THE QUARTERLY OF THE TEXAS STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
VOLUME XIII JULY, 1909, TO APRIL, 1910
PUBLICATION COMMITTEE A. W. Terrell, George P. Garrison, Bride Neill Taylor, Z. T. Fulmore, W. J. Battle. EDITOR George P. Garrison ASSOCIATE EDITORS Herbert Eugene Bolton Eugene C. Barker AUSTIN, TEXAS PUBLISHED BY THE ASSOCIATION 1910The Texas State Historical Association.
Organized March 2, 1897.
PRESIDENT,
A. W. Terrell.
VICE-PRESIDENTS:
Beauregard Bryan, Milton J. Bliem,
R. L. Batts, Luther W. Clark.
RECORDING SECRETARY AND LIBRARIAN,
George P. Garrison.
CORRESPONDING SECRETARY AND TREASURER,
Charles W. Ramsdell.
EXECUTIVE COUNCIL:
Dora Fowler Arthur, George P. Garrison,
W. J. Battle, David F. Houston,
R. L. Batts, S. H. Moore,
Milton J. Bliem, Charles W. Ramsdell,
Herbert E. Bolton, Bride Neill Taylor,
S. P. Brooks, A. W. Terrell,
Beauregard Bryan, John C. Townes,
Luther W. Clark, E. W. Winkler,
Z. T. Fulmore, Dudley G. Wooten
CONTENTS
NUMBER 1; JULY, 1909.
The Navy of the Republic of Texas, III Alex. Dienst 1
Journal of J. C. Clopper, 1828 44
Notes and Fragments 81
NUMBER 2; OCTOBER, 1909.
The Navy of the Republic of Texas Alex. Dienst 85
The Clopper Correspondence, 1834-1838 128
James H. C. Miller and Edward Gritten Eugene C. Barker 145
Notes and Fragments 153
NUMBER 3; JANUARY, 1910.
Recognition of the Republic of Texas by the United States Ethel Zivley Rather 155
NUMBER 4; APRIL, 1910.
Stephen F. Austin and the Independence of Texas Eugene C. Barker 257
Reminiscences of the Texas Revolution Andrew A. Boyle 285
The Bexar and Dawson Prisoners Edited by E. W. Winkler 292
Notes and Fragments 325
Book Notes 328
Affairs of the Association 329
Vol. XIII. JULY, 1909. No. 1.
The publication committee and the editors disclaim responsibility for views expressed by contribitors to The Quarterly.
IX. MEASURES TO PROCURE A SECOND NAVY.
The vessels of the first navy were lost through captures, wrecks, and other misfortunes. But Texas, possessing as she did such an extensive sea-board, could not expect to be regarded as a nation unless she had a navy strong enough to protect her coast and harbors. Emigrants would hesitate to risk their all in a voyage to a country not prepared to protect them if attacked en route. Trading vessels would be slow to bring those commedities to her shores which would be necessary for the comfort of the people. Exportation would likewise be dangerous. Shipowners would dread capture and loss of their vessels, with possible imprisonment in a Mexican dungeon. Excessive insurance would raise the price of all commodities to the point where the bare necessities of life would become luxuries. But, with proper protection, immigration would soon fill up the land; and the increased imports and exports, as the country became settled, would bring a revenue in the way of customs duties that would eventually pay for the maintenance of a navy. These considerations alone would justify the expenditure of a considerable sum by Texas; and when, in addition, it is remembered that Mexico had in no wise relinquished her intention of reconquering Texas, and would sooner or later attack her by land and by sea, the reader can understand why it was necessary for Texas to secure and maintain at any cost a navy strong enough to make Mexico fear and respect her, and to impress foreign nations with the stability of her government.
All this had been clearly perceived since the first session of the first congress of the Republic. On October 26, 1836, the Committee on Naval Affairs recommended “the immediate building or purchase” of one twenty-four gun sloop, a ten gun steam vessel, and two schooners of eleven guns each. The total cost of the four vessels was to be $135,000. 1 An act was passed in conformity with these resolutions, authorizing the President to appoint an agent to proceed immediately to the United States, to purchase, or contract for and superintend the building of, the desired vessels. It was approved by President Houston November 18, 1836. This increase in the navy was planned while Texas was still in possession of several war vessels; but long before any of the vessels of the new navy reached the Texan shores, the last of the old navy, excepting the Potomac, had disappeared. Owing to the youth of the Republic, and the uncertainty of her future, sufficient money could not be borrowed to carry out the act; and it therefore remained ineffective.
The second congress found it imperative to act. The Independence had been captured by the Mexicans, and the Invincible wrecked, leaving the Brutus and the Potomac sole defenders of six hundred miles of coast. William M. Shepherd, acting secretary of the navy, in his report of September 30, 1837, 2 begs earnestly for the expenditure of a few thousand dollars to prevent Mexico's gaining supremacy of the Gulf. Some two weeks later the Brutus was wrecked, and the Committee on Naval Affairs thereupon framed the following resolutions, and submitted them to the Senate for action. 3
Resolved that the Senate and the house of representatives of the Republic of Texas in congress assembled proceed to Elect by joint ballot an agent whose duty it shall be to repair immediately to Baltimore or some other seaport town of the United States of the north for the purpose of buying or building arming and equipping for the public service of the Republic of Texas one corvette of 18.24 medium, 2-10 Gun Briggs mounting medium 18 pounders—and two substantial schooners . . . provided the cost of said vessels shall not exceed $250,000 which said amount is hereby appropriated out of any unappropriated money now in, or that hereafter may be in the treasury. . . .
The resolution was amended to authorize the purchase of a five hundred ton ship mounting eighteen guns, two three hundred ton brigs of twelve guns each, and three schooners of one hundred and thirty tons, mounting five or seven guns each; to appropriate two hundred and eighty thousand dollars for the purpose; to instruct the secretary of the treasury to furnish said agent with a draft for the above appropriated sum on Messrs. Gilmer and Burnley, the “commissioners to negotiate a five million loan”; 4 and to pledge solemnly the public faith for the payment of this amount. It became a law with the President's approval on November 4, 1837. 5
To carry out the provisions of this act, President Houston appointed Peter W. Grayson agent. Grayson had represented Texas as commissioner to the United States in 1836, when the country was seeking recognition, and his appointment for the present task was considered a wise one. At about this time, however, he became candidate for the presidency of Texas, and during the campaign committed suicide in a fit of despondency at Bean's Station, Tennessee. John A. Wharton was anxious to succeed him, but President Houston appointed Samuel M. Williams. 6 Williams at once executed his bond, and departed for Baltimore, to enter actively into the labors of procuring a navy for Texas.
In order to meet immediate needs, an effort was made to buy the steam ship Pulaski; and Congress authorized her purchase at an agreed price; 7 but the transaction failed through the refusal of the owners to deliver her at Galveston, on the ground that our ports were declared by the enemy to be under blockade, and that the blockade was reported to be effective. Before any agreement could be arrived at she was destroyed. The Potomac, therefore, was the only vessel that was in the service of Texas during 1838. And for a long time it remained doubtful whether or not the government would become the owner of this vessel. The secretary of the navy at a critical hour had bought it on his own responsibility from Captain L. M. Hitchcock for eight thousand dollars and had almost completed its conversion into a brig of war, when all further work on it was suspended because congress had made no provision for its purchase. This, however, was due to a want of funds, and not to a belief in congress that the vessel was not needed. The secretary of the navy in his report of October 30, 1838, put the matter before the president, and urged him to find some means for completing the transaction. 8 The Potomac seems to have been finally acquired by the government, though no record of the transfer can be found. The secretary of the navy two years later says: 9
In consequence of the leaky condition of the brig Potomac, formerly the receiving ship, she has had everything removed from her; placed securely in the yard, and her crew transferred to the Wharton. It has since been discovered, and prevented as far as it was deemed necessary, to keep her from sinking. This vessel is new and has been for a long while, perfectly useless to the Government for any purpose whatever, and, as an application has been made by the Commander of the station to transfer her to the pilot of Galveston, with a view of making a light boat of her, upon such terms as he believes would be beneficial to the public interest, I advise this measure, believing it will not interfere with the best interests of the navy, and that it will be of great advantage to our growing commerce.
Not another word we can find concerning her, except in the Tennison Papers, in the original order of A. C. Hinton commanding the naval station at Galveston, and addressed to William A. Tennison, midshipman, on board the Potomac at Galveston, ordering him to report to Lieutenant William S. Williamson on board the brig of war Brazos, for duty. 10 This is the only time the brig of war Brazos is mentioned officially or otherwise. Where she came from, or what became of her, no existing documents relate. Under another name, she may have played some part in Texas history. That there was such a vessel in the navy in 1842, there is no question, as the document mentioning it is original and genuine.
For the sake of economy, the president ordered the secretary of the navy to disband the officers and men of the navy until vessels could be procured for them. Only enough were retained to man the Potomac and the naval station at Galveston. 11 This act, while a hardship on the officers and men, was proper under the circumstances, and proved quite a saving to the government; as it was some time before the men were needed.
Fate was very kind to Texas at this time, when she had no navy and was seemingly at the mercy of her enemy. The French government, having certain claims against Mexico, which Mexico declined to satisfy, assembled a considerable naval force at Vera Cruz and declared the Mexican ports blockaded. Shortly after the inauguration of the new president of Texas, M. B. Lamar, on December 9, 1838, Texas was gratified with the intelligence of the capture of Vera Cruz. The blockade of the French having failed to bring the government to terms, Admiral Baudin despatched a messenger to General Rincón, the Mexican commandant, informating him that he was about to attack the castle of san Juan d'Ulloa. This fortress, situated on an island in the harbor of Vera Cruz, was defended by one hundred and sixty pieces of artillery and some five thousand men. The bombardment commenced about two o'clock, in the afternoon of the 27th of November, and was so well directed that in four hours, after a loss of six hundred men in killed and wounded, the Mexicans capitulated and marched out of the castle, and the French took possession. The Mexican government thereupon despatched Santa Anna with five thousand men to drive the French out of the place. In attempting this, he lost his leg, and many of his troops were killed and wounded. On March 9, 1839, a treaty was made between Mexico and France, which was shortly afterwards ratified, and the French forces left the territory of the Republic. 12
On his way home Admiral Baudin, with a part of the fleet, visited Texas. He was given a grand welcome to Galveston and to Texas. The mayor and aldermen of Galveston delivered the keys of the city to him, and Admiral Baudin, in a written response, declared that he was glad to have contributed by his work in Mexico to such a cause as the independence of the Texian nation. He said
... I hope it will prove, too, beneficial to the several nations, who, either as friends or as foes, have to deal with Mexico. Nothing could be more gratifying to my feelings than to be considered as one of you, gentlemen, whose industry and energy I do so much admire. Be assured that I would vastly prefer being the humblest member of a well regulated and thriving community, like yours, than to moving in the sphere of wealth and power in a corrupt and decaying society. With the highest regard and respect, I have the honor to be, Gentlemen,
Your affectionate and devoted Serv't, CHARLES BAUDIN. 13
To understand fully the gratitude of the people we must remember that, but for the opportune interference of the French, the whole coast of Texas would have been at the mercy of any fleet, however small, that Mexico might have sent against it. Can it be wondered at that Galveston and all Texas felt that France had helped to fight the battles of the Republic?
While Texas was thus enjoying a respite through the involuntary assistance of France, Mr. Williams, in Baltimore, was doing all in his power to obtain proper vessels for the navy. Owing to the fact that the loan was not effected with which to purchase the fleet, he was much discouraged. On October 9, 1838, he wrote from Philadelphia, 14 that the only prospect at that time was to buy the steam packet Charleston, which had been built eighteen months before at a cost of $117,000. She could be had for $120,000, payable in five years with ten per cent interest, and could be so altered as to make her an available naval ship. On November 3, 1848, General Hamilton, who was the regularly appointed consul for the Republic of Texas, in Charleston, addressed a lengthy communication to the secretary of the navy, 15 in regard to the purchase of this vessel. He said that while in England he had had the good fortune to induce his friend James Holford, Esq., of London, to advance the money necessary for her purchase and outfit; but Hamilton said:
As Mr. Holford is not a citizen, the title had to be taken for the boat in my name, and so it will continue until she gets out to Texas, and a regular transfer is made of her to your Government. ... As Mr. Holford has acted with the utmost liberality and confidence, I trust your Government will have passed, in secret session forthwith, a resolution confirming Messrs. Burnley and Williams' contract with me, as the agent of this gentleman. 16
Agreeable to this request, an act was passed sanctioning the contract for the Charleston, afterwards known as the Zavala, for the price of $120,000. 17 This vessel was, therefore, the first one of the new navy. Its final cost, as later altered and equipped, was much beyond the original contract price. But in this, as in other matters, the financial records of the navy are so tangled and obscure as to render details impossible. It would be alike tedious and unprofitable to attempt to unravel them. Indeed, the secretary. of the navy, in 1840, confessed the task too heavy for himself. 18
Soon after the Zavala had been arranged for, Mr. Williams was successful in concluding a contract, on November 13, 1838, with Frederick Dawson, of Baltimore, for one ship, two brigs, and three schooners to be fully armed, furnished with provisions and munitions, and delivered in the port of Galveston. 19 For this it was agreed that,
the bonds of the Government of Texas, made and executed by the Commissioners for the Loan, shall be executed and signed and deposited in the Bank of the United States of Pennsylvania, or the Girard Bank at Philadelphia, . . . for five hundred and sixty thousand dollars, there to remain . . . as security . . . for the space of twelve calendar months, which bonds are to bear . . . a rate of interest of ten per cent per annum, . . . which bonds can be redeemed at the end of twelve months, by the payment of the two hundred and eighty thousand dollars, and the ten per cent which shall have accrued . . . in Gold or Silver. . . . If the Government of Texas shall prefer to instruct the Loan Commissioners to issue, or shall itself issue sterling bonds for the sum of five hundred and twenty thousand dollars at any time prior to the first day of February next, he will receive them in full liquidation, and payment of the debt hereby contracted, and in lieu of the bonds heretofore mentioned.
