commissioners to the United States employ one or more bakers for the army. On December 18 it created the office of commissary general and appointed to the place Thos. F. McKinney, probably the largest merchant in Texas. Mr. McKinney declined the office, but never spared either trouble or expense in his private capacity to procure all necessary supplies for the soldiers. Finally, thinking, perhaps, that private enterprise might be able to supply some necessities which the government could not, the council elected a sutler. He was governed by the regulations for the same office in the United States army, and had authority to appoint sub-sutlers whenever the commander-in-chief requested them.31
Of the Consultation.—From the very first day of its session the consultation looked toward the United States for aid, both in men and money. Indeed, the “permanent council” before it had already issued an address to “Citizens of the United States of the North,” begging for help and promising to volunteers ample rewards in land and money.32 Mr. Edward Hall, on November 3, brought the news that a committee of Texas sympathizers in New Orleans had raised $7500 and equipped and started to Texas two companies of volunteers. And Dr. Archer, in his inaugural address to the consultation, expressed the opinion that many others from the United States would soon arrive. By his advice the consultation among its first measures made provision for rewarding such as came with grants of land, and placing them “on an equal footing with the most favored citizens.” Mr. Hall was then appointed agent for Texas to solicit volunteers and purchase munitions of war in the United States, with instructions to draw on the New Orleans committee for the amount of his purchases. And on the 12th the consultation elected three commissioners—Austin, Archer, and W. H. Wharton—to go to the United States and, especially, negotiate a loan, but incidentally to make arrangements for fitting out a navy, procure supplies for the army, and receive donations.33
Of the General Council.—The general council continued to look in the same direction. In his first message Governor Smith suggested the formation of a corps of “civil and topographical engineers,” for what was considered the extremely important work of fortifying the seaports and frontier towns. The special committee that considered this recommendation reported their entire accord with His Excellency, but upon investigation were forced to confess, they said, “that our country at this moment, whatever it may possess of enterprise and skill, talent and industry in other branches of science adapted to the more immediate necessities of a pioneer population, is nevertheless almost entirely destitute of that species of knowledge essential to the construction of fortifications and works of defense. . . . Your committee, therefore, . . . recommend that we direct our search to the United States, and procure from thence as many gentlemen of acknowledged scientific attainments in this arm of defense as may be necessary, and that this important duty be confided to our three agents, Messrs. Austin, Archer, and Wharton, who are soon to proceed on their mission.” The organization of this force went no further, but the council took pains to have published in the United States the ordinances creating the auxiliary corps and fixing the bounty of volunteers, and, as we have seen, one reason why it delayed the election of officers for the regular army was the fear that men of high qualifications would be deterred from coming to Texas unless they could obtain commissions.34 That this dependence upon the United States was well placed has been abundantly shown. Loans and donations of money and provisions were large, and volunteers came in ever increasing numbers, as the revolution progressed.
By the Consultation.—During the first day's session of the consultation a committee of twelve was appointed to frame “a declaration, setting forth to the world the causes why we have taken up arms, and the objects for which we fight.” The subject evoked much and animated discussion, and at least four provisional declarations were submitted, but all were harmonized by the committee, whose report was adopted, November 7. A fair impression of this “declaration of November 7th” can best be conveyed by quoting those sections defining the attitude of Texas toward Mexico. “The good people of Texas,” so runs the preamble, “availing themselves of their natural rights, solemnly declare,
1st.That they have taken up arms in defence of their rights and liberties, . . . and in defence of the republican principles of the federal constitution of Mexico of eighteen and twenty-four.
2d.“That Texas is no longer morally or civilly bound by the compact of union; yet, stimulated by the generosity and sympathy common to a free people, they offer their support and assistance to such of the members of the Mexican confederacy as will take up arms against military despotism.
3d.“That they do not acknowledge that the present authorities of the nominal Mexican republic have the right to govern within the limits of Texas.
4th.“That they will not cease to carry on war against the said authorities, whilst their troops are within the limits of Texas.
5th.“That they hold it to be their right during the disorganization of the federal system, and the reign of despotism, to withdraw from the union, to establish an independent government, or to adopt such measures as they deem best calculated to protect their rights and liberties, but that they will continue faithful to the Mexican government so long as that nation is governed by the constitution and laws that were formed for the government of the political association.”35
There were not wanting astute Mexicans in Texas who claimed that the declaration was insincere, and Austin thought it ambiguous.36
But the consultation was much encouraged a few days later by the news that General Mexia had organized a small force in New Orleans and was preparing to make a descent upon Tampico in the interest of federalism, while a committee reported on the 12th that the rumors of unsettled conditions in Mexico “gives hopes of a co-operation of our Mexican brethren in the glorious cause of liberty and the constitution, in which Texas has set the noble example.” This feeling can only have been increased by the arrival of Governor Viesca and Col. José María Gonzales, the latter bringing with him about twenty Mexican soldiers. He had formerly served in the Mexican army and had at one time commanded several companies of cavalry that were then defending Bexar. Austin and Fannin believed that he could induce these to desert in a body.37
By the General Council.—Gonzales came before the general council, November 30, and, after having explained to him the declaration of the 7th, offered his services and was accepted (December 3) as “a volunteer to defend the republican principles of the constitution of 1824, and the rights of Texas.” He was ordered to retain command of the Mexicans under his charge and report himself to General Burleson at Bexar. An advance of $500 was made him to defray necessary expenses of himself and men. He cannot have arrived at Bexar in time to have caused much disaffection among its defenders, but the day after its fall we do find him issuing a proclamation to his old comrades in arms, urging them to help the Texans support the standard of federation.38
In the meantime, General Mexia, returning from his disastrous expedition to Tampico, reached the mouth of the Brazos December 3, and asked the government to inform him how he could best use the men under his command to the advantage of the federal cause. Almost simultaneously came Capt. Julian Miracle from Mier, saying that the Liberals of Tamaulipas and Nuevo León were ready to join the Texans, if they were fighting to sustain the federal system and not for independence. Canales, a lawyer of Mier, was already at Palo Blanco, he said, within two days' march of San Patricio, with two hundred men; and the Mexican garrison at Lipantitlán was ready to join Canales or Gonzales at any time. In reply to General Mexia the council first instructed William Pettus and Thos. F. McKinney to help him in any way necessary to enable him to proceed to the interior and carry the war into the enemy's country; but on the 10th it asked him to go to Bexar and reinforce the besieging army there. For the information of the Liberals whom Captain Miracle represented a committee was appointed to prepare an address to the Mexican people. Their report was adopted on the 11th, and Miracle, with five hundred copies printed in Spanish, was returned post haste to his friends. In substance it was about the same as the declaration of November 7: Texas was defending herself and the constitution, she had no intention of declaring independence, and offered her assistance to the opponents of Centralism everywhere.39
Lack of Confidence in the Liberals.—But the government was not agreed on a policy toward the Mexicans. Governor Smith said that he had no faith in them. He vetoed on the 9th an ordinance for the relief of Mexia, and wrote the same day to Burleson, saying that the council had fitted out Gonzales without his knowledge or consent. “You will keep a strict eye on him,” he admonished, “and if he should seem not to act in good faith I now order you to arrest him and his men, disarm them and hold them as prisoners of war subject to my order.” The council, too, without just cause, it appears, lost confidence in Mexia. He did not go to Bexar, as requested, though most of his men—all of whom were Americans—did, and he sent with them a proclamation to the Mexicans of the garrison, some of whom he had once commanded, asking them to join the Texans. Mexia himself returned to New Orleans; Miracle is not again heard from, though reports arrived from time to time of the movements of his patron, Canales, on the Rio Grande; Gonzales, also, after the fall of San Antonio, drifted toward the Rio Grande frontier, and is several times mentioned as being at the head of two or three hundred Mexican troops south of San Patricio.40
Thus the hope of Mexican co-operation, at best rather exotic, faded away. By the middle of January even Austin was urging the declaration of independence, which the convention made on March 2. And this, of course, quashed any sentiments of sympathy that the extremely small party of Liberals in Mexico may have felt.
Formation and Organization.—While the consultation and the provisional government were thus trying to organize the regular army, with its divisions of infantry, artillery, and rangers, and the auxiliary force, with its 5000 volunteers, its legion of cavalry, and its army of reserve, and making overtures to the United States and to the Mexican Liberals, the “volunteer army of the people” was already facing the enemy at San Antonio de Bexar. This force was first gathered at Gonzales. At break of day, October 2, when the battle of Gonzales occurred, it numbered less than 175 men. By the 6th it had increased to 300, and resolved to march on Bexar. On the 11th Stephen F. Austin, who had been called from San Felipe, was elected commander-in-chief. He immediately appointed a staff, consisting of an adjutant and inspector general, an assistant adjutant and inspector general, and an aid-de-camp, and issued an address to the soldiers, saying that the march to Bexar would begin the next day, and emphasizing the necessity for strict obedience and discipline. “It is expected,” he said, “that the army of the people, altho hastily collected, will present an example of obedience that will do honor to the cause we are engaged in, and credit to the patriots who are defending it.”41
As the little band proceeded westward it slowly increased. When the start was made from Gonzales, October 12th, Austin wrote that it still did not exceed 300 men; in camp on the Cibolo, five days later, there were eight companies, with a total of 366; at the Salado (October 21) there were eleven companies with a total of 453; and Royall wrote that from twenty-five to forty men were passing San Felipe daily on their way to the front.42
On the 28th, after the sunrise battle of Fannin and Bowie (battle of Concepcion), the army advanced to mission Concepción, and here the main division remained until November 15, when it moved up to join the second division at the Old Mill. Austin retained the command until November 24, when he resigned to accept the appointment of commissioner to the United States. Col. Edward Burleson was elected to succeed him, and remained in more or less nominal command until the surrender of the town. On the 6th there were about 600 men in camp, on the 24th 405 pledged themselves to remain in the field until the fall of Bexar, and on December 3 William G. Cooke says that the army numbered about 700.43
Lack of Discipline.—But the size of the army is not a fair indication of its strength. The organization was very loose. Companies varied in size from thirteen to seventy privates, some of them officered by a captain and three lieutenants, and some commanded by a sergeant. The men were entirely undrilled and almost entirely without discipline. Time and again Austin was forced to issue orders against promiscuous shooting in and out of ranks, and when food was becoming scarce for both men and beasts the most stringent measures were needed to prevent its reckless waste. And it is significant that the commander-in-chief felt constrained to preface his orders with the apology that he had “no higher ambition than the interests of the country and the safety and honor of the army,” which he thought required that “order and discipline should be observed as far as possible.” New men were arriving daily, and others were daily leaving. “Desertions” were frequent, as many as ten occurring in one small company in a single day.44 Officers and men alike had their own opinions of what should and should not be done, with the result that the commander-in-chief had to content himself with a policy of inaction, and was reduced to the painful position of simply trying to hold his men together, hoping for a rather hopeless something to happen and unite them on a common plan, or for Bexar to fall of its own accord. Time after time he held councils of war and submitted the question of storming the town, but the proposal was always rejected. On the 21st he gave orders to prepare for an assault at daybreak the next morning, but his two division commanders informed him that their men refused to follow them, and the order was withdrawn.45 The strain upon Austin, sick, as he was when he joined the army, was too great. On the 22nd he wrote to his brother-in-law, James F. Perry, “I have done the best I could. This army has always been composed of discordant materials, and is without proper organization. The volunteer sistem will not do for such a service. I have had a hard and difficult task to perform, and am really so worn out that I begin to require rest.” Fannin was “fully convinced that with 250 men, well chosen and properly drilled, so as to rely on each other” the place could be taken by storm, “and not much loss to the party.” And Travis was no doubt reminded of his experiences at Bexar when he wrote Governor Smith that “a mob can do wonders in a sudden burst of patriotism or passion, but cannot be depended on as soldiers for a campaign.” Nevertheless, Austin had only sympathy for the army. “It deserves great credit,” he wrote to the council, November 18, “for its sufferings and perseverance. I have every confidence that a short time will end this campaign.”46
The Garrison at Goliad.—At the same time a rather migratory garrison in much the same state of discipline was holding the fortress of La Bahía or Goliad. The place was captured from its small garrison of Mexican soldiers by Capt. G. M. Collinsworth with a company of fifty-two men on the night of October 9. At first it was feared that General Cos would make a strong effort to retake it, and Collinsworth was rapidly reinforced, so that his command by noon of the 11th numbered 180. But this fear soon subsided and the garrison melted away to a mere handful, some of the men returning home and others going to join the army that was gathering at Gonzales for the march on Bexar. Only Austin's positive orders prevented all the men from leaving. They wanted to get into the active campaign, they said, and the conduct of Captain Dimit, who had succeeded Collinsworth, and was inclined to be something of a martinet, increased their restlessness. October 21st Dimit wrote desperately to Austin, “How shall I keep the men together? Or shall I permit them to go &come as they please?” And when Austin sought to help him by issuing another order, saying that men who left without permission would be published as deserters, Dimit declared that on some it had “no effect, or, if any, a very different one from that desired.” It was considered an important post, however, securing communication between San Antonio and the Gulf, and the Texans managed to retain control of it till the advance of Urrea in the spring.”47
Relations with the Provisional Government.—Members of the consultation did not consider the “army of the people” as in any manner subject to them. Their attitude toward it was, in fact, very deferential. Resolutions were adopted, November 3, commending Austin, Fannin, and Bowie for their success in the battle of Concepcion. On the 12th General Houston offered a resolution thanking the army on general principles for “perseverance, firmness, patriotism, and courage in defending the liberties of Texas.” And again, on the 13th, Collinsworth's capture of Goliad was remembered, and in order to forestall possible jealousy a resolution of thanks was voted to him and his men. The military committee defined their relations with the army in these words: “This force is composed of volunteers from every rank of citizens in the country, whose services generally commenced before the assembling of this house, and as their movements have hitherto been regulated by officers of their own choice, no obligation can be imposed upon them to submit to the control of the provisional government; advisory communications are all that can be made to them.”48
With respect, therefore, to the people's army the consultation confined itself mainly to the effort to secure reinforcements. Districts that had not contributed their quota of men were urged to do so at once, and the temptation to shirk was removed by a resolution of November 11 to the effect that persons leaving the country to avoid participation in the present struggle should forfeit all their land and property to the government.49
To this task and the equally difficult one of supplying the men already in the field the general council fell heir. An ordinance of November 19 provided for the immediate purchase of quantities of food, clothing, tents, surgical supplies, soap, candles, and cooking utensils, and axes, spades, and shovels. Medicine had already been forwarded, it was said, in sufficient quantity for the present. Mr. John W. Moore was appointed “contractor” to carry this law into effect, with authority to pledge the public faith for the payment of such debts as he might incur. The same day a proclamation was issued, calling for more volunteers, and announcing that “all the supplies ... suited to the necessities of this inclement season have been procured and are procuring through the people's agents appointed for that purpose.” This was a trifle premature, perhaps, but the council was determined to “make good,” if possible. So Mr. Millard was appointed on the 22d to obtain supplies for a company on the way to the army, and on the 27th an ordinance was rushed through, creating a commissary at San Felipe to look after volunteers passing there. John B. Johnson was chosen for this responsible position, and he began his duties at once by issuing eighty rations to a company from Mobile. At the same time an appropriation of $1500 was made for the benefit of the army at Bexar, and a few days later (November 28) John Dunn also was appointed a commissary and ordered to buy for it at Matagorda or the nearest point possible a quantity of flour, bread, and beans. December 1st, having received news of the “grass fight,” the council avowed itself deeply grateful to the men engaged in that “brilliant affair,” and seized the occasion to assure them that no means would be omitted to aid, comfort, and assist them in their important investment of Bexar. Before the army received this gratifying assurance, however, Colonel Burleson had grown impatient and appointed William Pettus contractor for the volunteers. This appointment the council ratified on the 5th, but before Pettus had an opportunity to prove his efficiency Bexar had capitulated and most of the army dispersed.50
The council had made little effort to reinforce the army, relying upon the work already done by the “permanent council” and the consultation and upon the general excitement aroused by the battle of Gonzales, the capture of Goliad, and the subsequent march on Bexar. A letter from Milam and Burleson, received on the 9th, and announcing the beginning of the assault on Bexar and the need of ammunition and reinforcements, created, therefore, a prodigious stir. One committee was appointed to gather up and dispatch to the army all the powder and lead in town, another to employ expresses to scour the country for volunteers and additional ammunition, and still another to procure horses for these expresses. Most of the members being thus on special duty, the council adjourned. The next day an address was issued, explaining to the people the straits of the army, and pleading for reinforcements. J. W. Fannin and Thomas J. Rusk were appointed recruiting agents,—the one to operate east and the other west of the Trinity—to enlist volunteers for thirty days. In the meantime Dimit was increasing the strain by calling for reinforcements at Goliad. But on the 15th came the news that Bexar had fallen, and the joy of the council was unconfined.51
As to the pay of the volunteers, the consultation had decreed that such as remained in the service until the fall of Bexar, or until honorably discharged, should receive $20 a month and such donations of land as the government should vote them. For some reason, however,— perhaps to create an incentive to enlistment in the regular army or the auxiliary corps—the council did not admit these volunteers to the benefit of the bounty laws. Only those,—so reads the ordinance,—“their heirs or legal representatives, who have been or may hereafter be killed in battle, or come to death by sickness or accident in going to or returning from the volunteer army,” shall be entitled to one mile square, or 640 acres of land.52