On receiving the intelligence that the navy had been contracted for, the Texas government, on January 26, passed an act which declared that, whereas the agent of the Republic had made a contract for the purchase of one ship of eighteen guns, two brigs of twelve guns each, and three schooners of six guns each, and,
whereas it has become indispensably necessary, in order to prepare and keep in service the said vessels, as well for the protection of the coasts and harbors of Texas, as for the protection of the commerce thereof, that an appropriation be made of the sum required for that object. Wherefore, be it enacted, . . . That the sum of two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, in the promissory notes of the Government be, and the sum is hereby appropriated for the naval service for the year 1839. . . . 20
The navy thus contracted for, including the Zavala, and the appropriation just mentioned, cost the Texan government more than $800,000. 21
Mr. Williams, having now accomplished the task he had been entrusted with, returned to Texas. That his services were appreciated by his countrymen, we note in a resolution offered in congress 22 tendering him a resolution of thanks “for the energy which he has rendered in procuring a navy.” It will be recalled that while he was connected with the firm of McKinney and Williams he had been largely instrumental in securing the first navy of Texas. His talent lay in his ability to finance such matters, and later in life we see him the first banker of Texas. He knew nothing of naval construction, and the republic now needed a man at Baltimore to see that the contract was carried out according to specifications. A man in every respect qualified for this important service was found in John G. Tod, who had resigned a commission in the United States navy to connect himself with the young republic. 23 Before entering upon this work, he had, at the request of the secretary of the navy, drawn up a report upon the establishment of a navy yard, and in April, 1838, had been vested with powers to examine into and report on all matters connected with the naval interests. On June 10, 1838, he was ordered to the United States by President Houston upon that mission. He fitted out the steamer Charleston and returned with her to Galveston, in March, 1839, where her name and flag were changed, and she was commissioned as the Zavala. 24 In accordance with the Dawson contract, on June 27, 1839, the schooner San Jacinto was delivered; on August 7, the schooner San Antonio; on August 31, the schooner San Bernard; and, on October 18, the brig Colorado. 25 A corvette and a brig were yet wanting to complete the contract, but they were confidently expected by the end of the year. 26 They were in fact delivered, one in January, and the other in April, 1840. The following account appeared in a current newspaper: 27
Texian Navy.—The following list of vessels constitute the present naval force of Texas. As there are a number of officers of that service who were officers of our navy, these details may be interesting to many of the readers of the Chronicle.
Steamer Zavalla—An efficient and well appointed vessel.
Sloop Trinity—600 tons, carries 20 24 pounders, medium guns.
Brigs Colorado 400 tons, carries each 16 18 pounder medium guns.
Galveston
Schooners San Jacinto 170 tons, each carrying 7 12 pounders, and 1 long eighteen, on a pivot.
San Bernard
San Antone
Brig Potomac—Receiving vessel.
These vessels, with the exception of the steamer and receiving vessel, were built, equipped, and provisioned under the immediate superintendence of John G. Tod, Esq., Texan Naval Agent of the United States, a gentleman well and favorably known in this country, having at an early period in his life held an honorable place in our navy.
The secretary of the navy in his report 28 of 1840 said:
. . . Mr. Dawson has delivered the brig and the sloop-of-war then due; and everything else appertaining to this contract has been complied with in the most generous and liberal manner. The brig and sloop-of-war, like all the other vessels, have been constructed on a much more commodious scale than the contract required, and have been furnished in a more suitable manner than that for which the contractors were obligated. The brig, which was the last vessel received on the contract, was delivered at Galveston with the naval equipments belonging to her, and the other vessels, on the 25th April, 1840, 29—the ship on the 5th January previous. . . .
This officer 30 is entitled to great credit for the management and system shown in his operations. His attention to the complicated duties entrusted to him in the United States, as well as his conduct in direct connection with this Department, has always been faithful and laborious, and meets my cordial approbation.
Captain Tod wrote a very appreciative letter of thanks to Dawson, 31 which received a suitable reply. Captain Tod said in part:
The last vessel included in the contract entered into by yourself on one part, and the Republic of Texas of the other part, having received from me the certificate approving of the same, I feel it a duty as well as a pleasure to express to you the satisfaction I have in testifying to the very creditable and liberal manner in which the contract has been fulfilled on your part.
I will not indulge in any useless expressions of my opinion of these vessels, they speak for themselves, and many persons of acknowledged judgment in naval architecture, have pronounced them equal to any that have ever sailed from this port, in beauty of model, strength and duribility of materials and finished specimens of workmanship. . . .
John G. Tod, Naval Agent of Texas to the U. S.
On the return of Captain Tod to Galveston, June 3, 1840, he was invited to partake of a public dinner tendered him by the citizens of Galveston at the Tremont House. The committee on invitation were M. B. Menard, P. J. Menard, James Love, Levi Jones, and Thomas F. McKinney. From this he excused himself on the plea of pressing business, but thanked them for their appreciation of his services, declaring that,
The greatest happiness a public servant has in this life, is the satisfaction of feeling that he has been faithful and conscientious in the discharge of such duties as may have been entrusted to him. If this pleasure can be enhanced, it is by the assurance that his humble efforts in behalf of his country's interest meet the approbation of his fellow citizens. 32
Captain Tod's last letter as naval agent, among other matters, highly compliments “H. H. Williams, our consul in Baltimore, to whom was entrusted the purchase of our supplies under my direction,” and acknowledges at the same time his indebtedness to Commodores Barron and Warrington, of the United States navy, and to Francis Grice, naval constructor of the Norfolk dockyards, “for much useful information imparted to me by these gentlemen.” 33
On June 24, 1840, Captain Tod was placed in command of the naval station at Galveston.
X. EARLY TROUBLES OF THE NEW NAVY.
By the end of April, 1840, the make-up of the second navy was completed. It consisted of the Potomac, Zavala, Austin, Wharton, Archer, San Bernard, San Jacinto, and San Antonio. The Zavala, formerly the Charleston, was named for Lorenzo de Zavala; the Austin, for Stephen F. Austin; the Wharton, formerly the Dolphin, for the Wharton brothers,—William H. and John A.;—and the Archer, formerly the Colorado, for Dr. Branch T. Archer. Besides these vessels references are found to the Trinity, 34 the Galveston, 35 the Houston, 36 the Merchant, 37 the Texas, 38 the Asp, 39 and the Brazos. The first two were apparently a part of the Dawson contract, and doubtless became incorporated in the fleet under changed names; the Houston seems to have been a Yucatán auxiliary, temporarily acting with the Texans; and the Merchant was the private property of E. W. Moore. Of the other vessels mentioned nothing further is known.
This brings us to the personnel of the new navy, and we will now introduce the officers, renewing old acquaintances and forming new ones. The man that stands out pre-eminently for his individuality, as well as high position in the navy, is Commodore Edwin Ward Moore. Born in June, 1810, at Alexandria, Virginia, where he received his education, he entered the United States navy as a midshipman, at the age of fourteen, and remained in the service for nearly fifteen years. 40 In a letter written in 1904, George F. Fuller, one of his midshipmen in the Texas navy, speaks of him as about 5 feet 8 inches in height, of fair complexion, blue eyes, light brown hair, and stocky build. He was genial, pleasant, and universally liked; a thorough seaman and a splendid officer. 41 In 1839 the prospect of an adventurous and active career in the Texas navy caused him to resign his commission as lieutenant on the United States sloop Boston, 42 and offer his services to Texas. He was appointed post-captain and was generally addressed by the title of Commodore, both by the public and by the secretary of the navy in his official communications. He had command of the entire Texas navy from the beginning of his service. Strange, however, as it may seem, no commission was issued to him, or the officers under him, until three years after they had entered the Texan service. In a letter to the secretary of war and marine July 5, 1842, he complained of this in the following terms:
I beg leave also to call the attention of the Department to the fact that not an officer in the Navy has a commission, a circumstance unprecedented in the annals of history, that a Government should have for three years, their vessels of war on the high seas, visiting foreign ports, and capturing the enemy's vessels, without a commission even in the possession of the commander of the Navy. 43
This letter seems to have had the effect that Commodore Moore desired, for two weeks later he received his commission, as did also the officers serving under him. These commissions were confirmed by the senate on July 20, 1842. Commodore Moore's commission entitled him, “Post Captain Commanding,” and was antedated April 21, 1839, some time before his resignation from the United States navy.
The first difficulty encountered by the new navy was to obtain sufficient sailors and marines to man the ships. 44 For this purpose the San Antonio was, in November, 1839, at New Orleans, on recruiting service. 45 At the same time the secretary of the navy ordered the Zavala to New Orleans for refitting. Captain A. C. Hinton of the Zavala was instructed not to allow his expenditure to exceed $9000, including $3200 for the enlistment of sailors and marines. 46 He went, however, considerably beyond the modest limit set by the department, incurred a severe reprimand therefore from the secretary, and was ordered to return to Galveston. The reproof administered to him was in part as follows:
You appear to have forgotten the very first principle of naval discipline, to wit: that the first duty of an officer, as well as a seaman, consists in obeying orders. If you have so far transcended yours, as to purchase anything for which you can not show definite orders, be assured that you will be held responsible; and you furthermore are strictly forbidden from incurring, under any pretext whatever, any liabilities against the Government for repairs. ... You will ... return as soon as possible to Galveston, and report immediately to this Department. 47
In reporting the matter to President Lamar the secretary used a different tone. He said that, though Hinton had exceeeded his allowance by nearly twelve thousand dollars, yet
on the return of the Zavala to Galveston, her natural efficiency was found to be very much increased, and I have no hesitation in saying, that the unauthorized repairs were essentially needed, and they would have been suggested by the proper authority, except for the consciousness of inability to pay for them. 48
The President considered the breach of discipline as serious enough to warrant the withdrawal of Hinton's commission. Hinton appealed to congress, and a joint resolution was passed, 49 ordering the secretary of the navy to organize a court-martial for the trial of Hinton, and declaring that in future no officer should be deprived of his commission except by sentence of such a court. The verdict of the court-martial was favorable to Hinton, and congress passed another joint resolution acquitting him “of any act of misconduct reflecting upon him as an officer or gentleman whilst a commander in the Navy of this Republic.” 50
The Zavala, on her return to Galveston, had brought a considerable number of men to complete the equipment of the other vessels. For a while it seemed as if this act, and all the cost of provisioning and officering the new navy were to be in vain. The law-makers of Texas, in the mood of retrenching and economizing, were about to sacrifice an outlay of one million dollars, in order to save a few thousands. Without warning, or ascribing any cause for its action, congress passed a law which was approved on February 5, 1840, requiring the president to retire from the service temporarily all the fleet except such schooners as were needed for revenue purposes, and to retain only a sufficient number of officers and men to carry out the provisions of the act. Section 4, however, provided that, “should Mexico-make any hostile demonstrations upon the Gulf, the President may order any number of vessels into active service, that he may deem necessary for the public security.” 51
That the President was not in sympathy with this act can be clearly seen in reading his message of November, 1840. He probably acquiesced in it with the intention of availing himself of the discretionary power conferred by Section 4. At any rate, he did not execute the act, and concerning his reasons for not doing so, spoke as follows: 52
The act of the last session of congress providing for the laying up in ordinary the principal portion of the naval forces of the country, has not been carried into effect. Before the necessary preparations could be made for doing so, circumstances transpired, which in the opinion of the executive, involved potentially the contingency contemplated in the fourth section of that act, and induced him to defer the withdrawal of our gallant flag from the gulf. It was confidently asserted in the papers of the United States, and as confidently believed here, that the Mexican government had made a contract in Europe for the purchase of several vessels of war, and that she had actually procured an armed steam ship from a commercial house in England, with a view of making a descent upon the coast of Texas, and of cutting off our commerce with foreign nations; and during the prevalence of that opinion, the executive would have been violating the evident intention and spirit of the act of congress, instead of carrying it into effect, had he caused the seamen already in the service to be disbanded, and the vessels to be laid up in ordinary. Other events, also, occurred about the same time, and conspired with these considerations to dissuade me from dismantling a navy which had been equipped at a great expense, and which was manned and officered in a style of gallantry and efficiency inferior to none other of similar magnitude. Yucatan and Tabasco, lately forming a part of the confederate states of Mexico, wearied of the oppressions that followed the overthrow of the federal system in that republic, seceded from the central government, and uniting together pronounced their determination to be free. Similarity of circumstances and design naturally creates a sympathy of feeling, and would prompt this government to regard with peculiar interest the efforts of the citizens of the southern provinces to do precisely what we had so recently accomplished. But considerations of a higher character suggested the propriety of making a demonstration of our naval power on the coast of the new republic. It was expected to ascertain from the authorities established there in what relation this government should regard them, and whether their secession from Mexico would terminate their belligerent condition towards Texas. . . . It was considered advisable to communicate to the authorities our friendly dispositions, and to convey them with such a palpable exhibition of our power as would render them efficacious and permanent; and I am gratified to remark that these professions were readily and kindly received, and cordially reciprocated by the new government.