The Army after the Fall of Bexar.—In his message of the 19th the governor declared that it was now time, since Bexar had capitulated, for “the government to bring everything under its own control, and pursue the organic system in place of confusion and desultory warfare.” And in this, at least, the council was agreed with him. It had already tactfully suggested to the volunteers that they could now best serve the country by retiring to their homes until called out again in the spring, but on Christmas day there were still 400 men at San Antonio, 70 at Washington, 80 at Goliad, and 200 at Velasco—an aggregate of 750. The expense of maintaining so many men was great. Certainly Texas could not in her weak financial condition afford to keep them idle. To do so, moreover, the military committee thought, would be inadvisable for two reasons, in the first place, it would create the impression abroad that Texas needed no more soldiers, and in the second place, it would give the enemy time to fortify the Rio Grande frontier at Laredo and Matamoras. Partly, therefore, because it would furnish the means of keeping the troops employed; partly, perhaps, because it might further the plan of securing the co-operation of the Mexican Liberals; and partly because it seemed to offer some other advantages on its own account, the committee recommended an advance against Matamoras. The plan was adopted by the council, and on the 27th the governor was requested to have his proper officers concentrate all the troops at Copano and San Patricio in preparation for the expedition.53
Into the tangle of the Matamoras expedition it is, fortunately, not necessary to enter very deeply. Governor Smith had already conceived the plan, and by his order General Houston had provisionally instructed James Bowie to undertake it on the 17th. Bowie did not go, and Houston was opposed to going himself. The council being determined, however, appointed, at his own request, F. W. Johnson to lead the expedition (January 3). He had already started 200 men to Copano under his aid, Dr. Grant, for this very purpose, and the council was surprised to receive a letter from him on the 6th, saying that he had decided not to go. Fannin was then appointed to collect volunteers and lead the expedition, and he entered upon his duties immediately. But on the 7th Johnson announced that he had changed his mind again, and would go after all, and he forthwith issued his proclamation calling for volunteers. The council, seeing that he meant business, ratified his acts on the 14th, but at the same time specifically declared that no authority was withdrawn thereby from Fannin. To make matters worse, Colonel Bowie had appeared on the 6th and “exhibited to the Council orders from the Commander-in-Chief of the army to proceed against Matamoras, and took leave of the Council for his departure.” And now Governor Smith, acting under the council's resolution of December 27, ordered Houston to take charge of all the troops, and direct the expedition himself. Houston departed immediately, and found a number of men at Goliad and Refugio. He made addresses at both places, and succeeded in convincing most of the men that he alone had the right to command them. Johnson's force was thereby too much reduced for him to proceed to Matamoras, so he moved on down to San Patricio with about a hundred men, and there remained until surprised by Urrea, February 27. Houston's force was also too small, so he left the men in camp and returned to San Felipe, when Governor Smith gave him a furlough until March 1, and he went to East Texas to arrange a treaty with the Indians. Fannin's forces gathered too slowly to enable him to make the expedition, and the early part of February he went into quarters at Goliad.54
The Regular Army.—The situation, then, when the constituent convention assembled on March 1st, was about this: The little garrison at Bexar, left in a very destitute condition by Johnson and Grant in December, had been reinforced by Travis and Bowie to 150 men, Fannin was at Goliad with something more than 400, and a few detached companies were scattered in different places, while new arrivals from the United States were becoming more frequent. One of the first of the convention's military acts was to re-elect General Houston commander-in-chief of all the land forces —“regulars, volunteers, and militia, when in service.” A committee of five had been appointed March 1 to ascertain the condition of the army in the field, the number and grades of the officers, with the size of their commands and where stationed. A report, showing the situation as we already know it, was made on the 10th. Fannin, it was pointed out, held the rank of colonel in both the regular army and the auxiliary volunteers. Tentative measures were taken to provide for the immediate necessities of the men, and the bounty of auxiliary volunteers from the United States who should remain in service until the end of the war was increased to 1280 acres of land. Those who had already served or should hereafter serve six months were entitled to 640 acres, and those who had served three months were to have 320 acres. Those, also, who had participated in the siege of San Antonio were granted 640 acres. This was in addition to what claims they might acquire under the colonization laws.55
The Militia Bill.—But the convention had come to realize, with Travis and Fannin, that the only hope of the country now lay in a draft of the militia; consequently much time was spent in framing a bill for that purpose. The law, as reported on the 7th and passed on the 11th, declared all citizens between the ages of seventeen and fifty subject to militia duty—persons under and over those ages had the privilege of volunteering. Officers to be appointed by the convention were required to list the names of those subject to draft in each municipality, send one copy of the list to the president, another to the commander-in-chief, and post another in a prominent place in the municipality. In Nacogdoches, where there was a considerable Mexican population, the “natives” were to be organized separately. Only two-thirds of the militia could be employed at the same time, and for a term not exceeding six months. When a call should be made those to be drafted would be determined by lot, and each man mustered in was required “to prepare himself with a rifle or musket, one pound of powder, one pound lead, a shot pouch, powder horn, and knapsack, unless he will swear he is unable to do so without injury to his family.” Persons drafted and refusing to serve were to be arrested, tried by courtmartial, and punished in accordance with the laws of the United States concerning deserters in time of war. Officers were appointed to prepare the lists in some municipalities, and on the 15th the president was requested to call out one-third of the militia, but before this could be done the enemy was upon them, and the government was bound to seek safety in a wild flight to Harrisburg. All thought of an orderly levy was then abandoned, and the citizens, left to their own inclinations, rushed to support Houston on the Colorado or joined the fugitives to the East and swelled the panic of the “runaway scrape.”56
Distribution of the Forces at the Opening of the Campaign.—At the beginning of the campaign of 1836 there was a little band of regulars and volunteers under Travis and Bowie in the Alamo, about a hundred men under Johnson and Grant, with headquarters at San Patricio,57 and Fannin's division of a little more than four hundred at Goliad. The fate of the first two has been noted, and of the last it is only necessary to say, in brief, that Fannin began, on March 19 his retreat from Goliad, surrendered to Urrea on the 20th, and was murdered with most of his men on the 27th.58 It now remains to trace the story of the citizen army that won the battle of San Jacinto.
The San Jacinto Army.—Drawn by the repeated calls of Travis for aid, a handful of citizens began early in March to gather at Gonzales. On the 8th there were 275 of them, and when General Houston, who had left the convention on the 6th, took command on the 11th, there were 374. But many were without arms, and others were without ammunition. The force, increased to more than 400, was formed into a regiment on the 13th. Edward Burleson was elected colonel, Sidney Sherman lieutenant colonel, and Alexander Somervell major. At midnight of the 13th, after having the news of Travis's defeat confirmed, the army began a retreat to the Colorado. There were some twenty desertions immediately —so Houston reported,—the men probably going to look after their families. As the army marched it received numerous reinforcements, some in companies and others arriving singly. Many of the latter left again, which, as one of the veterans of the campaign wrote, “they could do with impunity, as they were careful not to attach themselves to any organized company.” By the 26th the number of Texans had increased to between 1200 and 1400, but when in the afternoon of that day the retreat was resumed from the Colorado to the Brazos many withdrew from the ranks—presumably to care for their families. On the 31st General Houston again halted, at Groce's on the Brazos, where the army remained until April 13, and was strengthened by fresh arrivals. Here a second regiment was formed, of which Sherman was elected colonel. An effort was also made to drill the men, but with little result. On the 13th Santa Anna crossed the Brazos and dashed on Harrisburg. On the same day Houston crossed the river, and began on the 14th his march for the same place. He reached the smoking ruins of the town on the 18th, left there his baggage train and from 225 to 275 men, most of them sick and inefficient, and pressed on. He encountered Santa Anna's advance guard at Lynch's Ferry on the San Jacinto River, April 20. The next day was won the battle of San Jacinto. Houston reported his strength in this battle at 783 men; Santa Anna's can not have exceeded 1300.59 During the battle General Houston was wounded, and soon afterward had to go to New Orleans for treatment. His place in the army was taken by Thomas J. Rusk, the recently elected secretary of war ad interim. The citizen soldiers in general soon dispersed and began the planting of corn, but the army was rapidly filled up by new volunteers from the United States. Within two months after the battle of San Jacinto it was nearly 2500 strong, and was becoming rather hard to manage, but into this story it is not necessary to go.
When the revolution began Texas was unprepared. This was nowhere more evident than in the military department. As soon as the consultation could meet steps were taken to organize the militia and to raise a regular army. A general plan was adopted and passed on to the provisional government, which succeeded the consultation, to carry into effect. The effort to organize the militia failed. The effort to enlist the regular army also practically failed. The provisional government planned to augment the regular army with (1) 5000 auxiliary volunteers, (2) a legion of cavalry, and (3) Chambers's army of reserve. It was found that few were willing to enlist in the first corps—though ultimately it probably numbered as many as 500,—the cavalry could not be organized, and Chambers's soldiers nearly all reached Texas too late to be of important assistance. Great dependence was placed throughout upon help from the United States, and, in fact, great aid was received in both men and money from that source. A tentative advance was made to the Liberals of Mexico, but mutual lack of confidence and the early declaration of Texan independence prevented co-operation. While the provisional government was taking these measures, the volunteer army of the people was besieging Bexar. The organization of the volunteers was loose, and they practically refused to submit to discipline, but in the capture of Bexar they accomplished their object. Most of the citizen volunteers then went home, and those who remained in the field, along with several companies from the United States, became so disorganized by the confusion arising from the contemplated Matamoras expedition that they fell an easy prey to the enemy when he advanced the next spring. The advance of the enemy also prevented the constituent convention from effectively taking hold of the military situation, so that General Houston and another citizen army became the country's sole hope for defense, but, as the event proved, they were sufficient.
This, truly, is one side of the picture. The Texas Revolution was not a spontaneous outburst of patriotic indignation against Mexican oppression. Few of the colonists, perhaps, were satisfied with all features of Mexican rule; but few, also, were those who were ready to go the length of armed rebellion. A small party of radicals and the Latin distrust of the Saxon forced the war. It came suddenly, and was soon over—lasting less than seven months. The pacific majority were dazed by its sudden development, and before some of them recovered it was past. For some of them, too, there were other enemies besides the Mexicans. Fear of the Indians they had always, and on the plantations of the Brazos there was added the threat of a slave uprising. With their families in danger, men heard only faintly the calls of the stricken country. Some, too, who would have joined the army were prevented by the wrangle between the Governor and the council, which paralyzed the government. But, when all is said, it really was the “old settlers” who did, almost unaided, all the effective fighting of the Texas Revolution. They captured Goliad and Lipantitlán in the fall of 1835; assisted by a few companies from the United States they captured Bexar in December; and practically alone they won the battle of San Jacinto.