Under these various circumstances, I have considered it my duty to keep the Navy at sea for a short period. But I was constrained by a sense of justice and regard to the sacred faith of the country to abstain from making captures of Mexican property, while our accredited agents were engaged in Mexico in a negotiation for peace with that Government. The naval equipments of a country, and especially of this country, are essentially different to the facility of organization from the military power. Competent officers and soldiers to constitute an army, may at any time be selected from the body of the population, but seamen and efficient naval officers are not to be found among a rural people, they belong to the element on which they serve, and are nurtured only on the ocean waves. To have disbanded the accomplished and gallant officers who have embarked in our naval service, at the moment when we had reason to believe our enemy was preparing a naval armament for our coast, would, in the opinion of the executive, have not only been indiscreet and impolitic, but would, as he believes, have been contrary to the true intention and meaning of congress, as expressed in the act of the last session. It is true it might have saved us some expenditure, but it is equally true, that it might have involved the country in great disaster, and an irreparable loss of reputation.
The information afforded by this message is sufficient warrant for its lengthy quotation. We see that the navy was not laid up in ordinary, 53 and that the officers and men were not disbanded. On the contrary, soon after the new fleet was ready for service it was permitted to have a trial.
XI. CRUISE OF THE TEXAN FLEET, 1840-1841.
In June the Texas fleet sailed for Mexico. For this movement quite a number of different causes have been alleged. According to President Lamar, the object of the expedition was to impress Yucatán with the strength of Texas, and thus establish diplomatic relations with this revolting state. According to Commodore Moore, it was the proclamation of the Mexican president, declaring Texan ports in a state of blockade. And, according to the secretary of the navy, it was because of a threatened invasion of Texas by Mexico, and the termination of the diplomatic mission of the agent of Texas, Mr. Treat. While it is peculiar to see these officials disagreeing as to the chief motive for such an expedition, it is most likely that all the causes they mention contributed to the movement For some seven months the naval establishment had been getting ready for such an expedition; and, while the act of congress had paralyzed the movement for a short time, it was only momentarily checked. With the consent and encouragement of President Lamar, the outfitting continued. The most formidable fleet Texas ever possessed left Galveston harbor on June 24, 1840, with Commodore E. W. Moore in command.
The fleet consisted of the Austin, carrying twenty guns, the flagship of Commodore Moore; the steamship Zavala, carrying eight guns; and the schooners, San Bernard, San Jacinto, and San Antonio, each carrying five guns. 54 The Brig Wharton commanded by George Wheelwright, the Archer commanded by J. Clark, and the Potomac were left at Galveston. This was done, partly for the reason that they were not in condition to sail with the squadron, and partly because they were needed to protect Galveston in case Mexican vessels threatened the city or the coast. 55
The itinerary and incidents of this cruise can be most briefly and clearly given by citing extracts of the report of Commodore E. W. Moore to the secretary of the navy: 56
Texas Sloop-of-war Austin, At Sea, August 28th, 1840.
Latitude 25° 21‐ N.: Longitude 96° 29‐ W.
Sir: . . . 22d July . . . I order[ed] the Zavala to make the best of her way to the Arcos 57 Islands, touching at Sisal, under English colors, and to leave a letter for Gen. Anaya from Gen. Canales. 58 On the 26th July, the weather still very light, in consequence of which, and my unexpected detention off the S. W. Pass, I thought it best to send a vessel off Point Mariandrea with the letters No. 1 and 2 for Richard Packenham, Esq., 59 her Britannic Majesty's Minister to Mexico; and that I might, in conformity of my orders of 20th June, endeavor to ascertain the feelings of the authorities of the State of Yucatan towards our Government, 60 and be off the Brazos de Santiago as near the time mentioned in the same orders as possible, I sent the schooner San Jacinto with the letters, and availing myself of the usual trade winds, proceeded with the San Bernard in company to Sisal, off which place I arrived on the 31st July, and, on making signal for a boat, wearing American colors, was boarded by an officer, and learned that the Zavala had passed six days before; he informed me that an order had been received that day from Merida (the Capitol,) by the captain of the Port, who had sent him out, that, if any Texian vessel appeared off the port, to offer her every facility,—upon which I hoisted our proper colors. . . . as soon as he left, filled away for Campeachy, where I was informed Gen. Anaya was. Arrived off Campeachy on the 2d August, and, while standing in under our own colors, we were met about eight miles from the land by a schooner of war, having on board Gen. Anaya and suite, who came on board.
On being informed by the General that he had not received the letter sent by the Zavala, and being no longer in doubt as to the disposition of the authorities, from their trusting a vessel of war, mounting five guns, along-side of this vessel and the San Bernard, and, knowing that the letter was of importance, as it had been written by Gen. Canales, after frequent interviews with his Excellency the President, I sent the San Bernard back to Sisal, with Gen. Anaya's secretary on board for it, and anchored. Gen. Anaya remained on board until after dark, and showed me letters from Galveston written sixteen or eighteen days before I left there . . . the next day . . . I had an interview with the Governor elect, Don Santiago Mendez. . . . He was anxious that the most friendly relations should be established at an early period, and assured me that the ports of the State of Yucatan were open to any Texian vessel. . . .
I left orders for the San Bernard to remain at Campeachy on her return from Sisal, until the 13th inst. . . .
On the 6th instant I received a letter from Gen. Anaya, . . . and the next day sailed for Point Mariandrea. On arriving off the Arcos 61 Islands on the 10th, I found the Zavala, . . .
I . . . the next day . . . sailed for Campeachy . . . where I arrived and anchored on the 13th inst., . . .
The naval force of the State of Yucatan consists of one small brig and two schooners. . . .
On the 14th the San Bernard arrived from Sisal, and the next morning we got under way; and the following morning, by 7 o'clock, were off the Arcos Islands; sent the San Barnard in to put Lieut. A. J. Lewis on board the Zavala, he having broken his leg some days previous by falling from the trunk of the schooner while giving an order and looking aloft, . . . and pushed on to meet the San Jacinto.
Arrived off point Mariandrea on the 18th; on the 19th, fell in with the San Bernard, and on the 20th, with the San Jacinto, when I was informed by Lieut. Postell that he had arrived off the point on the 1st inst. . . . I have since met with . . . Her Britannic Majesty's brig Penguin, on her way from Vera Cruz to Tampico, and I was informed by her that it had been reported at Vera Cruz that there was a pirate off that part of the coast, and the brig was looking out for her. The officer appeared much pleased with the bold manner in which Lieut. Postell stood down for him, and I take this occasion to state to the Department that he is much the most efficient officer I have under my command. . . .
On the 23d, not having fallen in with either the San Antonio or brig Wharton 62 which vessels I had ordered to meet me off Point Mariandrea, . . . I determined to stand down off Vera Cruz, under American colors, and board the first vessel that came out, in hopes of hearing whether Mr. Treat had left Mexico or not, and at the same time have a look at their shipping. That afternoon I was within three miles of the castle of Juan de Ulloa; stood off all night, and the next day, in the afternoon, an English brig came out; the wind being light, did not get near her until the next morning, when she sent her boat alongside with a letter from Mr. Treat, enclosing one to his Excellency the President, and two to the Hon. A. S. Lipscomb, Secretary of State.
The brig was Her Majesty's brig Penguin, and I learned from the officer who came on board from her, that the Centralists had no vessel of war at Vera Cruz; that the sloop-of-war Iguala was expected soon from France, that they were about purchasing a French ship there, lying in the harbor, and that the steamer Agyle was in the employment of the Mexican Government. . . .
. . . I thought it best to leave the San Bernard . . . under the orders of which the enclosed is a copy; and in order that the letters which I had in my possession from the City of Mexico might reach their destination as early as possible, I made sail immediately, the San Jacinto in Company, for Galveston; and by the time we get in the latitude of the Brazos de Santiago, I will have finished my letters, when I will send the schooner on with them, and proceed myself to the Brazos, off which place I will not remain more than four days, (unless I meet additional orders from the Department,) when I will return with all dispatch off Point Mariandrea.
My not having fallen in with the San Antonio or brig Wharton has placed me in a disagreeable situation, as, from the force of circumstances, I can only appear off the Brazos with this vessel, when I am required by my orders, to appear off that place with the whole besides I am behind the time named, in consequence of waiting off Point Mariandrea, in the hope of meeting the San Antonio, at all events, as there was a probability of the Wharton not getting to sea.
. . . C. S. Nash, ordinary seaman, died on board this vessel on the 4th inst, while at Campeachy; his disease was dropsy, and he was transferred from the San Bernard on the 28th June, in order that he might be more comfortable. The San Jacinto also lost one man, who had been sick some time and was very old.
The Zavala has fully realized my expectations as a sea steamer. She left New-Orleans not quite two-thirds filled with coal, having about 1700 barrels on board; and she can carry 2700 barrels. The coal was of the most inferior kind, the blacksmith on board this vessel not being able to get a welding heat on iron with some of it we got from here. Filled with good Pittsburgh coal, a good head of steam can be kept up on her for thirty-five days; and, in the event of active operations on this coast, it will be necessary for her to have two thousand barrels of good Pittsburgh coal as soon as it can reach here, say about the 25th Sept., or 1st Oct., at which time she may be found at the Arcos Islands, the latitude of which is 20° 12‐ N., and the latitude 63 91° 57‐ W. She adds greatly to the efficiency of our force, particularly on the coast of Mexico, where there is for so great a portion of the time very little wind, unless it is blowing a gale, which seldom lasts long. . . .
I am, very respectfully, Your obedient servent, [Signed] E. W. Moore, Captain Commanding. To the Hon. Louis P. Cooke, Secretary of the Navy, Austin, Texas.
The following excerpts are taken from the diary of one of the midshipmen, and tell many events not mentioned by Commodore Moore in his despatch. 64 At the beginning of September Commodore Moore was at the mouth of the Rio del Norte.
September 19, 1840: . . . stood in chase of strange ship who hoisted Spanish colors, bearing two points on our lee bow. At 5:30 strange ship tacked and stood for us. Beat to quarters and spoke her. She proved the Spanish corvette Gueriro, 65 mounting 22 guns.
October 4, 1840: From 4 to 6, gales with passing clouds. At 5 made a vessel with a signal of distress, lying on the reef at the north end of the island (Labos 66). Sent life boat on shore to inquire if any of the inhabitants could pilot a boat out to her. At 6 the boat returned, unable to obtain any information or assistance. . . . Sent life boat on shore to build a fire as a beacon to the vessel in distress. At 9, manned, provisioned and sent life boat and second cutter to the relief of the distressed vessel lying on the Banquilla reef. The second cutter returned, not being able to proceed against a heavy head sea. . . .
October, 6 1840: . . . at 3.30 the life-boat and second cutter returned, bringing the remainder of the crew, passengers and baggage. 67 . . .
October 17, 1840: At 1,50 standing in for Tampico bar. . . .
October 18, 1840: . . . at 3.30 a sail hove in sight, standing for anchorage. At 4 she came to anchor a short distance ahead of us. She proved [to be] the English brig of war Racer. . . .
October 21, 1840: At 2 the second cutter was fired at 3 times from the shore and very narrowly escaped destruction, the balls striking very close to her. We directed a gun at the fort and fired it, but the distance was so great that it did not carry. . . .
October 23, 1840: At 2,30, Jas. Garrett, second gunner, died of the scurvy. . . .
October 21, 68 1840: . . . S. O. Sawyer fell from the fore top gallant yard overboard and was lost. . . .
November 4, 1840: At 1 sent first cutter with 228 gallons of water, 1 bag of coffee, two bags of flour and ten boxes of vermicelli to the schooner San Jacinto, and the launch with two anchors and chain. The schooner was ashore, where she had been driven in a norther, having parted one of her anchors. At 6, sent the launch with the men to the San Jacinto. At 7, sent the first cutter to the San Jacinto with 217 gallons of water. The captain left the ship. At 7,30 the captain returned. 69 At 10, the first cutter returned. . . .
November 21. 1840: . . . at 3 the city of Tabasco hove in sight. at 3.30 came to with larboard anchor. . . .
November 23, 1840: . . . at 11.30 General Anaya visited the ship. . . .
December 6 1840: The federal brig-of-war fired a salute of twenty-one guns. At 9,40 she . . . hoisted the Texian ensign at the fore and fired a salute of seventeen guns. At 10 we answered it.
December 11, 1840: . . . At 10 the Zavala came alongside of us and made fast to us.
December 13, 1840: At 6 called all hands to up anchor. Got under way and backed down the river with the Zavala. . . .
December 15, 1840: At 11,30 boarded and took in tow the Mexican schooner Florentine. . . . At 2,30 boarded the Mexican schooner Elizabeth and brought her to under our stern.
December 16, 1840: At 8.30 got under way and cast off the two schooners, giving them permission to proceed up the river. At 5.30 came to anchor off the town of Frenterrea. 70
December 17, 1840: During the night, James Duffries, ordinary seaman, died of fever. . . .
December 22, 1840: at 3 p. m. Samuel Edgerton, commodore's steward, died of yellow fever. . . .
December 25, 1840: Sent for Dr. Clarke of the San Bernard to visit the sick.
In copying the log of the Austin, Midshipman Mabry had no occasion to describe the terrible experience of the Zavala in the storm of September 23. The following, from the Tennison Papers, 71 in brief language gives a vivid idea of the perils of the sailor:
23d September, . . . we went to Arcos where we expected to meet the Commodo[re] and obtain a supply of provisions from him—but unfortunately he was not there, and after waiting a week on half allowance we went to Laguna de Terminas to obtain provision. We got enough provisions there by giving draft on the Consul in New Orleans (fund being all gone) and we came here to get fuel enough to carry us to Galveston. We arrived off the bar of this river too late on the night of the 3d October to com in, and towards Morning we had a sever gale, and sea from North east, a little the worst many of us had even seen—how the old Zavala stood it bravely, and after losing our rudder, best anchor and cable, the main mast throwing the guns and about 400 eighteen pound shot, and all our grape and cannister overboard, cutting the salloon, ward room, steerage and berth deck for fuel, we came in here all well and hearty on the 7th October. The Hull of the Vessel and engines being not at all hurt.