Note.—By an act of the Fifth Congress, December 30, 1840, it was provided that all soldiers who entered San Antonio between the 5th and 10th of December, 1835, and actually assisted in the capture of the place, should be entitled to 320 acres of land, “the same as though they had served out their time of three months.” The preamble assigns as a reason for this law, that all but a very few claimants had received their lands by authority of previous secretaries of war, and it was not considered just that these few should be deprived of their claims.—Gammel, Laws of Texas, II 478.
The publication by Thomas Dixon of a sketch of the origin, organization, dissolution, and ritual of the Ku Klux Klan, or the Invisible Empire, in the San Antonio Daily Express, of September 4, 1905, brings vividly to the recollection of people who lived in Texas during the period from 1867 up to 1870 the reconstruction legislation of the Federal Congress, which for a time handed over the people of the several Confederate States to Negro rule and domination, with all of its humiliation and attendant horrors. The effect of this legislation was to disarm and disfranchise the Confederate white man, and place the ignorant Negro, the rapacious carpetbagger, and the camp-follower, in control of the government of each of the several Confederate States, and these, too often, under the thin disguise of law, proceeded at once to organize a saturnalia of robbery and crime that threatened to pauperize the people of the Confederate States, disrupt all social order, and destroy the just end and aim of government. What could be more repugnant to the instincts of an intelligent Southern man than to be ruled, robbed, and insulted by his former slave? It was during this troublesome period that the Ku Klux Klan was an important factor in many, if not all, of the late Confederate States.
That the humiliation, pauperizing, and ruin of the people of the South was the aim of many of the fanatic leaders of the North, who forced through Congress the reconstruction legislation, there can be no doubt; and though they failed in their purpose, it was not for the want of a desire to succeed. As evidence of this may be cited the actual introduction into Congress by Thaddeus Stevens of a bill confiscating the property of the Confederate people. It is well known that the Negro had been promised, as his share of the spoils, forty acres of land and a mule. Though Congress balked at the actual confiscation, it authorized the Freedman's Bureau, with its numerous agents scattered in every neighborhood of the South, and sent out an army of 35,000 soldiers, whose business it was to uphold the Bureau and the lawless and arbitrary acts and decree of its agents, and to maintain the supremacy and domination of the Negro over the Southern white man; while the camp-follower and the active carpetbagger organized the Negroes into camps of the Loyal League, firing their zeal by the promise of forty acres of land and a mule, and by inflammatory appeals to their ignorance and cupidity, instilling into their minds a hatred of the Confederate white man and a desire for revenge against him.
The great wrong done the people of the South by the reconstruction legislation was the result of passion aroused by the inflammatory appeals of Northern fanatics, predicated, to a great extent, on the assassination of Lincoln. It was not the result of calm and deliberate purpose, nor of a wicked and cruel heart. It had been loudly proclaimed in the North, and the people generally believed, that the Confederate high officials instigated Lincoln's murder, and that the Confederate people approved it. This stirred the minds of the Northern people into such a frenzy of passion that they did not hesitate, at the time, to indorse the most drastic and unjust legislation for the humiliation and punishment of the Confederate people. In the murder of Lincoln the Confederate people lost their best and most powerful Northern friend; and no one now pretends to believe that the Confederate officials instigated his murder, or that the people of the South approved it.
Such were the conditions that surrounded the people of the Confederate States, and seemed to afford them no loophole of escape. They were beaten, broken, and depressed, with no hope of relief. They had no cloud by day, nor pillar of fire by night, to show them the way; but, dark as the prospect was, deliverance came in an unexpected manner, and this deliverance emphasizes and illustrates the fact that Divine Providence interferes in the affairs of men and nations, and that “He moves in a mysterious way His wonders to perform.”
The Ku Klux Klan, or the Invisible Empire, was the madcap fancy of schoolboys in Pulaski, Tennessee. Gotten up in boyish sport, in older hands it proved to be the fulcrum on which the lever worked that freed the Confederate people, and tore from the hands of the fanatics the fruit they expected to gather from the reconstruction legislation, towit: the domination of the Confederate States by the Negro, the humiliation and pauperizing of the Southern whites, and the erection of their territory into solid black Republican satrapies.
The Negro, in his native African wilds, was the subject of the grossest superstition; and, notwithstanding his long contact with the Southern white man, he has lost little or none of the superstitious belief of his African ancestor. He feels conscious that the earth, the air, and the water are peopled with invisible spirits, some of which are malignant and harmful, and some of which are friendly and kind; but that all of them exercise a deep and mysterious influence over his life and being he does not doubt. He further believes that those spirits or beings manifest and make themselves visible to human ken by assuming the shape and form of a dead man or woman, a dog, or cat, or some other animal; or that they enter into and take possession of some man or woman, usually of some old and toothless hag, and transform them into witches, voodoos and sorcerers. In this way, if malignant and unfriendly, they bring disease, death, disfigurement, and bad luck upon a man or woman, sickness and death to stock, blight and failure of crops; if of a kind and friendly nature, they bring health and strength, good crops, and good luck.
The paraphernalia of the Ku Klux Klan was of such nature as to fill the superstitious soul of the Negro with the most abject fear and terror. He fully believed that they were visitors from the under world, come to call him to judgment for his desertion and cruel treatment of his old master and his master's family, and that swift destruction would follow unless he repented and made amends.
These silent night riders, or walkers, of the Invisible Empire, were enveloped in long robes or gowns of various colors, and ample dimensions, which fully concealed the person. Some of them wore hideous masks, and some of them had false heads supported by a rod, which, when rested on the ground, placed the head in proper position. This false head was made by hollowing out a gourd or pumpkin. By raising the rod on which the false head rested, it would apparently stretch the neck, which was surrounded by the gown, arranged to lengthen out, presenting to the beholder a man some twelve or fourteen feet high. The false head was so arranged on the rod that it could be detached and made to hang down and dangle on the breast, presenting the appearance of a man with his head cut off and carried loosely on his breast. The false head had holes cut for eyes, and a mouth cut so as to display enormous teeth. The inside of the head was arranged to hold a candle or taper, which could be lighted when desired; and when lighted showed to the beholder a head with eyes of fire and red-hot teeth; indicating that the man had just arrived from the dominion of his Satanic Majesty.
The riders of the Invisible Empire knew how to impress the Negro and to utilize to the fullest extent his superstitious belief. Often in the night, when passing a Negro cabin, they would halt, and one of them would call upon a headless trunk and say: “Bill, where war you killed?” “Well,” Bill would say, “I was killed at Gaines's Mill.” “What you come here for?” “Well, I cum here to see about my folks, and see how the Niggers ar behavin'.” “When ar you agwine back to yer grave?” “When dese crazy Niggers gets out of de Loyal League, and de Freedman's Bureau, its agents, and de thieving carpetbaggers is run outen de country.” “Hello, Sambo, fotch me a bucket of water! I hain't had a drop since I was buried, and I'm mighty dry.” When the bucket was brought, it was eagerly seized, and without stopping the headless soldier drained from the bucket the last drop and called for more. The water passed unobserved to the ground under his gown.
The dress, the silent and mysterious maneuvers of the Klan, the fact that no one knew where they came from or where they went to, made such an awesome and fearful impression upon the mind of the superstitious Negro, threatened him with such awful portents, and seemed to him so big with danger, that the promise of the forty acres of land and the mule became stale and uninteresting; the Loyal League lost its charms; he turned a deaf ear to the Siren song of the carpetbagger and camp-follower; ceased to rely on the Freedman's Bureau and its thieving agents; and gave his allegiance once more to his old master and the Confederate white man and aided these in routing the official thieves and vampires that were, under the forms of law, destroying and pauperizing the people of the Confederate States.
The deliverance of the people of the Confederate States from Negro rule and dominion, considering the manner and means of its accomplishment, reads more like a fairy tale than sober reality. It stands without a parallel in the history of any nation or people. It was not accomplished by bloodshed or violence, but in a great measure by the silent, mysterious, and visible manifestations of the Ku Klux Klan, which appeared to the ignorant and superstitious Negroes as the messenger of a supernatural, irresistible force, opposition to which would be to encounter the awful power of the spirits that people the earth, air, and water; and from such an encounter they shrank, as they would from a visible hand to hand conflict with Old Satan himself.
The writer has no knowledge that the Ku Klux Klan of which General Nathan Forest was the chief, under the title of the Grand Wizard, included Texas in its organization. He only knows that there was one Klan organized, which was done in a local and independent way, having no official connection with any other Klan. Doubtless other Klans of the kind were organized in other counties in Texas, as the people of all of the Confederate States had speedily come to realize the efficiency of this organization to impress, control, and regulate the Negro.
In the village of Centreville, Leon county, Texas, the Negroes had become impudent, and were constantly prowling around the houses of the whites at night, to the great annoyance and alarm of the white women and children. Under these circumstances, and in view of the threatening aspect of the Negroes, especially a few of the leading ones in the town, it was deemed necessary by the whites, for the safety of their families, that something should be done to regulate the Negroes and curb their insolence.
The papers of the day contained descriptions of the dress and manner of operation of the Ku Klux Klan, so some eight or ten of the white citizens of the town got together and proceeded to prepare the regalia of the Klan along the lines of this description.
There were in the town two Negroes who seemed to be leaders in encouraging impudence towards the whites and in the night prowling. It was concluded to try the effect of the Klan in full regalia on these two Negroes first. So, one night, having first ascertained that each one would visit a certain place, and knowing the road they would travel, the Klan waylaid them. When the first Negro got into the midst of the surrounding Klan, they arose. The Negro saw some men twelve or fourteen feet high, with fiery eyes and red-hot teeth, some with their heads dangling on their breasts, and some with hideous masks. As soon as he discovered these phantoms, he uttered an unearthly yell and broke for his cabin, screaming at every jump, until he reached his own gate, where he fell in a state of perfect collapse.
The second Negro, instead of fleeing, fell down where he stood, and with maniac screams called on the Lord for mercy in one breath, and in the next on the good Devil. He was so fearfully scared that it appeared that he would die on the spot; and the members of the Klan slipped off their regalia and rushed to his aid. With dashes of cold water and assurances of protection, after a time they brought him round sufficiently to be able to be conveyed to his employer's house; but so terribly was he demoralized that his employer was obliged to let him stay the remainder of the night in the room where he and his wife slept. Sometime afterwards the writer questioned this Darkey as to what it was he saw that scared him so badly that night. He said, “the Lord only knows what they were. I seed a lot of ghosts that looked like they was about twenty foot high; some with fiery eyes and teeth, some with their heads off and dangling on their breasts; and I saw the old Devil himself come sailing down through the air, and he lit right on top of me, and den I didn't know no more.” I said to him, “Now, you know you didn't see the Devil.” “Shore, I did; he was as black as your old dog Imp, and looked like him. Didn't see no Devil? Didn't I smell de brimstone, see his head, horns, tail, fiery eyes, and teeth?” Well, the dog Imp was one of the party, and when the Negro fell down and commenced to scream, the dog ran to him and commenced to bark loudly.
This experience settled Negro impudence and night prowling in the town. The news flew broadcast over the county that “de Klux had cum,” and a quiet, humble, scared demeanor at once took possession of the colored population, and no more trouble was experienced. The regalia of the Klan was deposited between the ceiling and roof of an old stone house in Centreville, where it probably could now be found, unless it has fallen to decay and dust from the tooth of time.
The Ku Klux Klan, or the Invisible Empire, was a phenomenal and unique organization, and so far as the writer knows, history discloses nothing like it. Conceived in fun, without any thought of benefiting a sorely-beaten and oppressed people, it became the chief instrument that achieved the political independence of the Confederate people of the South; and, out of the slough of humiliation and poverty, brought back to them their ancient freedom and pride of birth, and an era of unexampled material prosperity.
While General Forest, as the Grand Wizard of the Invisible Empire, perhaps, did not exercise any official jurisdiction over Texas, yet, the beneficial results of the workings of the Empire in the other Confederate States wielded a powerful influence in Texas in aiding her people to rid themselves from Negro rule and domination.
Considering the results achieved by the Ku Klux Klan for the Southern people, it deserves a prominent place in the history of the troublesome period of reconstruction, and explains, to a great extent, what would otherwise seem to be the miraculous deliverance of the Confederate people from the dangers and troubles that threatened to destroy them.
Lewis Ayers was born at Morris Plains, a little village about two miles from Morristown, New Jersey, October 6, 1798. His father was Silas Ayers, a descendant of Obadiah Ayers, who with several others emigrated from Haverhill, Massachusetts, in 1667, and founded the town of Woodbridge, New Jersey. His mother was Mary Byram Ayers, a great-great-grand-daughter of John Alden and Priscilla.
There is but little information concerning the life of Lewis Ayers in possession of his descendants. His early boyhood was spent in the neighborhood of the place of his birth. On November 2, 1824, he married Rebecca Osborn. On May 11, 1834, he with his wife and five children and his brother David Ayers and his family left New York on the brig Asia for Texas. As to the part he took in the struggle for Texas independence, something can be seen from the documents published in connection with this sketch.
A Royal Arch apron which belonged to Lewis Ayers and a receipt for chapter dues paid by him in 1822 are in the hands of the writer. It is a tradition among the descendants of Mr. Ayers that this apron played a part in saving his life when he was captured by the Mexicans.
Of the children of Lewis Ayers, three died within one month of scarlet fever in Texas, and another died young. Three grew to maturity. One, a daughter, died unmarried. Cornelia Maria, born January 16, 1832, married Theo. P. Robinson. She is now living in Detroit and has five children: Miss Kate E. Robinson, Mrs. Clarence Hodges, Mrs. Charles Crockett, and Mrs. Charles Hastings, all of Detroit, and Charles Robinson, of Buffalo, New York. Lewis H. Ayers, the youngest of the children of Lewis Ayers, was born in Cincinnati, December 24, 1837, and is now living in Detroit. He has two children: Charles H. Ayers and Mrs. Katharine Ayers Holmes.
The life of Lewis Ayers subsequent to 1837 was spent mainly in the South, and most of it in Mobile, Alabama. He died in that city, October 11, 1866.
[The materials for this sketch and the documents printed with it have been furnished by Mr. Charles H. Ayers, of Detroit, who, as will appear from the reading, is a grandson of Lewis Ayers. Of the appended documents, No. 1 is a letter written by Lewis Ayers while on his way up the Mississippi River to Cincinnati. It was addressed to relatives of his who were living in Detroit. The Abram and Ann mentioned in the letter were the brother and sister of Mrs. Ayers. The original of the document is in possession of Mrs. Charles H. Hastings, of Detroit. Its abrupt termination is accounted for by the fact that the last page of it has been lost.
No. 2.is an extract from “The Jerseyman,” which was published at Morristown, New Jersey, by a brother-in-law of Lewis Ayers. The paper from which the item is taken has been lost, and the date of the item, which was omitted in making the copy, can not be given.
No. 3.is a letter from Lewis Ayers to Governor Smith, of Texas, communicating some correspondence between Mr. Ayers and James McGloin, of San Patricio, relative to McGloin's appointment as militia organizer for that municipality. The oath referred to in the letters will be found in Gammel's Laws of Texas, I, 912. The latter part of it, which McGloin thought inconsistent with the spirit of the federal constitution of Mexico, pledged obedience to the declarations and ordinances of the Consultation and of the Provisional Government. This correspondence is of value for the light it throws on the attitude of the Irish settlers in McMullen and McGloin's Colony. The letters are printed from copies apparently made long since. The originals are probably not in existence.
No. 4.is the bond of Robert Carlisle as deputy of Lewis Ayers in the office of collector of the port of Lavaca. It is printed from the original.
No. 5.is from what seems to be the original of the passport mentioned in No. 1. It is signed by Guerra, but was doubtless obtained through Bradburn.
No. 6.is from the original of a letter from Isaac Domingo Marks to Lewis Ayers which was apparently written and delivered to Mr. Ayers while he was in Matamoros on his way to New Orleans.
No. 7.is a record copied from an old memorandum book which belonged to Lewis Ayers, and is now in possession of Mr. Charles H. Robinson, of Buffalo. It contains the dates of the birth of Mr. and Mrs. Lewis Ayers and their children and of the death of four of their children who died in Texas. The remainder of the record is self-explanatory. G. P. G.]
On board Steamboat Kentuckian Dec. 26—1836 Dear Father Sister and Brother,
I have a meloncholy account to render to you—but before giving it to you I will (under the impression that you probably have not heard from any of us in Texas since Abram left you) proceed to inform you that Abram and Ann was on their passage wrecked and taken to New Providence, one of the British Bahama Islands, and that they did not reach Matagordia in Texas until in the month of Jany.
Her, that is Anns husband, and his Father went on to that place with teams and took them to San Patricio a distance of more than 140 miles, before their arrival the Texas Revolution had broken out. I had taken an active part in the struggle, and had been a member of the General Council of the Provisional Government, had resigned that office and received the appointment of Collector of the Port of La Baca, these circumstances had procured for me the enmity of the whole body of the Mexican population, and among the rest of them the Father-in-law of Ann, Don Antonio Cabassas, although he professed great friendship for me. About this time I moved my family more in the interior of Texas by 45 miles to a place called the Mission del Refugio. The Texans had driven the Mexicans from out the County, not disturbing however any private families. It is not necessary for me to give you the particulars of several of the most extraordinary victorious actions by the Texans that perhaps ever occurred in the World, but you no doubt have seen the accounts of them published. I will therefore proceed to state what will be of more interest to you.
In the later part of February one division of the Mexican invading Army amounting to about 1500 men reached San Patricio another of 7500 men under the command of Santa Anna himself reached San Antonio de Bexar When Abram and Ann reached the Mission, Abram had concluded to remain awhile with us, Ann went on to San Patricio with her husband, on her way there she learned that a great number of the Mexican rancheros had sworn to assassinate me and sent me word to that effect. I had been for some time endeavoring to move still more into the interior, but could not procure Teams, the Texan Army having pressed nearly all to haul provisions My wife being uneasy on account of the threats and known hostility of the common Mexicans, urged me to leave her for a place of safety, thinking that the family would be more secure without my presence than with it.