The last notice of the San Antonio that has been found, respecting this cruise, is a line in the Tennison Papers: “The San Antonio arrived in port 72 Dec. 9, 1840, with the rems 73 of Mr. Treat, agent from Texas to Mexico.” 74
Relative to the doings of the fleet for the next few months the information is very meager, but a contemporary newspaper gives the following items: 75
Last from the Fleet.
By the San Bernard, T. A. Taylor commanding, which came into Galveston a few days since, we are in possession of the last intelligence from the fleet. A private letter has been shown us, dated on board the Zavalla, San Juan Baptista River, Tobasco, Dec. 23d, from which we learn that this steam ship is in complete repair, and ready for service; that the whole fleet will not probably come in before March or April. Commodore Moore, on board the flag ship Austin, was in the harbor at Tobasco with the Zavala, but, in a few days, would proceed to sea, on another cruise.
The schooner San Jacinto went ashore in a heavy gale, a short time before the sailing of the San Bernard. At the time, she was anchored off the Arcas Islands, but having imprudently ventured to sea with but one anchor, she was driven by the gale high upon land, a perfect wreck. No lives were lost, and we believe her guns were saved.
It is rumored (on what authority we have not learned,) that the Federal authorities 76 in consideration of the services rendered by Com. Moore in reducing a small town on the coast, contributed $25,000 towards the expenses of the navy during the expedition.
Gen. Anaya is in command at Tobasco, and his forces are constantly augmented by the voluntary enlistment of the citizens. The most amicable relations exist between them and our naval forces.
Tennison states that, at the time of the departure of the San Barnard from Tobasco, it was the intention of the Zavala, with the Austin in tow, to proceed to Laguna for a sufficient supply of fuel, and thence to Galveston. The Austin, leaving the Zavala after crossing the bar, was to proceed to the Arcos Islands, and thence to Galveston. Under date of February 10, 1841, Tennison further states that the Austin, on the cruise referred to above, boarded a small schooner, bound for Vera Cruz, having on board the Federal General Lemus, prisoner of the Centralists. By orders of Commodore Moore he was released, and was landed at Campeachy. Soon afterwards he was placed in a responsible position by the new government of Yucatán. On March 18, according to Tennison, the San Bernard returned to Galveston. She had touched at Vera Cruz, where her appearance was by no means welcome to the natives. Eight boats, with about seventy men each, had prepared to attack this single schooner manned by a crew of only twenty. The timely interference, however, of the British sloop Comus prevented trouble. On this trip the San Bernard had lost her foremast, and was forced to stop at the Arcos Islands for repairs. The Zavala was at Laguna on March 1, since her supplies of fuel and provisions had not arrived from New Orleans. 77 The following extract gives a glimpse of her at some later time: 78
The steamship Zavala arrived yesterday in five days from Yucatan. She had on board $8460 in specie, having received ten thousand dollars in payment of services rendered by our Navy in the taking of Tobasco, the balance being expended in the payment of debts contracted there.
At Yucatan everything was quiet. No standing army to make subordinate the civil authorities to the military, as in many parts of Mexico. All kinds of religious worship was tolerated there.
Arista has joined Canales; but had no designs against Texas. He seems determined to overthrow the existing government.
We are assured by a passenger on board the Zavala that the Navy could, if permitted to make captures, not only defray its own expenses, but support the government. 79
Under date of July 3, 1841, Tennison states that on that day the San Bernard arrived, presumably at Galveston, with Judge Webb on board. He says that Mexico had refused to treat with or to receive Webb as an agent to procure the acknowledgment of the independence of Texas. 80
Of the Tabasco affair, Commodore Moore has the following to say: 81
. . . went up the river Tabasco, captured that place . . . levied a contribution of $25,000 with which supplies were obtained from New Orleans to enable the squadron to keep at sea upwards of ten months . . . and there by kept the Mexican Navy from appearing off the coast of Texas to enforce the blockade. . . .
We remained in quiet possession of the town of Tobasco for twenty-one days and had no shot fired at us as we were leaving. During this cruise one Mexican schooner was captured within five miles of Vera Cruz, sent to Galveston, condemned and sold for seven thousand dollars.
An item of interest in connection with the capture of Tabasco is given by Midshipman C. C. Cox in his reminiscences. 82
But we had no fight. The enemy evacuated the town before we reached it—and after one night's stay we again dropped down the River—but a good many bags of silver were taken on Board our vessel at Tobasco and a portion at least of the same was distributed among the officers and men of the fleet as prize money. I think eight dollars was the share I got.
April, 1841, saw the return of the Texan vessels to Galveston, and the Yucatán expedition of 1840-1841 was closed. This expedition is in history frequently confounded with later expeditions to Yucatán. 83 Historians also allude to an alliance between Yucatán and Texas in 1840, but this alliance was not consummated in fact until 1841. The taking of Tabasco was the result of an impromptu arrangement between Moore and the officials of Yucatán; the official alliance between Yucatán and Texas, concluded in 1841, was one entered into by the civil authorities of both countries, the conditions of which were specified in a document entrusted to commissioners. In this respect it differed from the arrangements of 1840, which were made verbal and consequently could be easily broken at the caprice of either party, or upon explicit directions to the commodore commanding the Texas fleet disapproving of his actions.
Soon after Commodore Moore's return to Texas he was again sent to sea for the purpose of surveying the coast of Texas. Increasing maritime interests rendered this survey very necessary. He briefly describes this labor in a publication directed to the United States naval officials: 84
From May to November, 1841, the vessels were overhauled and the coast of Texas surveyed by Captain Moore, with the aid of schooners of the Texas Navy; a chart for the entire coast was made by him and published in New York by E. and G. W. Blunt, and in England by the admiralty. It is the only correct chart now in use by navigators . . . one of the officers whose name is attached to the published remonstrance to the honorable house of representatives has been in service on the gulf since it was published in 1842; he has doubtless had occasion to use it, and I can with confidence call on him to attest its accuracy.
The following item concerning the survey is from the Telegraph and Texas Register: 85
The schooner of War, San Antonio, left Galveston on the 4th inst. for the Sabine Pass, having Com. E. W. Moore and several officers on board, for the purpose of commencing the survey of the coast. Col. G. W. Hockley, was a passenger on board. We are glad to find this important work commenced. The officers of our Navy can not at this season be employed to better advantage than in this survey.
They were actively engaged in the discharge of these labors until their recall in October by President Lamar on account of the alliance entered into between Yucatán and Texas, which we shall consider in the next chapter.
XII. ALLIANCE BETWEEN TEXAS AND YUCATAN.
The idea of forming an offensive and defensive alliance on the part of Texas and Yucatán against Mexico, was, no doubt, discussed between the Texas commanders and Yucatán officials, while the Texas navy was in Yucatán; and doubtless on the return of the officers from their cruise, the sentiments expressed by these officials, were imparted to President Lamar. According to Senator Sam Houston, 86 the first overtures looking to an alliance were made by President Lamar. Houston says:
It was in the month of July of that year 87 that the Texas navy was subsidized to Yucatan, an integral part of the Republic of Mexico. The then President of Texas, Mr. Lamar, made a communication to the Governor of Yucatan, proposing to confederate with him to render aid, and to receive reciprocal aid from him. In conformity to the invitation originating with the President of Texas, a Minister arrived from the Government of Yucatan, then in a revolutionary state against Mexico, with proposals to obtain the navy of Texas, for the purpose of conducting a war against the central Government of Mexico. On the 17th of September, I think, the proposition was submitted by Mr. Badraza, 88 and accepted through the Secretary of State by the President of Texas. By the 18th the matter was consummated, and directions given to the navy of Texas immediately to sail, and co-operate in the defense of Yucatan against Mexico; or, in other words to aid and assist in the rebellion. This was done without any authority or sanction of the Congress or Senate of the Republic of Texas. It was a mere act of grace or will on the part of the President.
Col. Peraza arrived at Austin on September 11. On the 16th he addressed to Samuel A. Roberts, Secretary of State, a lengthy communication, 89 the main points of which were that Lamar had written the government of Yucatán that he was willing to cooperate against the common enemy; that Yucatán was threatened by an invasion from Mexico which its navy was not strong enough to resist; that the case was too urgent for Yucatán to wait for the assembling of its congress. Peraza then proceeds, “I will therefore merely say to the Honorable Secretary of State that I am fully authorized by my Government to contribute to the removal of any pecuniary obstacles which might perhaps for the moment embarrass that of Texas in putting her vessels in action”; and he goes on to say that Yucatán would pay for the purpose of getting the squadron of three war vessels to sea eight thousand dollars in advance and eight thousand dollars per month, so long as the government should deem it necessary for the squadron to remain in active service. Any prize made and any revenue of the Mexican government confiscated by Yucatán and Texas was to be divided equally between them after first paying the costs of the enterprise. On the next day Col. Peraza received a communication 90 from the Secretary of State of Texas, in which he says:
When therefore you tell us that you have reason to apprehend that the same depotism which for a time waged so savage and relentless a war against us, is preparing to attack the newly established liberties of your country, we can not hesitate to cooperate with you in preparing to repel the premeditated attack by sending such a portion of our Naval force to sea as may be deemed adequate to the service required of it.
That this Government may derive incidental advantages from sending its Navy to sea, ... is not denied; but that these advantages will afford a just equivalent for the heavy expenses of keeping our Navy at sea, and for the shock such a ste 91 may give to our nation's credit abroad; and the loss we may thereby suffer; the undersigned apprehends, it is equally unnecessary for him to deny. The President therefore in accepting the pecuniary aid offered by Yucatan, on the terms proposed in your communication, towards the support of the Navy so long as it continues to cooperate with that of Yucatan, only discharges a duty towards this Government which a rigid and economical expenditure of the public money demands. ... The undersigned has been instructed, taking your propositions as a basis, to state specifically the terms upon which the President will feel authorized to afford the Government of Yucatan the aid which she demands.
The stipulations following are four in number, and the same as given in Peraza's letter except the second, which reads: “All captures made by Texan vessels shall be taken into Texas ports for adjudication, and all captures taken by Yucatan vessels shall be taken into Yucatan ports for the like purpose.” On the same day, September 17, 1841, Col. Peraza accepted the Texas propositions. In a letter to the secretary of state he says, 92 being conformable to the spirit of my instructions, they are sanctioned on my part in the name of my government, which is pledged to their most punctual and religious observance.” In reply to this acceptance by Yucatán, the Secretary of State addressed a letter to Col. Peraza 93 in which he says in part:
the President has this day given orders, in conformity with the stipulations and agreements which have been mutually made between the two governments, for three or more vessels to proceed with as little delay as possible to the port of Sisal, when it is expected the Government of Yucatan will furnish the Commander of the Squadron with such information as will enable him to operate to the advantage of Yucatan. . . . It is hoped the action of Commodore Moore, who will personally command the squardon, will be such as to give entire satisfaction to the government of Yucatan. His orders have been made in strict conformity with the agreement which has been entered into between the two governments. 94
On the same day, September 18, 1841, Commodore Moore received orders from the department of war and marine in conformity with the treaty entered into by Texas and Yucatán; and he was informed that the eight thousand dollars he would receive at New Orleans was all that he would be advanced for the provisioning of the vessels and recruiting of the men for the service. Another clause in the letter is here given in full, as Commodore Moore claimed that at a later time in his service to Texas he complied with the order it contained, and was for so doing outlawed, declared a pirate, and dishonored by the Texan executive, Sam Houston:
The Department can not conclude these orders, without reiterating that the eight thousand dollars placed in the hands of yourself, and such other advances as Col. Peraza, in behalf of the Government of Yucatan, may think proper to make you upon the contract existing between his and this government, are the only funds you can rely upon for fitting out and supporting the squadron under your command: and if these are insufficient to enable you to go to sea under these orders, you will not attempt it, but remain in port, without accepting or using any portion of the pecuniary contribution which the government of Yucatan has agreed to advance. 95
On Friday, October 8, 1841, Lieutenant Lewis left Galveston 96 with the above dispatches and secret orders for Commodore Moore, to be opened after the completion of the provisioning. Commodore Moore was still surveying the coast, being on board the San Antonio, and accompanied by the San Bernard, commanded by Lieutenant Crisp. Lieutenant Lewis reached Moore on the 13th, and on receipt of the documents Moore sailed at once for Galveston. The money for the cruise and outfitting was deposited by the commissioner in the custom-house in Galveston. Within two months all preparations had been made; and, on December 13, 1841, the vessels under Commodore Moore sailed for Yucatán. Outside of Galveston Bar Commodore Moore opened his secret orders, and found that he was instructed to sail direct for Sisal, in the State of Yucatán, 97 and to co-operate with the sea and land forces of Yucatán in checking any hostile act of Mexico. He was also instructed to capture Mexican towns, and to levy contributions; and, for the purpose of compelling payment, he was authorized to destroy public works and edifices, and to seize public property, “taking care, however, to adhere to the principle that private property is always to be respected, and never to be violated except when unavoidable in the execution of duty.” These acts it was hoped, would cause the central government no little annoyance, and would “strike a terror among the inhabitants, which may be very useful to us should it again be thought advisable to enter into negotiations for peace.” For carrying out these instructions of the secretary of the navy, the Texas navy has been criticised by historians. Yet the same methods were used in the Civil War twenty years lated by both North and South.
The first official communication received from Commodore Moore was dated January 31, 1842, from the Texas sloop-of-war Austin at anchor off Sisal. 98 Accompanying his own letter are copies of letters exchanged between him and the officials of Yucatán, which illustrate the embarrassing situation in which he was placed on his arrival. They also show the estimation in which the Texas navy was held by the government of Yucatán, which was on the point of reuniting with Mexico, and was negotiating the terms with the commissioner, Quintana Roo, under the impression that Texas would not be able to comply with her engagements. But, encouraged by the arrival of the Texan fleet, it insisted on justice from Mexico; and the refusal led to a war, which for the time diverted the energies of Mexico from Texas to Yucatán. 99 Among other things the letter says:
Dec. 13, . . . I opened the “Secret Orders” received 1st October, in the presence of Lt. A. G. Gray, Purser N. Hurd, and Doct. Wm. Richardson. . . . I arrived and anchored off Sisal on the 6th inst, 100 the schooners San Antonio and San Bernard in company, having met the former on the 4th, and the latter on the 5th, . . . exchanged salutes with the Castle, and on the next day proceeded to the city of Merida, Lt. Com'g. Seeger in company with me.
The Yucatán political situation is next portrayed, and Moore then says:
The San Antonio takes this letter to Galveston and proceeds immediately to New Orleans for provisions, and when she joins me I will be enabled to keep at sea until the 1st May, without calling on the government for one dollar. If it be the wish of His Excellency the President to coerce Mexico to acknowledge our Independence, I can at once blockade all the ports of entry, viz.: Vera Cruz, Tampico, and the Brazos de Santiago; and if I had the steamer Zavala to co-operate with the Squadron, I could levy contributions on several of their towns to a greater amount than the entire cost of the Navy—without the Zavala little else can be effected but to pick up any vessel that they hazard out. . . . The vessels building in New York when I left Galveston, for the Mexican Navy, I will use my utmost to intercept, and if they have contraband of War on board, I will send them to Galveston—this course being strictly in accordance with International law. . . . I leave to-day for Campeche and Vera Cruz; off the latter place I will cruize some time.
Commodore Moore was also instrumental in saving the cargo of the American schooner Sylph of New Orleans, which had been wrecked on the Alacranes, and he rescued the crew and sent them with the cargo to New Orleans in the San Antonio. He makes the assertion that the Austin was full of rotten wood and that the agent of Texas in supervising the construction of the vessels was grossly at fault. This reference was to J. G. Tod, and seems to be the beginning of the estrangement which in later years was emphasized by President Jones's nomination of Tod to take the place of Commodore Moore, who had been deprived of his position (illegally, Moore says) as commodore, by President Houston. While Commodore Moore was detained at Mérida, uncertain of his success in negotiating with the Yucatán officials, rumors of danger threatening him reached Lieutenant Alfred Gray, commanding the ship Austin. As Gray could not communicate with Moore, he considered it his duty to detain as hostages, until the commodore's safe return, the commissioners from the national government of Mexico and from Yucatán, who were taken from the American barque Louisa on their way to Vera Cruz. 101 Lieutenants A. Irvine Lewis and Cummings secured the commissioners and they were held until Moore was communicated with. As soon as possible he informed Gray that he was in no danger and directed him to release them. Moore said that under similar circumstances he would have done as Gray did; but suitable expressions of regret were addressed to the commissioners. In Commodore Moore's next report to the secretary of war and the navy, he makes mention of the capture of the Mexican schooner Progreso. By this vessel he sent to Galveston a letter in which he says: 102
I have this day taken as a prize the Mexican Schooner Progreso.
I was off Vera Cruz yesterday and saw one of the vessels built in New York for the Mexican Navy, and learn to-day that she has been in three or four days, and the other one is hourly expected.
A Lieutenant of Artillery (Mexican Army) was passenger in the schooner Progreso. . . . I intend keeping him, as I will all other officers of the government who fall into my hands, until I can hear something definite of the Santa Fé expedition.
The following is a contemporary account of the capture of the Progreso. 103
Feby 22d 1842
Lut Wm. A Tennison of our Navy arrived on Saturday in charge of the Mexican Schooner Progresso captured by the sloop of war Austin in sight of Vera Cruz . . . on the 6th. She is ladened principally with Flour and Sugar. . . . When the Progresso left the schooner of war San Barnard was in chase of another Mexican vessel, which was stated to have on board a large amount of specie. . . . The San Barnard was to the windward of her and between her and the shore, and so certain was Com. Moore of the prize that we would not think it worth while to join in the chase. . . .
A general officer was captured on the Progresso when he saw the Texan flag run up he tore off his epaulettes thrust them in his pockets, but it was no use he was caught in the act. . . . Sat-Anz 104 has purchased an old English steam ship carrying 4 guns of an English system, and if he has any spirit—with her and the New York Brig may offer Com. Moore a fight—nothing would be more welcomb to the Tars.
On February 25, when the Austin was again at anchor off Sisal, Commodore Moore learned from a pilot that the Mexican ship expected from New York was lost on the Florida reef on her way out, and the other Mexican vessels would not give him battle. The schooner San Antonio left Sisal on February 1, for Galveston with a letter from the governor of Yucatán to the president of Texas; and she was expected by Commodore Moore to meet him at the Areas Islands on her return about March 1, 1842. From the Arcas Islands Moore intended to go to Laguna, at which place he was to overhaul the rigging and paint the ships. On March 8, Commodore Moore writes from Campeachy: 105
I arrived here on the afternoon of the 6th inst., from the Arcas Islands, where I waited two days for the San Antonio without meeting her; on my arrival here her delay was accounted for by the sad intelligence of the mutiny on board of her at New-Orleans (to which place she went for provisions,) and of the murder of one of the most promising officers, Lieut. Fuller, whom I have ever known. I expect to meet Capt. Seeger at Laguna, for which place I leave to-night, and I will mete out to the rascals the uttermost penalties of the law. 106
Moore sailed that night, and two days later he received the following official note, 107 recalling him to Texas:
Department of War and Navy, 15th December, 1841. Commodore E. W. Moore,
Commanding Texas Navy.
Sir.—I am directed by His Excellency the President to order that the squadron under your command return forthwith to the port of Galveston, and there await further orders. . . .
Geo. W. Hockley.
In reference to this note Moore says: 108
No. 16 . . . was received outside Laguna Bar on the 10th March, per Schooner of War San Antonio, and was written, as will be seen by reference to the date two days after the inauguration of President Houston. It was the first communication that I had received since sailing, and although a peremptory order, I was compelled to disobey it. It will be seen by the subsequent letter from the Department (20) that the course adopted by me was approved by the President.
The letter referred to by Moore as approving of his disobedience to this order reads as follows: 109
Department of War and Navy, April 14, 1842. Com. E. W. Moore, Commanding Squadron.
Sir: Your dispatches by Capt. Crisp were handed into the Department yesterday. . . . Your proceedings personally, and of Courts Martials, specially, are approved, and the latter confirmed.
Concerning the order for the recall of the navy, Houston in his speech before the Senate of the United States, July 15, 1854, said: 110
The new President 111 was inaugurated on the 12th of December following; 112 and we find by the records, that on the 15th of that month the navy was recalled forthwith, and ordered to the port of Galveston. The orders ought to have reached the navy in ten or twelve days. A pilot boat was dispatched to carry the orders to Commodore Moore, the commander; but that vessel, owing to peculiar influences at Galveston, or some other circumstances, was not permitted to reach Campeachy until the 10th of March following. On the first of May, I think it was, the fleet returned. . . .
In this connection, it is necessary, in referring to Houston's order dated December 15, 1841, to correct a very gross error on the part of historians which has, so far as I am aware, never been challenged by critics. Yoakum, 113 in closing the chapter devoted to the year 1840, says:
The President's 114 health had been for some time very bad; and, getting no better, he obtained from the Congress a leave of absence, and about the middle of December retired from his official duties, leaving them to be discharged by the Vice-President.
That is all true, but in the succeeding pages Yoakum does not state plainly that Lamar afterwards resumed his duties as president, and the inference is left that his retirement was permanent, which was not the case. Thrall 115 makes a palpable error. He says:
The cares and responsibilities of office weighed heavily on President Lamar, and the severe strictures of political opponents affected his deeply sensitive nature, and he applied to Congress for permission to absent himself from the Republic. The request was granted, and during the last year the Government was administered by Vice-President Burnet.
The “last year” refers, of course, to 1841. It is, of course, too well known to require proof, that Lamar was the prime mover and cause of the Santa Fé Expedition of 1841, and that he furnished Col. McLeod with a proclamation to be given to the people of Santa Fé. 116 It is also well known that he was the promoter of the Yucatán alliance consummated in the months of July to September, 1841. Moore states in his pamphlet 117 that this alliance was originated and was carried out by Lamar in 1841. He did, on account of ill health, for a time retire from the presidential duties, but only for a time. His letter to Burnet implies also that it was only temporary; for it reads thus: 118 “Ill health has compelled me to ask of the Honorable Congress permission to retire from the discharge of official duty for the present.” Bancroft falls into the same error; he says: 119 “The labors of office and the animadversions to which he was exposed, induced Lamar to apply to congress for permission to absent himself; and his request being granted, during the last year of his term, the government was administered by Vice-President Burnet”; and adds in a footnote:
From Dec. 15, 1840 to Feb. 3, 1841, the acts of congress were approved by David G. Burnet, after which date no signatures are attached to the acts passed in the copy of The Laws of the Republic of Texas in my possession, only the word “approved” with the date, being used.
This last statement, however, proves nothing, for in printing the laws passed during Houston's administration from 1841 to 1844 his signature never appears, though he did sign many of them. Those which he signed are, as the secretary of state explains, 120 simply marked “approved.”
I have here devoted much space to proving that Lamar did act as president in 1841, because the historians so plainly infer that he did not, that the general reader and even the worker in Texas history is led astray. If their statements were accepted, of course Lamar had nothing to do with the Yucatán alliance of 1841; but, their statements being disproved, all doubt as to Lamar's having held the reins of government in 1841 are removed. The peaceful invasion of Texan territory by the Santa Fé expedition had its conception with Lamar, and became a calamity only because of circumstances over which he had no control. Had the mission been successful, he would have been heralded as the foremost statesman of Texas. The Yucatán alliance was timely and of great help to Texas, and has only been recorded with doubting language by historians because it was little understood by historians, and because of the bitter attacks made upon it by Houston in after years. Notwithstanding the great deference given to Houston's opinions, nearly all the historians give the Yucatán alliance and the conduct of the Texas squadron in Yucatán a left-handed compliment. Lamar never quit his station because he shrank from criticism, as historians have stated; on the contrary, in his own lifetime, an able biography of him appeared in a leading Texas publication, 121 and, according to it, he was willing that his reputation should stand or fall according to these two policies.
Commodore Moore remained at the port of Carmen, Laguna de Términos, from the tenth until the twenty-eighth of March, at which time, accompanied by the two schooners, San Antonio and San Bernard, 122 he sailed for Vera Cruz. He says:
. . . arrived off Vera Cruz on the 31st, and ran close in under the Island of Sacrificios to send in a boat to the United States Ship Warren. . . . I discovered that the Steamer under the Castle was raising steam, and the Schooner now under Mexican colors was warping alongside of her. I immediately run up the boat and began making preparations to give them a warm reception, (9 o'clock A. M.) standing out to get an offing, the wind being very light, and we being barely out of gun shot of the Castle. I remained near all day, passing once inside of one of the reefs forming the harbour, but they did not come out. The Warren sent a boat out to the ship, by the officer who came in her, I learned . . . that Mr. Thomas Lubbock 123 who escaped from Mexico, had sailed but a few days previous . . . for Laguna to join me; that night I sent the San Antonio back to Laguna for Mr. Lubbock, and stood to the N. and W. in Company with the San Bernard; the following forenoon I captured the Mexican Schooner Doloritas nine days from Matamoras bound to Vera Cruz, she was very near the land when we discovered her, and the super cargo and part of the crew made their escape in the boat . . . —she parted company yesterday for Galveston, and in the afternoon I landed the Captain Mate and boy with all their private effects at Point Delgada. . . .
I herewith enclose all the quarterly returns of this Ship and the San Bernard, a correct chart of the sea coast of Texas, a correct chart of the bar and harbour of Pass Caballo with the Labacca and Matagorda Bays, and a plan of the proposed break-water, by which twenty feet water can be made at the bar at a comparatively trifling expense, and there is after getting in, one of the finest harbors in the world. . . .
On the 3rd inst., within a few miles of Tuspan, we captured the Mexican Schr. “Dos Amigos,” from Matamoros, bound to Tuspan, with a cargo of salt. I will dispatch her also to Galveston to-night or tomorrow, in company with the San Bernard, the Comd'r. of which vessel 124 will take this dispatch to the Seat of Government and return to Galveston with an answer and instructions for me, by the time I arrive there. I touch at Sisal to get ten thousand dollars which will be due on the 8th inst., when I will sail direct for Galveston, in pursuance of your orders of the 15th Dec. . . . there is every necessity of keeping the squadron at sea, and in a fighting condition, to prevent our Ports being blockaded and all communication cut off from the United States. Without the speedy return of our Navy on this coast, the navy of Yucatan will be captured or join that of Central Mexico, through fear, if nothing else.
In a letter of the next day, 125 he adds:
I feel it my imperative duty to urge upon the Department the necessity of fitting out the steamer Zavala, in order that we may keep the ascendency by sea and the communication open between Galveston and New Orleans.