I therefore on the 2nd. of March left them with Abram as a protector who was on good terms with many who were hostile to me. I went to Goliad or Labahia and reported myself to Col. Fannin who then acted as Commandeer in Chief, I endeavored to procure teams to remove my family and got the promise of having them in 2 or 3 days. On the 10th. teams were sent to remove mine and other families from the Mission. I had the day before received the appointment of Asst. Quarter Master General, and the duties which devolved on me were such that I could not go with them. Capt. King a particular friend of mine took the command of the party to guard the families on their journey, and had he been satisfied with merely performing that duty, I have no doubt but that most of the meloncholy circumstances which I am about to relate would never have occured, but Capt. King being desirous to punish some Mexican Rancheros who had been plundering at the Mission, went with a small party down to their ranches, but he found that with the addition of many Indians the enemy were too strong for him, he therefore made good his retreat to the Mission. My family were living about one mile from the village, my goods and furniture on two wagons and carts, my family and teams protected by Capt. King were taken to the Church they were fired at by the enemy on the way but fortunately escaped injury but some of our furniture was well cut by balls. After King had gotten all the families remaining in that place in the Church, he sent an express to Col. Fannin for more force to protect them all on the rout to Goliad.
At about 1 o'clock of the morning of the 12th. the express reached Goliad and Col. Fannin immediately dispatched Lieu. Col. Ward with about 120 men to their assistance. I volunteered to make one of the party, we reached the Mission about 3 o'clock in the afternoon a distance of about 27 miles we found our friends in the Church safe, they were as you may well suppose very glad to see us. A few of us had a skirmish with the enemy that evening, but drove them off, this however was mere sport to what was to follow on the next day. A party of about 50 men went out in the middle of the night and attacked a party of the enemy, killing a number of them and making the remainder fly. At 5 oclock on the 13th. I volunteered to go with about 100 men to hunt up the enemy. I placed myself under the command of Capt. King, who went in a different route from the remainder of the force, our party consisting of only 28 men after marching for several hours without seeing anything of the enemy, visiting several ranches which were deserted, and at about 12 oclock came in sight of the Mission when to our utter surprise we discovered what proved to be the whole of Gen. Urrea's division of 1500 men in possession of the town. Our friends to the number of about 120 men were in the Church, my family and others were also in it. The moment we saw the enemy, we were discovered by them, and a party of Horsemen amounting to upwards of 100 men galloped to cut off our retreat to a piece of woods to which we hastened about 600 yds. when we reached there we found our number reduced to 22 men by the desertion of 6. We had time before attacked to choose a good fighting position, and for each man to have his station assigned to him, which was maintained by all throughout an engagement of about one half hour, when the enemy retreated with about 20 killed, and a large number wounded, after an interval of about one hour more, we were again attacked by about 200 of the enemy in two parties opening a cross fire upon us, we still maintained our ground and after an hours hard fighting we compelled them to retreat. One man of our party was killed, within 3 feet of me and four were wounded the number of the enemy killed and wounded was very large, but I have not been able to learn the number. Towards night we were attacked a third time from the opposite side of the river, Capt King then directed us to lie close, protecting ourselves as much as possible by the wood, and not to fire again, holding ourselves in readiness for an expected attack on our side of the river, which however did not take place, the enemy after wasting as I suppose all their powder and ball without doing us any personal injury, went away. My life was saved in the second engagement by a ball glancing from one of a pair of pistols which I wore in front, they were given me by Capt. King. When night came on it was very dark, not a star to be seen, we crossed the river at the battle ground, where it was not considered fordable, the water reached my chin, there was a ford just above and one just below us but we expected the enemy would guard them, the banks were so steep that we had to assist each other in the ascent, the wounded acompanied us with much pain. We wandered about all night endeavoring to reach Goliad, but when day dawned on the 14th. we found ourselves only about 3 miles from the Mission, having lost our way, we hurried on about two miles further, when we were attacked by a party of Mexicans, and were compelled to surrender, our guns being most of them wet, and having no chance to retreat. We were then marched back to the Mission, tied together two by two, the rope at the same time connecting up al together, after which we were marched about one mile, where we found a body of the enemy drawn up to receive us, we also found a few of our friends, who had been picked up one by one, making in the whole 33 men. The Soldiers loaded their guns to shoot us but in consequence of there being two Germans among the prisoners the execution was postponed at the request of a Col in the enemys service who was a German by birth. Our treatment during the next 24 hours was most brutal and barborous.
I had not asked for neither did I expect any mercy at the hands of the enemy. My wife however with four children presented herself to Gen. Urea and excited his sympathy by their tears, she was aided by some Mexican officers who were opposed to the barborous course persued of murdering prisoners, and the General agreed to save my life, which was done, and I was given in some degree my liberty, after receiving a severe lecture on account of my hostility to Mexico and charging me to behave myself better in the future and let politics alone—I merely bowed and said nothing.
I learned from Rebeca that Lieu. Col. Ward after having defended the Church from several attacks made upon it and destroying at least 50 or 60 of the enemy had made his retreat at night, the same night we were endeavoring to do the same. The enemy had for a number of hours fired a piece of Artillery at the Church, 17 balls had penetrated the roof the walls were too strong to be battered down. Several families besides mine were there but not injured.
According to the report made by the few survivors of Cols. Ward party who soon fell in the enemys hands, Mrs. Ayers manifested throughout the seige much courage and presence of mind, she encouraged the men and showed no fear. Abram (her brother) took an active part in the battle and was wounded in the breast by a spent ball. After the retreat of the party and possession taken by the Mexicans they were made to believe that Abram had received his wound from a Texan instead of a Mexican, and he was permitted to remain under the care of my wife. A Mexican Surgon undertook to probe his wound but being ignorant and unskilled instead of extracting the ball pushed it into the chest from which of course it cannot be extracted. He soon recovered from the wound and has since received little uneasiness from it, for a short time it effected his lungs, but has not for some four months past. The Mexican officers were polite not only to my wife to whom more than ordinary respect and attention was shown, but to all the families. I should have mentioned that the two Germans and myself are the only survivors of the 33, one of these Germans soon after died from his wounds. The rest of our party were barborously shot, stripped naked and left on the prairie about one mile from the Mission.
I must pass over many important events or my letter will take up many more sheets and perhaps after all will be uninteresting to you though to me of thrilling interest. It was required by the Mexicans that we should return to San Patrico, which we did with the remains of our furniture and goods, the Mexicans notwithstanding the efforts of the officers to prevent it having robbed us to a considerable extent although there had been a guard placed over them for protection. After our arrival there I remained with my family only one day and two nights, having been advised by the Mexican General to go to Matamoras. I procured a passport from Col. Bradburn an American by birth but in the service of Mexico, to proceed to that place, he thinking I intended making arrangements to remove my family there, but I had no such intention. I was induced to go there for the double purpose of escaping from the murderous designs of the Rancheros and to get off to New Orleans, where I thought I would be enabled to do something for my family or at least get to my friends in Texas, my family feeling safer in my absence. On reaching Matamoras I found some American merchants with whom I had some acquaintance, I was received and welcomed not only by them, but by all the Americans in the place, more like a brother than a mere acquaintance. I procured a passport to the mouth of the river from the officers in command there and another passport to New Orleans from the Alcalda who was made to believe that I was an American citizen who had been trading from Matamoras to New Orleans.
Letters from Texas recently received by the Editor announce the death of his brother-in-law, ABRAHAM H. ORSBORN, who was favorably known several years since among the citizens of the Town for his gentlemanly demeanor, and upright and honest course in life. He left this to accompany a younger sister to her home on the Nueces River, the boundary line between Texas and Mexico, and after the sailing of the vessel news arrived of the breaking out of the Texan Revolution. In one of the sanguinary battles a spent musket ball lodged in his breast, which could never be extracted, and which at times caused him serious inconvenience. Being of business habits, his would never detained him from attending to his avocations. He left Houston, his place of residence, in the stage for Austin, at which place he arrived on the 12th of April, having been attacked by cholera on the road, and died on the 14th. The Ancient Fraternity held a meeting subsequently and passed the following Resolutions, for which his friends here at the North return their sincere thanks, as also for their kind attention on the melancholy occasion in attending to his bed of sickness and interring him with Masonic honors. He left no family but a large number of connexions and friends to mourn his decease far from his place of nativity. The Editor will ever bear in grateful remembrance this kindness of his Brethern of the Order, and sincerely hope that we may all hereafter meet on a level in presence of our Grand Master.
“The following preamble and resolutions were adopted by Austin Lodge No. 12, upon learning of the death of Brother Orsborn:
Whereas, It having pleased an all-wise God, to whose inscrutable decrees we bow in meek and humble submission, to call from this warm and breathing life of time, to that undiscovered mystery, cold and dark beyond, our worthy and esteemed Brother, ABRAHAM H. ORSBORN, of Houston, Harris country; deeply sympathizing with his bereaved family for the irreparable loss they sustain by his untimely end, and tenderly feeling the deep wound, the mandate of Him who giveth and of Him who taketh away, has inflicted on our hearts and on our Order, in suddenly calling our worthy and beloved Brother from the scene of his earthly labors to that Lodge not made with hands, eternal in the heavens,
1st.Be it resolved by this Lodge, That the members of the same offer their heartfelt condolence to the family of the deceased in their sore bereavement in this unforseen visitation of Providence that has removed from their bosom the brother and affectionate counsellor, and has taken forever from our Order an able and efficient member,—one whose zealous devotion to the interests of the craft must long be pleasingly remembered.