Moore, in commenting upon his recommendation respecting the Zavala says: 126
Nos. 18 and 19 . . . are letters from me to the Department; the latter 127 contains my recommendation to the government to fit out the Zavala which could then have been done at a small expense and saved from destruction, the most efficient vessel in the Navy; worth, $100,000, which has been lost to the country by the wise economy of government. . . . The wreck of the Zavala, now lying in Galveston harbor, is a melancholy evidence, of the sort of economy practised by President Houston!
In these remarks Moore is undoubtedly correct; for, by an act of the congress of Texas, approved by Houston, 128 the president of Texas was authorized to have the Zavala repaired, and at a later session another act was passed, also approved by Houston, 129 making an appropriation of $15,000 for the purpose. This authority Houston never used.
The following letter will explain the temporary discontinuance of the Yucatán-Texas alliance: 130
His Excellency the Governor . . . has received notice that they 131 do not think of invading us at present, and that if they do invade at all it will not be for eight months or a year, for reason of the want of resources and the embarrassed position in which Gen. Santa Anna finds himself. The State can not continue paying all this time, eight thousand dollars monthly to the vessels under your command, as agreed with the Government of Texas, to which you are subject, and for that reason I inform you, without, however, considering the friendly relations being interrupted, which has been reciprocally preserved by both Governments; that, you can . . . retire with the squadron under your command, after the current month has expired. . . . The Governor does not doubt but that he can depend upon the assistance of Texas after the above indicated time has transpired.
Under date of April 22, 1842, Lemus adds: 132
The want of funds has compelled the Treasury to give a bill for $4000 to complete the $12,208, which will be paid in thirty days after date, consequently Mr. Seeger has only received $8666.66 including the account of supplies, and an order for account of the Schooner San Bernard.
Commodore Moore now sailed for Galveston with the squadron; and arriving there May 1, 1842, and finding President Houston and the secretary of war and the navy, Col. Hockley, there, he personally handed the latter his final report of the cruise of the squadron, the most important parts of which are as follows: 133
I parted company with the San Bernard on the morning of the 6th April, and in consequence of continued winds . . . did not arrive at Sisal until the morning of the 18th, when I met the San Antonio, she having on board Mr. Thos. Lubbock. . . . The same afternoon the brig of War Wharton arrived, and the next day I sent Lt. Comd'g. Wm. Seeger to Merida. . . . On the forenoon of the 23rd, the San Bernard arrived, when I received your communication of the 14th ult . . . And got underway—the brig Wharton, and schrs. San Antonio and San Bernard in company: the next afternoon we all anchored off Campeache. On the 25th, the Yucatan vessels of war, two brigs and two schrs.—went to sea, and as they passed us they lowered their flags three times which we of course returned. In the afternoon I received on board eight thousand dollars. . . . we all got under way at 1 o'clock A. M., (26th.) In the afternoon parted company with the Wharton off the Areas Islands and pushed on for this place, where I arrived to-day, and anchored at 4 o'clock—the San Antonio in sight astern, but the San Bernard not, she will be up tomorrow.
Novr. 10th 1827—Departed Cincinnati on this evening on board the Steam boat Franklin for Louisville—Company for the same destination Messrs. N. Clopper, A. M. Clopper, E. N. Clopper Captn. Lyndsay—for this night's darksome series of conflicting emotions; why the spirit slumbered not, and the heart was ill at ease, vide: the records of Memory.
Nov. 11th. Sunday morning arrived at Louisville; Met Dr. G M Patrick and Mr. Gregg of Ky: who connected themselves with us under the firm of the Texas trading Association Remained here three days awaiting the departure of a steam boat—pleased with the Town's commercial appearance the picturesque wildness and grandeur of the falls and spirit of enterprize discoverable in the progress of the canal around them—wrote four letters—three to Cincinnati—two of which remain not at Woodlawn of the Mound.
Nov. 14 This morning departed for N. Orleans on board the splendid Boat Amazon—our Compy. seven in all—Had a delightful passage down as far as St Helena on the Mississippi where the boat broke her shaft—the border and island scenery of the different rivers and streams generally undiversified, occasionally picturesque and beautifull. At the last named place were taken in tow by the La Fayette with a keel lashed to her opposite side—presenting such a wide front to the waters our progress was very slow affording sufficient time for the eye to delight itself with the prospective loveliness of the border country which increases in interest as we approached the great Southern depot—reached the City on the 28th instant.
Purchased a large flat as a depository for our freight and boarding house—father's residence at the Western Hotel—first night's supper oysters and oyster soup. A vast number of shipping in port—say three hundred sail, from most of the principal commercial countries. City stands on a flat plane secured from inundation by the river by a levee of sand and shells extending many miles up and down the river continually kept in repair within the corporation by hirelings slaves and criminals—streets unseemly and inconveniently narrow tho' mostly laid off at right angles—there are several streets of handsome breadth ornamented with trees and some fine brick buildings—tho' the greater part of the City is constituted of frame and these mostly very low houses about one and a half story. The public square fronting the river with the Cathedral at its rear presents a very beautiful view rendered more picturesque as the building externally has much the stamp of antiquity awakening the eye of the mind to rest upon the time-stricken ruins of a castle of romance There are many handsome public buildings such as the new theatre, exchange the several banks etc. Population variant according to the periodical seasons when health or sickness most prevails—supposed in all migratory and stationary “from snowy white to sooty” to be between 40 and fifty thousand souls at this time, composed apparently of all tongues and kindred and people. The French language still prevails tho' the Americans (as in contradistinction those citizens who speak the English tongue are termed) are fast gaining the ascendency in manners customs style and the general character of a city or people.
New Orleans has a small artificial basin on the west side connected with Lake Pontchertrain by a canal which will admit coasting vessels freighting one hundred tons. The Sabbath is distinguished more as a day of amusements balls dances excellence and variety of the markets than as a day of sanctity and rest—very few stores are closed and drays and carts run without intermission. The French soldiery attend mass in the morning in full uniform and the rest of the day in parading and exercise at the guns Walked down with three or four of our Compy to the battle ground—five miles below the corporation—charmed witb the elegance of taste displayed by gentlement residents at their different mansions on the river—the eye rests with rapture on the beautiful groves and hedges of the orange tree in its survey of the fascinating scenery enriched by the profuse variety of fruits and shrubbery skilfully arranged and intermingled one with the other—reached the field of carnage—now covered with stalks of sugar cane and corn—the plane is here about one mile in breadth perfectly level and widening with the course of the river—the only vestige of that day's glorious triumph of Freedom is the intrenchment extending from the shore of the Mississippi to an impassable swamp; being about one mile in length—this trench is about 10 or 12 feet in width by 4 or 5 in depth, in many places nearly filled—here then I stood and silently surveyed the scene for this was a wide field for meditation—at this point the gallant foe was found in heaps of slain—here “blood burst and smoked around”—here the cries and groans of the wounded and expiring were heard “as when a thousand ghosts shriek at once upon the hollow wind”—there the British chieftan fell and yonder stand the two lonely trees where his remains were embalmed as a sad solace for the afflictions of kindred spirits in a foreign land—at a distance of one hundred and fifty yards in the rear of the intrenchment is the beautiful seat when whence genl. Jackson viewed the battle raging, a spectator of the deeds of arms while Fame was weaving around his brow a chaplet of immortality too dazzling alas! for the visions of thousands boasting themselves discerners of the intrinsic merits of man—when shall we be able to discriminate and know that “it is not all gold that glitters”? that there are things apparently all glorious in themselves that shine but with a borrowed lustre—light that is not their own.
Returned. Were detained in Orleans much longer than we anticipated—often disappointed in our prospects of leaving a City with which we had already become most heartily disgusted—some of us continually presenting to others the infectious mien of dejected Ennuis To remove this made several visits to Miss C. W. an interesting and intelligent young lady with whom I became acquainted in Cin: a few years previous these visits were too ineffectual for frequent repetition—the eye—the ear—the taste for intellectual elegancies were agreeably entertained and delighted but ah! the Memory was but too much awakened and the heart grew sick—obtained some handsome specimens of this Lady's penmanship and poetic taste for my sister. Wrote six letters—four for Cin:—Query—Woodlawn of the Mound, hast thou still with thee more than an equal division?
Dec: 18th The Compy purchase three eighths of a small schooner the Little Zoe—burden 20 tons—20th. Cargo on board and Custom House clearance procured—spirits once more light and buoyant 22nd Saturday evening 5 o'clock—passengers all on board—“This hour we part—this hour our flutt'ring sails Spread their white bosoms to the gentle gales”—the breezes slowly die away—the spirits sink. Land of my love! how lone am I! Friends of my heart! how lost! As a Gondola that scarcely wakes the tide our little bark moves gently on toward her destined port—not so with the mind—the movements of its thoughts are retrograde and screened by a veil of “leaden gloom,” far beyond lies the beautiful scenery on the constituent loveliness of which it delights to dwell and revel and feast upon the sweets of pensive retrospect—the stars are in brilliant glow—the wind from the N West grows high—about 11 o'clock at night under full sail the vessel strikes the shore where we are obliged to lie all night in great peril of our vessel as she lay in a whirlpool of the river recieving against her side huge logs and trees borne on a current of unusual rapidity. In the morning the crew and passengers fourteen men in all succeed in getting her off. Sunday—have pretty favourable breezes—scenery—nothing imposing, a flat prairie and swamp country on both sides—gratified with the majestic and beautiful appearances of many large vessels bearing for N Orleans under full press of canvass. Land to take in wood for our voyage—tormented almost to madness by swarms of sand flies—a Small insect or gnat more intolerable much than the musquito. This night strike the shore again a little below Fort Jackson; get off without damage cast anchor within sound of the roaring of the Sea. Monday morning the sun unclouded rises and a bland breeze from the west promises us a delightful entrance into the “vasty deep”—ascend the mast head—the ocean is seen on both sides the river—the land appearing as two great artificial banks or levees thrown up as barriers against the “meeting of the waters”—reach the Balize—river of great breadth—the eye is lost in its survey of extensive alluvial flats and watery surfaces—enter the S. West pass—most of the morning at the mast head charmed with the boundless and novel prospect—anxious for the moment when we should launch upon the broad bosom of the sea—met by a pilot boat are conducted through the nine feet pass at 12 o'clock, delightfully wafted away on the gently undulating billows of the ocean amidst the smiles of the elements and sportive exhibitions of innumerable porpoises. The Mississippi waters distinguishable for fifteen or twenty miles at sea. Mr. Gregg is very sick ere the land is out of view. Water has now a beautiful sea-green hue. Monday evening—out of soundings—the sea is now of the deepest indigo—the swells increase and billows roll confusedly as tho' there was an angry commotion at their unfathomable depths—the evening is yet without a moon and the stars twinkle and beam a soft and lovely lustre—a lively southern breeze springs up—our little bark glides swiftly o'er the waves—leaving apparently a fiery stream behind—this was to us a beautiful phenomenon—the vessel seemed to have stirred up myriads of animalcula that glowed in her wake as so many “sparks from smitten steel or nitrous grain the blaze”—the sea at this distance from shore is of the liveliest and deepest cerulean hue. Christmas day very heavy rain in the morning for several hours—exposed to it all. Mr. Gregg and W. sick and vomiting as for a wager. Sea pretty heavy—undulatory motion of the vessel very quick and sickening Father commences a course of severe vomitings—a large brig heaves in sight all sail set and coming fast upon us—begin to talk of powder lead guns and pirates. Brig nears us—hoists signal for us to come to—do so—find that she was a fine brig sixteen days from N. York bound to some point on Vermilion Bay with materials for the establishment of a Light-House. Captn apologises for our detention and sails off—clouds are dispersed and sun again appears—sea still running high—feel somewhat unpleasant myself as did the whole Compy—but none so bad as to vomit saving those above mentioned—have no appetite for anything Looking at poor Gregg upon whose forlorn dejected countenance a smile had not dared to appear since his first greetings with the ocean. Strove all of us to rally each other on the comparative excellencies of this Christmas day's amusements pleasures and social happiness with the fair—saw some sea-fowl that seemed to have been driven off by the stormy winds—another unpleasant night is laboured through—sail on all Wednesday without any remarkable occurrence—saw some large trees which we determined should be and saluted them as old neighbours from the forests of Ohio and Kentucky—they were driving along with a fine breeze and strong current towards the shores of Texas tho' too tardily for us and we were again without a neighbour—our dogs three in number all sick and refuse to eat—but fight continually from pure peevishness.
Thursday morning feel a return of appetite feel a freshness in the breeze—the sea is of a green cast—about 9 o'clock the joyful cry of land is echoed round the deck strain the eye and discern the breakers at the shore—great flocks of geese and ducks fly over us—think it to be Galveston island—coast along within sight—while sitting at breakfast a sudden squall of wind and heavy rain take us and turn over dishes and drench the whole of us—thought once we should capsize ere the sailors could furl sails wind lulls in about an hour and rain ceased—clouds and fog disperse and we have a beautiful afternoon. Still in sight of land—come to an anchor early in the evening in 10 fathom water powerful current running parallel with the land. Saw the sun as he appeared in the act of engulphing himself—shortly after the lovely star of evening gracefully descended the horizon after him and bathed her golden locks in the western tides; “whilst high amidst her silent orb the silver moon rolled clear”—the breeze was bland and the surface of the waters unruffled—there was a magnificence in this scenery, an imposing grander that seemed to rivet the soul and interest it to exercise all its faculties in contemplation of Him who arrayed them in all their splendour and gave to each his mighty energies—there was a correspondent calmness on the mind—all was quietude—the Captn had gone to his repose when about 9 o'clock the wind suddenly rose the Captn. was called and told the wind was favourable for sailing. The anchor is weighed—the sails set and we scud away—in about 15 minutes encounter a severe gale from the N. West—the sea becomes fearfully tumultuous—gale increases—topsail is furled and sails reefed—billows rolling to a prodigious height—vessel lying on her side and riding majestically over towering waves—a dutch passenger's hat and bible blown away he fastens himself to the ropes—we are all stretched across the deck—water dashes over upon us from bow to stern—suffer greatly from the cold—gale continues till morning—high winds till late in the day—find that we are blown off about 20 miles from the coast—discover smoke in several directions—supposed to be from the fires of Indian hunters—wind still from the land—beat up and down the coast till the evening of the next day when we discover the mouth of the pass leading into Galveston bay between the eastern point of Galveston island and Point Bolivar—after striking on the bar discover the channel leading into the harbour of the celebrated La Fitte this is a deep and commodious harbour perfectly secure from any wind having good anchorage—not knowing the channel we ran into a sand bank under full sail, next morning found that our vessel was on her side with not more than 18 inches water. Saturday evening four or five of us went ashore with our guns and lay till morning on the soft grass—not knowing that it was Sunday we rambled about shooting at geese ducks and other waterfowl of the country—which collect here in innumerable multitudes every morning to feed on marine substances that are left on the beach by the tide Shot some fine large red fish which with our fowl and oysters afforded our craving appetites a banquet that was most exquisitely delicious and savoury—not able to get our vessel off to day go on shore again in the evening—kindle a large fire of drift wood—none growing upon this point of the island—step a little distance to a small bayou where we gather loads of oysters—roast them and feast till feasting is a labour and we are invited to repose by “tired Nature: sweet restorer—balmy sleep.” Monday morning see deer on the island—out shooting again—in the evening at flood tide succeed in hauling out into deep water—lay at anchor till tuesday morning—favourable breeze from the South hoist Sail and pursue the western channel running on the left of Pelican island, so called from the vast number of that species of bird that are continually seen on and about it—sailed many miles through water of five feet depth our schooner drawing upward of four and a half—saw the wreck of the Rising-suns—lost when father was in this country last—discover the western pass leading into the ocean. Galveston island is about 30 or 40 miles in length varying from one to five in breadth and makes a fine hunting ground for several small tribes of Indians—anchor for the night in seven feet water—not much timber yet to be seen on the land—come in sight of the wreck of the Mary a schooner of 100 tons burthen lost three years since on Red fish bar—a dry shoal of sand pebbles and shells reaching from one shore at Davis' point to the other fifteen or twenty miles in length and forming the dividing line between what are termed Galveston and Trinity Bays. This Bar is about twenty five miles from Point Bolivar—it has several channels connecting the Bays the principal of which is about one mile from Davis' point having five fathom water immediately in the channel and a hard bar or shoal directly after passing through; upon which we struck in four and half feet water and dragged over into the Trinity considered the safest and handsomest Bay on all the coast—discover Cedar Point directly ahead it being about four or five miles to the right of the mouth of the rio San Jacinto for which we were Steering anchored for the night about two miles off the mouth in 8 feet water. In the morning are visited by three men in a small boat—one of them (major Taylor) an acquaintance of father—get favourable news—are piloted by them into the San Jacinto—strike on a bar at the entrance—haul off and anchor for the night—go ashore on father's league known by the name of Hunter's Point—a lovely spot of land surrounded by a beautifully picturesque scenery decorated with groves of cedar pine magnolia etc. presenting a perpetual view of evergreen scenery and considered one of the handsomest situations in all the Colony. The bay on one side—the meandering San Jacinto or sacred hyacinth on another the back of it prairie and timber standing in bodies and clusters like small islands of green upon the broad waste of ocean—at this season the surface of the waters are enlivened with vast shoals of water fowl from the majestic swan to the smallest fowl of that class—are amused and gratified in viewing them in their airy circles and graceful movements on the streams. Shoot a number of different kinds which make dainty dishes for our spare tables—get a pilot and sail up this beautiful stream ten miles where we enter the mouth of Buffalo bayou— this is the most remarkable stream I have ever seen—at its junction with the San Jacinto is about 150 yds in breadth having about three fathoms water with little variation in depth as high up as Harrisburg—20 miles—the ebbing and flowing of the tide is observable about 12 miles higher the water being of navigable depth close up to each bank giving to this most enchanting little stream the appearance of an artificial canal in the design and course of which Nature has lent her masterly hand; for its meanderings and beautiful curvatures seem to have been directed by a taste far too exquisite for human attainment—most of its course is bound in by timber and flowering shrubbery which overhang its grassy banks and dip and reflect their variegated hues in its unruffled waters these impending shrubs are in places overtopped by the evergreen magnolia rising in the grandeur of its excellence to the reach of deserved pre-eminence where it unfolds its far-scented magnificence; softening to the eye of admiration the dazzling lustre of its expansive bloom by agreeable blendings with the deep sea-green of its umbrageous foliage—the banks of this stream are secured from the lavings of the water by, what are here termed “cypress knees”—these are apparently exuberances of cypress roots and shoot up along the margin of the waters to the height of three and four feet and from 3 to 10 inches in diameter without leaf or branch; and so closely and regularly are they often found standing in lines as to resemble piles driven in purposely as security against the innovation of the tides—often along these shady banks have I rowed my little skiff and wondered if ever some Bard had consecrated its border shades by a correspondent flow of song—if some native Ossian had ever breathed forth in his artless strains the dictates of an inspired Muse. I thought of other streams immortalized, and thought that this might by its enchanting beauties give immortality to some future Bard—for it can not forever be “by fame neglected and unknown to song” and “creep inglorious like a vulgar stream.”
Harrisburg is laid out on the west side of this bayou just below its junction with Bray's bayou—it is yet in the woods consisting of 6 or 8 houses scatteringly situated—the timber consisting principally of tall pine and oaks so excludes the prairie breezes as to render the Summer's heat almost intolerable, but this can be the case but for a short time—being situated at the head of navigation without any local cause for unhealthiness and surrounded by a vast quantity of timber which in this country must prove immensely valuable there is only wanted a population a little more dense and a few capitalists of enterprise and energy to render it one of the most important towns in the colony—here then we safely landed on friday the 4th. January 1828—we pass the winter in a small log pen our fire in one corner—have a great deal of rain for five or six weeks—no snow and very little frost—in all as to weather the most delightful winter I ever lived through. Shoulder our axes and build a fine large warehouse with a shed dining room—move across Bray's bayou into it—now feel ourselves comfortable—sitting in our own house—the work of our own hands and as the N. Western winds blow cool and chill encircling a large log heap at evening hour as a band of youthful brothers and as the spiral flames dispelled the gloom of night, so would we feel our cares our Secret griefs dissipated by the genial influence of social converse. “Home! sweet Home! receptacle of each fond tender tie that binds us to existence” this would be our theme. The winter passed away without the melioration of gentle woman's converse—there are it is true several married women—but these are seemingly of as rough a mould as their uncultivated and disagreeably rustic partners there are but two unmarried females in the quarter, to me altogether, unpossessed of the winning graces of which their sex is so Susceptible. Several evenings the Doctr and myself made efforts to soothe “the savage breasts” with “concord of sweet sounds,” but we found but little or no “music in their souls” By the middle of March have about two acres of ground cleared and planted in cane corn beans and a variety of garden vegetables purchase a couple of houses and cut large timber for another—tear down those standing and construct with the whole a raft, consisting of four houses with board and stuff sufficient to roof them—collect our farming utensils kitchen furniture bedding etc and prepare for a voyage of 30 miles on a raft to the mouth of the San Jacinto at Hunter's Point—our league—Dr. Patrick myself and cook Frank compose the crew—first day's sail 1 mile—next day 2 by working hard at the oars frequently against wind and tide—second night endure a thunder storm—very heavy rain—cold and wet through—walking the raft a great part of the night—body ill at east—but mind solacing itself in far distant lands. I go ashore and kill two fine fat turkies—catch a fish weighing about 20 lbs—live well while these last—fourth day we have sunk so that half our deck is under water—meet a canoe bound for Harrisburg send word for speedy assistance—same day meet the Schr. Pomona from Orleans for the same Port Send further intelligence of our distress.
Sunday—floating along. Sun beaming down upon us with almost intolerable violence land—our dog discovers a large rattle snake in the high grass—set fire to it—the wind rises and very soon the prairie for a considerable distance is one conflagration forming a truly appalling spectacle! in about half an hour great numbers of crows daws hawks and other carnivorous birds are hovering over this scene of destruction ready to devour the various animals found, ready roasted—a large alligator swims close up to the raft lands among the rushes—attacks our dog which escapes—fire two guns at him without any other effect than to drive him off—the fifth night after a day of toilsome labours land and lie down to rest—about midnight are roused by human voices—are boarded by Captn. Lindsay and Edward who had left Harrisburg that same evening at 8 o'clock and paddled a canoe 19 miles our whole distance in a voyage of five days—by this time our whole raft is under water except the two ends where boards were piled next day by hard labour against a strong wind reach the San Jacinto—1 mile from where we were overtaken—at this place is kept a ferry by Mr. Lynch—very hospitable and kind Yankees 135 acquaintances of Mr. Loring of Cin: here the surrounding country is very flat and void of timber immediately on the waters—we make our raft fast to a drifted tree and get into a yawl make for the landing and go to cooking supper—a heavy S. E. gale springs up—the tide rises several feet in a very short time and carries away our raft waves are rolling 3 or 4 ft in height—we all 5 in number man our boat and come up with the raft driving rapidly before the wind we jump on board waves dashing 2 or 3 feet over it a number of our logs are torn loose—are unable to get her ashore—our oars become unmanageable but one—are driven into old river—succeed in getting her behind a small point—by this time it is dark twilight—drive up close to an island of water flags. Lindsay and myself with the cable in hand jump in to the boat make to the flags—thinking to leap on dry ground I spring out am up to the middle in water a deep mud bottom thick set with rushes—am followed by Lindsay—drag our boat but find no diminution of depth—have some apprehensions of alligators—seen here from 10 to 12 ft in length—run a pole into the mud and make fast—get on board again—beds and utensils in the meanwhile put into the yawl by the balance of the crew—here we lay tossing all night in continual expectation of our raft going to pieces—toward midnight the whole heavens are wrapt in darkness—never did I witness so awful a scene—the thunder rolled and the forked lightnings glaring through the gloom made “night hideous”—thick “darkness visible”—the cloud burst over us—but already drenched we scarce heeded the descending torrents—about break of day the wind veered round to the N. west—then the billows struck us if aught more furiously—we knew this would soon blow out the tide and unless we escape soon our labours would be all lost to work we went with poles our raft which drew about 4½ ft water dragging over the mud lifted and dropper alternately by the waves—almost despairing to get her out we redoubled our exertions Capn. Lindsay falls overboard—the sudden immersion into the cold water angrily dashing around him nearly proved fatal to him I reach him my pole and he gets aboard and to work again we get round the point in a shattered condition and reach the San Jacinto—wind and tide fair we construct a sail and pass on without breakfast or change of raiment. I should have mentioned that after being cast away and making the harbour above—we felt nearly exhausted and wanted our suppers—from which we had been so unfortunately driven about 1 mile. I agreed for one to venture the winds darkness and the tide after it—poor Patrick who was nearly spent and sick with fatigue—agreed to go as steersman—leaving Lindsay and Edwd. to watch I and Frank manned the oars—after turning the point and meeting the full force of wind and tide—we pulled our utmost for 10 minutes or more without any apparent gain—but persevering we got under the opposite shore and reached the goal of our wishes—taking a hearty glass and full rations we loaded and embarked again taking our faithful dog along who had trustfully watched over the provisions during our absence—to continue—we past on prosperously down the San Jacinto for about five miles when we struck on a bar two or three jumping overboard to their necks and the balance with poles we get off—our sail still up we pass briskly down we enter a small bay at the river's mouth about 1 mile in breadth and several in length—here the wind having greater Scope a Strong current and tide setting out and the waves rolling higher than any we have yet passed through we are apprehensive of two dangers—the one of being dashed to pieces—the other of being carried out into the broad expanse of the Trinity Bay—however not yet daunted we succeed by means of our sail and oars in reaching our destined port an hour before sun-set after a voyage of one week precisely from Harrisburg, we landed at Hunter's Point about the last of March—and many an hour's talk and lively jest has this voyage afforded us—young men who had thought themselves brought up; thus to find that they in fact had “come down on a raft”—it was no small matter for lively reflection and humourous sallies on the comparative merits of past and present situations—our descriptions were to father rare food for merriment. Father and Gregg who had traveled down by land meet us on the beech—we accompany them up to Doctr. Hunter's and spend the night
Turn to making improvements get our houses out of the water—establish ourselves in a small cabin about 10 ft square open all around admitting a free circulation of sea breezes—continue here about six weeks during which time we are hard labourers living on coarse fair and subject to many inconveniences—we clear off about an acre of woods and briers—fence in about two acres plough dig and plant it—in corn potatoes and garden vegetables—and finish putting up and roofing a fine warehouse
The Rights of Man arrives. Gregg and Patrick return to Harrisburg. Lyndsey and I remain a few days longer—here I receive my first letters from the States four at once—am quite another person Such joys come not oft to gild the darksome days of the wayworn traveller One evening about an hour before sunset the Capt. and I load a small canoe with our little household matters fix up a sail take our dog Gunner aboard and set out for Harrisburg—we had not more than half crossed the little bay before spoken of before a stiff southerly breeze springs—the white caps begin to foam angrily around us and once pitched over the bow of our frail little bark. I had command of helm and sail Captn. sitting in the bow—breeze driving us along so as to create some apprehensions lose my steering oar—fortunately find another in the boat—night overtakes us—the breeze still brisk and lively—see some swan and a flamingo—the most beautiful of birds that float on water—deer also on the little islands that beautify the lovely San Jacinto—driving on at the rate of six knots—we several times narrowly escape shipwreck upon snags and sawyers reach Mr. Lynch's a little after his supper having sailed 10 miles—they are very kind Mrs. Lynch is quite a respectable and amiable woman—she and her husband came to this country in the same vessel with my unfortunate and lamented brother Nicholas. She spoke of him in the most flattering terms—departed Spirit of an exalted mould I felt it was but a tribute due to thy excellent worth!—next morning before 'tis light we sail—the wind soon falls—and we have to ascend Buffalo bayou by force of paddles—breakfast four miles above at Captn. Hiram's and reach Harrisburg at mid-noon—all well.