2d.Resolved, That the members of this Lodge will wear the appropriate badge of mourning for the space of thirty days, in token for our high regard for the worthy and esteemed character of our deceased Brother.
3d.Resolved, That the Secretary of this Lodge forward to the relatives of the deceased a copy of these resolutions, and also to Holland Lodge No. 1.
4th.Resolved, That the foreging resolutions be published in the Texas Democrat.
J. M. W. Hall, John Hancock, J. M. Swisher, Committee. A true copy. Tho. P. Cartmell, Sec'y. A. L. No. 12.
San Patricio Jan, 1835 His excellency Henry Smith Governor of the Provisional Govt of Texas—
Sir On my arrival at this place Dec 25th. I made known to the individuals commissioned as 1st &2d Judges and also to two of the three persons commissioned to organise the militia of their appointment. On the 26th. John Turner the 2d Judge recd his commission after taking the oath prescribed by the organic law as likewise did John Turner and John McGloin take the oath and recd the Commission as Commissioners to organise the militia. Mr. Danl. O Boyle one of the Commissioners was and is yet absent from this place. James McGloin Esq was informed of his appointment as 1st Judge on the evening of the 25th. I saw him on the 26 several times without ascertaining whether he would accept or reject his appointment on the evening of that day I addressed him a note of which the following is a copy
James McGloin Esq Sir
In the name and in behalf of the People of Texas I call upon you for your acceptance or rejection of the appointment of 1st Judge of the municipality of San Patricio hereby informing you that I am ready to administer to you the oath of office prescribed by the organic law and to deliver into your hands the Commission signed by the Gov. and Sec. provided you accept the appointment.
Dec 26. L. Ayers Commissioner of the Executive
I have just recd. his answer dated as you will observe on the 27th The tenor of which is such that I think it my duty to enclose it with his Commission to your Excellency without Comment
I have the honour to be with the greatest respect your most obt. Svt. L. Ayers Copy of J. McGloins letter referred to worded and spelt as the original
San Patricio Dec 27, 1835 Lewis Ayers Esq
Sir I have recd yours in name and in behalfe of the People of Tejas calling on me to acept the office of Judge of 1st of this municipality that you are ready to administer the oath of office Pricribed in the organic law and deliver into me my Commission signed by the Governor and Secretary provide I acept the same.
Sir in answer to yours I beg to inform you that I acept of that office Particularly as being in conformity with an election made by the late Ayt who elected me one of the Judges for the following year however I decline taking the oath untill I hear an explanation of the last paragraph of said oath which seems to me not to accord with the Spirit of the federal constitution and forthwith I will write to Mr. McMullen who is now sitting in council to hear from the Govr and Council their explanation of the said Paragraph yours Sincerely,
James McGloin a true Copy L. Ayers, P. S. I should be pleased to hear from you from the mouth of the river, also on your arrival at New Orleans. I. D. M.
Know All men by these presents that I, Robert Carlisle am held and firmly bound unto Lewis Ayers collector of the District of Jackson (Labaca) and to his successors in office in the penal sum of Three Thousand dollars
The Condition of this Obligation is such that if I, Robert Carlisle shall well and Truly pay over to the said Ayers or his successors in Office on demand by said Ayers or his successors in office all sums of money or notes of hand received by me as Deputy Collector and faithfully perform all the duties of the said appointment during the absence of the aforenamed Ayers —acording to the Laws regulating duties on Imports and Tonnage then in that case this obligation to be null and void otherwise to be of full force and effect
Robt Carlisle Guadaloupe Victoria Dec 22, 1835 Witnesses L. W. Gates Ira Westover
$3000.
We the undersigned hereby bind ourselves and property to the amount of Three Thousand dollars each for the faithful performance by Robert Carlisle of the duties of his appointment as deputy Collector during the absence of Lewis Ayers the principal Collector and to whom we hold ourselves bound in the above amount for any violation of his duty
Robt. P. Heam Ge Benson Guadaloupe Victoria Dec. 22, 1835 Ira Westover L. W. Gates.
Camanda. Militar Pasa al Brazo de Santo. Dn. Luis Ayers con destino de embarcarse. Ma tamoroz 2. de Mayo /836. Guerra. [Rubric.]
Matamoros May 12th 1836 L. Ayres Esqr. Dr. Sir
I herein enclose you a letter of introduction to the house of Godfrey, Blessman &Co confident, that they will render you assistance in N Orleans, I likewise enclose you Seven letters, which you will please take the utmost care of (as they are of great importance to me) and, deposite them in the post office immediately on your arrival at N Orleans Our mutual friend Mr. Potter will give you all the political news—wishing you a speedy and pleasant passage
I remain yours truly Isaac Domingo Marks
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Lewis Ayers Oct. 6-1798
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Rebecca Osborn Jan. 6, 1804
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Charles Augustus Sept. 12-1825
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Mary Elizabeth 27th Aug. 1827
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Helen Louisa 12 Nov. 1829
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Cornelia Maria 16 Jan. 1832
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Charlotte Sophia 8 do 1834
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Delia Caroline 16 May 1836
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Lewis Henry 24 Dec. 1837
L. A. &R. O. was married Nov. 2 1824 at Geneva, N. Y. by the Rev. Mr. Axtell.
[On the first second and third pages is written the following]: I, the undersigned do here by testify that I have baptized according to the rite of the Catholic Church the following children the legitamate offspring of Lewis Ayers and Rebecca Osborn his lawful wife, viz. Mary Elizabeth aged 8 years last Aug, sponsors, Patrick Faddin and Mary Haley. Helen Louisa, aged 6 yrs. the 12th of Nov. last, sponsors, Raymond Cabassas and Mary O'Boyle. Cornelia Maria, aged 4 yrs. the 16th of Jan. last, sponsors Don Antonio Cabassas and Maria Petra, his wife. Charlotte Sophia aged 2 yrs. the 8th of Jan. last, sponsors John Cabassas and Elizabeth Mary Ann McGloin. Delia Caroline, born of the 16th inst. sponsors Don Lucian Cabassas and Rose Relelia. In testimony of which I have herewith subscribed my name this 24 day of May 1836,
Jas. Keily, P. Charles Augustus died June 22 1826 Mary Elizabeth died Oct. 7-1836 Charlotte Sophia died Oct. 19-1836 Delia Caroline died Oct. 26-1836
NOTES AND FRAGMENTS.
Governor Hogg's Service in the cause of Texas History.— Governor Hogg was a real lover of Texas history and an indefatigable collector of books and documents relating to Texas. He was one of the few lawyers that succeeded in getting up for his library a complete set of the original edition of the Laws of the Republic and of the early State in the Union. The State Library was burned with the Capitol in 1881, and practically nothing had been done for its rehabilitation up to 1891, when Hogg was inaugurated as Governor. Governor Roberts, indeed, had in his message of January, 1881, recommended a salary for a competent history and statistical clerk to be State Librarian and to devote himself to history and statistics, and also the creation of a contingent fund to be used in defraying the expenses of procuring records, documents, and other papers relating to the history of Texas. But nothing came of his recommendations, and nothing was done on these lines till ten years later when Hogg came in as Governor. The Library at that time had next to nothing outside of the public documents, that is, publications of the several States and of the Federal Government; the miscellaneous books did not exceed seventy-five and the Texas books numbered less than forty, with but one newspaper of the early Union, purchased by special appropriation. One of the first acts of the Hogg administration was the creation, not by enactment, but by the appropriation bill, of a historical clerk who was de facto State Librarian, and who was charged specially with looking after the things pertaining to the history of the State. Governor Hogg manifested quite an interest in the Library, visiting it often while I was in charge. He suggested the policy, which was at once adopted, of making the Library outside of the public documents a collection of Texas books primarily, and secondarily a collection of reference works on history and literature. Later his influence put in the appropriation bill an item of $500.00 per annum for necessary expenses in collecting historical data relating to Texas. On this fund the Historical Clerk or State Librarian traveled over the State, carrying out the purpose of the appropriation. In Hogg's administration more than nine-tenths of the newspapers of the Republic and of early Texas in the Union now in the State Library were acquired and brought in by the State Librarian as a result of his personal researches for data amid the historic spots of the Republic. Besides these, many exceedingly rare and valuable Texas books and documents were added to the Library in this way. It may be added, in this connection, that all the old newspapers of the Republic and State in the Library, with one exception, noted above, have been acquired under this fund, which has been used since then exclusively for purchasing historical data and as a supplementary book-purchasing fund. The appropriation for buying books for the State Library was increased under Hogg's influence from $300.00 per annum to $1000.00 per annum. It is a matter for keen regret that subsequent administrations have not seen fit to continue this liberal policy.
C. W. Raines.
The Old Stone Fort at Nacogdoches.—The question as to who built the historic landmark known as the “Old Stone Fort,” which till recently stood at Nacogdoches, though of little importance, has a popular interest of the antiquarian sort, and it will not down until satisfactorily answered. The erection of the building has usually been attributed by tradition to Gil Ybarbo, who occupied the site of old mission Nacogdoches after it had been deserted by the Spaniards about six years. But some persons have supposed that the building was standing there when Ybarbo occupied the place, the most extraordinary conjecture of this sort being that the “Fort” was the work of De Soto's men who went through northeast Texas in 1542. I cannot say whether Gil Ybarbo erected it or not, but the evidence given below establishes a very strong presumption that it was not built before he settled there, and thus helps to narrow by some centuries the range of the unknown in the matter.
In 1768 Father Gaspar José de Solis, of the Franciscan College of Zacatecas, inspected the missions supported by that College in Texas. The entry in his diary for June 1 tells us that the most substantial building at the Nacogdoches mission at that time was the adobe church, the other buldings all being of wood. He says: “The location of the mission of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Albuquerque de los Nacogdoches is in a moderate-sized plain, which is surrounded by a permanent arroyo having an abundance of water, but no ditch to irrigate the crops. . . . The church, although small, is of adobe, roofed with taxamanil (some kind of shingles), and is entirely surrounded on the outside by a palisade of stakes. The living-place of the ministers is of wood, very regularly put together, and has a roof of taxamanil which affords good protection. It is surrounded on all four sides by a palisade of stakes, and has a kitchen, granary, and rooms for the soldiers. Besides this house there are other separate ones of the same material [wood], well made, capacious, and decent.”
The “Fort” was made of good-sized stones. This material could not conceivably have been called “adobe” by a Mexican. The building was too large and too substantial to escape mention by Solis in so minute a description as the above, had it been one of the mission buildings when he wrote. And since the mission was the only authorized establishment there at the time, we can not suppose that such a building as the “Fort” existed on the site unconnected with the mission.
The mission had long languished near the point of extinction, and now, soon after Solis's visit, it was abandoned, hence the “Fort” could not have been erected between Solis's visit and Ybarbo's settlement at Nacogdoches in 1779. The only buildings mentioned by Ybarbo in telling of his entry into the place were the same church and priests' house described above. He writes that he and his people journeyed “until there were seen the site of the Téxas Indians, and, three leagues beyond, the old mission of Nacogdoches, where there was a small chapel in which the reverend father may perform the holy sacraments and a house where he may live.”
Solis's description of these buildings sets aside the conjecture made in the Quarterly (IX, 129) that one of those mentioned by Ybarbo might possibly have been the “Fort”; and the mention of the church and the priests' house by both Solis and Ybarbo as the only buildings worthy of note make it improbable that any structure corresponding to the “Fort” existed.
Herbert E. Bolton.
Immigration to Texas and the Domestic Slave Trade.—The following letter, the original of which has been presented to the Association by Mr. R. A. Hanrick, of Waco, is especially interesting for the illustration it gives of the movement of immigration towards Texas and the working of the domestic slave trade in the United States:
Montgomery Decr 2d 1832 Robt M Williamson Esqr
Dr Sir Your esteemed favour of Novr 1st has come to hand. It gives me great pleasure to find that you are so faithful to your promise of detailing the various affairs of our adopted Country—Such is the difficulty in winding up a ten years unsettled business that it will be impossible for me to leave the United States before September next I allso will have to make a trip to Virginia for the purpose of adding to my Stock of Slaves which will take up so much of my time that I cannot start sooner than the period mentioned You may look with a great deal of certainty for many of your old acquaintances in Texas next Spring the Spirit for emigration to that country is very great and thousands would go but for the terrors of a Mexican government these idle fears I have endeavored as much as possible to allay and I believe with much success except with some of the more timid. You mentioned in your last letter that you beleved Mexican grants of Eleven leagues could be procured for a reasonable sum if so you will perceve by the enclosed proposition that Mr Edward Hanrick George Whitman and myself are disposed to procure some of them the selections of which will be left entirely to your own discretion and should you be disposed to take up with the proposition I fell satisfied that we will be well pleased with your selections In consequence of the disturbances in Texas the Messrs Prichards have declined their journey untill another year Mr. Beard &Thompson have started to Texas and no doubt will arrive ere this
The Political news of the United States is that Jackson has been reelected President by an overwhelming majority—South Carolina has nullified the Tariff acts; which is to take place in February next, provided congress does not abandon the protective system by that time and in case of any interference on the part of the united States to enforce the laws she has declared her determination to secede we expect stormy times in the United States. perhaps civil war which God avert
Your brother Micheal Williamson died a few weeks ago and Col Peacock has taken home his widow &children
With great respect I remain your friend Asa Hoxey
Thomas J. Pilgrim.—A letter recently received from Judge W. S. Fly, of San Antonio, contains some valuable items concerning the life of Thomas J. Pilgrim, a well-known pioneer of Texas. Since they are of general interest, and for the purpose of recording them, permission to publish these facts has been secured from Judge Fly. They are printed here as excerpts from the letter:—
“Thomas J. Pilgrim was born in Connecticut in 1807, and in the fall of 1828, he left New York on a vessel, which was tempesttossed, and which, after the passengers had suffered greatly from lack of food and water, landed at Matagorda, Texas. He made his way from that place to the headquarters of Stephen F. Austin's Colony at San Felipe, on the Brazos river. There it was that he organized the Sunday School of which he writes in the article referred to [in A Texas Scrap Book, 69-76]. He learned the Spanish language, and for a long time acted as interpreter and translator for Austin's colony. He was very frail and delicate and was not a participant in the battles of 1836. After that war he settled at Gonzales, where he married Sarah J. Bennet, the daughter of Major Valentine Bannet, who was in Houston's army at San Jacinto and who was a member of the Santa Fé expedition. He is mentioned a number of times in Kendall's account of that expedition.
“In 1846 or 1847, Mr. Pilgrim organized a union Sunday school at Gonzales, of which he was superintendent until his death on October 29, 1877, with the exception of the time he spent in Austin, from 1871 to 1874. He was buried in the old cemetery at Gonzales, and although feeble efforts, at times, have been made to erect a monument to his memory nothing has been done.
“He was highly educated, and had in the day schools that he taught boys who afterwards became prominent men in Texas, among the number being Judge James H. Bell, and perhaps Judge McCormick, now a Circuit Judge of the United States. Of the latter I am not positive. He was a warm friend of Stephen F. Austin, and the Bryans of Matagorda and Brazoria Counties.
“Mr. Pilgrim was a prominent and useful citizen of Gonzales, and all of the old settlers there remember him with the highest regard and respect. He has two grand-daughters, Mrs. Hildebrand and Mrs. Hoskins, residing in that historic little city at this time, and has one daughter, Mrs. Eastland, residing in Dallas, and another, Mrs. W. S. Fly, residing in San Antonio.”
Proceedings of the Permanent Council.—In the Quarterly for April, 1904 (Vol. VII, No. 4), there was published the Journal of the Permanent Council of Texas, which was in session, October 11 to 31, 1835, with a number of accompanying documents. Not all of the resolutions and communications referred to in the Journal could be found, but to those published should be added the two which follow. They are taken from the Telegraph and Texas Register, October 26, 1835:
[October 18, 1835]. The council received a resolution from General Samuel Houston, presented by Mr. Garrett, and adopted the same so far as the words “null and void.”
Whereas, certain extensive grants of land have been made by the Congress of Coahuila and Texas since 1833, and the same has been purchased by certain individuals under the most suspicious circumstances, therefore be it
Resolved, that we recommend to the Consultation, at their meeting, the consideration of this matter, and that they declare all the said grants null and void; which
On motion of Mr. Perry, was adopted, and one thousand copies ordered to be printed, with the report of the committee to day.
R. R. Royal, President. J. G. W. Pierson, Secretary.
The committee to whom were referred the resolution of A. Houston, and the amendment to those resolutions by Daniel Parker, on the subject of the Cherokee, Shawnee, and other tribes of Indians, beg leave to report.
That whereas several of the Indian chiefs were invited by the Consultation of Texas to convene with them for the purpose of having their claims to their land properly adjusted by that body.
And whereas it has become necessary for that body to adjourn their session until the 1st day of November next, and as all the power of transacting business is vested in the hands of the general council of Texas, the committee are of opinion that it is the duty of this council to appoint three commissioners, whose duty it shall be to repair immediately to the villages of the said Indians, with full power to hold a consultation with them, for the purpose of ascertaining their grievances, and for giving them full assurances that their case will be properly attended to, as soon as the consultation meets.
This committee are of the opinion that there have been unwarrantable encroachments made upon the lands occupied by the said Indians; therefore be it resolved by the permanent council of Texas now in session, that Peter J. Menard, Jacob Garrett, and Joseph L. Hood be appointed commissioners for the purpose of holding consultations with the different tribes of Indians, and giving them such assurances as may be necessary for the advancement of their rights and privileges as citizens of Texas, and for the purpose of transacting such other business as may be necessary to promote the cause of the people of Texas.
It shall be the duty of the commissioners to cooperate with the committees of vigilance and safety in the different municipalities of Texas, in carrying the above resolution into effect.
A. Houston, A. G. Perry, Peter J. Menard, J. L. Hood, Daniel Parker, Committee. The first resolution should be inserted on page 265 (Vol. VII.), after line 17; and the second on the same page, after line 22. Eugene C. Barker.
John Files Com
Member of the Texas Veterans Association
Honorary Life Member of the Texas State Historical Association
Born, April 22, 1818
Died, March 26, 1906
AFFAIRS OF THE ASSOCIATION.
In this issue of the Quarterly appears a memorial page in commemoration of the services of John Files Tom. His death removes one of the last survivors of the battle of San Jacinto.
The tenth annual meeting of the Texas State Historical Association was held at Austin in the main University building on March 2d at 3 p. m. The Association now meets regularly on Independence Day, because of the special fitness of this day