Find that Father and Edwd. had started some days previous with a load of goods for Sanfelipe. The Doctr. Captn. myself and cook Frank start with another waggon load for same place about the last of April—which we reach the evening of secd day—distance fifty odd miles—we passed over very little land of productive fertility most of the country being prairie we cross the grand prairie—this prairie abounds with deer and Mustangs or wild horses—it is beautiful to behold their lofty gambols and wild manoeuvres unconstrained and unshackled by the thraldom of Man. The grand prairie is here about 20 miles across its length is said to be from 80 to 100 without a tree and scarce a shrub to obstruct the view—it is all clothed with grass from one to two feet in height the eye in its wanderings is lost for a resting place and returns to the mind nought but the resemblance of a boundless ocean—its billows, the pliant bendings of successive swards before the unbroken blasts—its canopy the same cloudless azure of the skies or dark pavilion of the threatening storm. After passing, through pine island, a small cluster of that species of timber the first we reach for a distance of 15 miles and the only watering place for the same distance we journey three miles before entering the Brazos bottom This is a low flat black rich soil from five to 6 miles wide well timbered and in many places covered with impassable Cane breaks—the greater part of this bottom is inundated by the overflowings of the Brazos River which happens at an average once in three years Sometimes two or three years in succession It is a stream of prodigious rapidity and great depth when full—it is scarce 100 yds in breadth at Sanfelipe from bank to bank. Sanfelipe is situate on the west bank on a high rolling prairie that here runs into the river it is composed of about 20 houses principally of hewn logs. Col Austin's is quite a commodious and respectable dwelling This town is centrally situated as the capital of Austin's Colony in latitude 29°, 45‐,—long. about 97°, 30‐—there is a great deal of excellent land in its vicinity—much of it unfortunately subject to destructive overflows—it is also a fine stock country—the choice lands tho' for cotton and sugar on this river lie about 20 miles above and commencing perhaps at the same distance below, from them down to the sea board where lies the best land and being on tide much of it, is not inundated. Vessels do not yet approach nearer than within 60 miles of Sanfelipe—but at a small expense can be rendered navigable for small steam vessels the whole distance up 160 miles by water and 80 by land from the sea board. Sanfelipe can not be called a healthy place because of the inundations of country around by the River—this generally takes place in May—another cause is the prevailing South East winds blowing over a large portion of these stagnations must bear with it miasmata sufficient to affect of itself the health of the place it is thought that these causes may in a great measure be deprived of their baneful effects. There is however very little sickness prevailing this year—many attribute it principally to the great drought which commenced immediately after the overflow and still continues—notwithstanding these natural causes so powerfully operative against the colonial planter, there is more than one individual on this Mississippi of Texas, as the Brazos may be well termed if small things may be compared with great, who will turn out more than 100 bales of cotton and sugar cane proportionally—it is thought there will be a sufficiency of sugar made this year to supply both Colonies—Austin's and De Witt's—tho' in the former alone the census of last Spring makes a total of 3000 souls There are several planters already engaged in erecting sugar mills and they have resolved to dispose of it at 10 cts this is cheaper than it can be sold at here by purchasers and shippers from N. Orleans. Many have their cotton gins in operation and the establishment of a cotton factory is already agitated. Here also is raised some of the fattest and most delicious beef and bacon in the world at no expense nor trouble, the grass of the prairies and mast of the bottoms makes it all. Salt is made abundantly and sold remarkably low and the waters abound with the finest fish, oysters, crabs turtles etc—the forests with Buffalo deer bear etcetera. The Society of Sanfelipe is fast improving. The laws are becoming better known and more rigidly enforced and the Colony fast disgorging itself of that corruption and moral depravity so prevalent in the first establishment of colonial communities The colonists have no fixed code of Laws as yet—their legal proceedings are regulated after the common and municipal laws of the United States of N. A. what statutory provisions they have hitherto recd. from Saltillo, Capital of the State of Coahuila and Texas, are modelled after the Civil or old Roman Laws—it being a constitutional provision there shall be no other Courts than Courts military and ecclesiastical—this is bringing into practice here the Code of Louisiana. The young Society of Sanfelipe consists of two or three married ladies young and old 3 or four widows young and old, two or three young ladies—these compose the first class or higher circle and very respectable and measurably interesting folks they are; from amongst whom as the head of the Ton I would name Mrs. Long—widow of Genl. Long, shot in the City of Mexico six or eight years since—a short sketch of this lady must suffice for them all. In person, she is tall forming what is called a beautiful figure, presenting the conformation of a delicate female endued with the energies of masculine vigour yet moving with a grace that is truly and wholly feminine—her countenance tho' not expressive of the fire of genius nor the striking energies of more than ordinarily effective talents yet is highly interesting—her features are regular—her aspect smiling—her eyes sparking her tongue not too pliant for a female being kept in admirable subjection to her excellent understanding—almost ever pouring forth the vivifying humours of her lively spirit and consequently very engaging in all her conversations—as she will now command all your sympathies in an artless and moving detail of personal privations and sufferings such as the hearer is ready to believe few such frames ever encountered and lived under—now she will fascinate her auditor by the ease and fluency with which she can descant upon general topics—addressed by the beau the fop or gallant, he does not find her out of her forte—a gay widow of about 35 she is agreeable where and when and as the manner and disposition of her company requires. She has one daughter—a beautiful little girl of about 12 or 13. Mrs. Long is now residing with her brother in Law—Majr. Calvit at the mouth of the Brazos. The most respectable portion of the male Society consists of about eight or ten—Married, batchelors and young men—four or five of whom are lawyers. Col. Austin is a small spare little old batchelor without any remarkable intellectual qualifications, of rather a dry and reserved disposition tho' possessed of excellent common sense and considerable general information; altogether well qualified to be the founder of a Colony.
Mr. Gregg withdraws from the Co. and connects himself with some connexions of his on the Guadaloupe. We purchase thirty odd beaves and make preparations all of us except Andw. who remains at Harrisburg to drive them to San Antonio market—are prevented by the rise of the Brazos from crossing them I volunteer to return to the mouth of the San Jacinto for necessary articles that had been neglected. Young Eaton from Chilicothe Ohio accompanies me as far as Harrisburg. We have a large Bayou to cross—at this time filled by back water from the river and widened 100 yds he plunges in and 30 steps from shore he and his horse become entangled—he swims out and with great difficulty the horse is saved—presently there come up a couple of Spaniards, we construct a small raft of brush etc to bear our saddles baggage etc drive in our horses and swim over. These Spaniards were soldiers of Genl. Teranne's 136 escort—commissioner of the Mexican Republic, to meet at Nachitoches the United States commissioner for the purpose of determining the dividing line between the two Governments. This Genl.'s escort consisted of 35 soldiers—and a number of attendant mechanics and servants—also a botanist and astronomer they were several weeks at Sanfelipe. The Genl.'s coach was a remarkably curious construction—after the fashion of the capital city—what that fashion is or was can not be understood without a view of the indescribable machine—suffice it to say that the long vista which discovers to the mind's eye the gradual advancement of civilization arts and sciences show'd me the unseemly vehicle standing in its proper place—a splendid specimen of the ingenuity and cunning workmanship of man when the last shades of the dark ages were vanishing from before the dawning of the intellectual world. It was of a prodigious size two or three feet wider than ours—constructed of huge pieces of timber much carved inlaid and plated with silver—the hinder wheels larger than those of Cin.: 137 and those before little superior to that of a wheel-barrow—but to our journey—we travel on wet and cold as night approaches, roads very muddy, drop down in the midst of the Grand Prairie spread our blankets and slumber the night away—next evening reach Harrisburg after a complete soaking from a heavy shower—next day pass on alone—have another bayou to swim—reach the Point—vegetables and peas we had planted, flourishing finely—had a long search thro' the cedar groves after a small pocket book supposed to have been dropped by me, and which for its etc etc was thought invaluable—find it not. Next day Dr. Hunter accompanies me Swim again the Bayou, a large Alligator floating near—a very invigorating circumstance—travel on till we reach the bayou near the Brazos—here we have to raft and swim again—push on a new track thro' the Brazos bottom—darkness overtakes us—never was I in such a dismal place—nothing but a small horse path—the large cane meeting above our heads form one continual arch—the eyes kept mostly closed and body bent forward to force a passage—reached the river almost famished find it swollen to an unusual height and far extending over the lowlands. by means of a canoe the ferryman takes us to his little hut surrounded by water—gives us some supper—in the morning enter Sanfelipe having rode 160 miles
About the middle of June the river has fallen and the bottom becomes passable Captn. Lindsay Dr Patrick and hirelings cross over to collect our beeves—weather very hot and oppressive—great difficulty in driving cattle thro' the bottoms—get but a few over at one time—the others escaping and getting back. I am taken down with the fever—company return for the cattle Edward in company—they drive them 20 miles up the river to cross—my fever continues have Shakes or chills—am visited by Mrs. Calvit and Mrs. Long in our Hall of Batchelors—my feelings for such kindness were indescribable—the first females I had seen from the first attack—am considerably restored by it and in a few days after walking about—cattle are most of them bro't over. In course of a week I set out with the Captn. to hunt the remainder we get lost in the bottom finally get out—discover the cattle—set out again and in one day ride 50 miles thro' the scorching, treeless prairies—and two days in the dismal wilds of the Brazos bottom at length get all our cattle over the river Dr. Patrick has a slight attack and recovers—about the 1st of July my dear brother E—and I are attacked with the fever brot. on by our extreme exposures and fatigues—on the 5th Lyndsay and Patrick start with the cattle for San Antonio—on the 4th July a great ball is given about 20 miles off—made up by subscription of the colonists in honour of that day so glorious for what they still feel to be their Country—my dear brother and I lying lonely side by side on our cheerless palates none but father with us—on the night of the 5th I receive a letter dated 7th April it were vain to attempt an expression of its effects situated as we were—two days after I am able to ride about and gather strength very rapidly—am able to attend on brother—he is able to ride a little morning and evening—thirsday evening he called at Mrs. Wilkin's—presented Miss Jane with a couple of sheets of favorite songs—friday morning 11th he rides about 1 mile to a Spring and back—falls on his palate quite exhausted—for several days previous to this in my solitary rides over the prairies—I seemed to have a presentiment that his death was near at hand—the thought was ever in my mind—had he complained of suffering and audibly mourned his afflictions—I should have felt more easy—but no, no like the solemn stillness that precedes the tempest—so did he seem to be awaiting the dissolution of soul and body—the patience of the Christian—the pious resignation of the believer being beautifully exemplified in and throughout his last series of afflictions—his fever continued rising till about the middle of the day—father and I sat by him—he could not speak without the greatest pain— father asked him where he felt most pain—with broken catches he answered “throughout—my—whole—system.” Shortly after he became somewhat delirious—got up and walked into a room for water—lead him back—he sat up—I sat behind him and supported him for awhile on my breast in an agony of sorrow—father groaned aloud as he contemplated us. I laid him down—he complained of a great pain in his limbs—rose up and sat again—looked at father and exclaimed—“the lambs ought to be gathered.” I was sensible at the time that his rational powers were affected by the fever, yet was this exclamation to me a consoling indication of what but a short time previous had been the joyous tenor of his thoughts. Dr. Nuckols arrives—attempts to stimulate, but the hand of Death was already on him—father and I both called on him—he became roused—we asked him—did he know the Dr.—from the manner in which he turned his head and looked upon him I was satisfied he was perfectly sensible—father and I had hold of his hands—he then turned his eyes on his beloved father for a few minutes—then turned them on me with a feeble farewell pressure of his cold hands—withdrew his eyes—fixed them on the heavens and in a few minutes we percieved that he breathed no more. Farewell! Edward, thou most dutiful and affectionate of sons; thou tenderest of brothers—truest of friends—most guileless of the children of men—short were the wanderings of thy pilgrimage, but they were toilsome mingled with sorrows—leading from the home of thy kindred—thou hadst no mother, no Sister, no gentle voice of womankind to smooth thy passage to the tomb, but thou hadst the tenderest of fathers the most affectionate of brothers. O, Edward thou hadst Him who sticketh closer than a brother—so that we rejoice in believing that, tho' thou hast fallen asleep in a far distant land—far from “the scenes of thy Juvenile days”—one of a little community budding in the wilderness—, “thy last days were thy best days.” “Let me die the death of the righteous and let my last end be like his!”
He died on Friday evening about an hour and half before Sunset. Saturday evening was buried attended by all the citizens male and female who had had an opportunity of knowing how to appreciate his merits and who with one sentiment of respect paid this last mournful tribute to the worth and memory of the amiable the youthful stranger. Sunday I write the melancholy circumstances to my dear, only brother. Father and I commence boarding at Mr. Whiteside's—in a few days father takes sick—he took my hand and with tearful eyes said—“I fear we have been here too long”—what a volume did these few words speak to my soul! upon which a deadly apathy had seemed to have siezed. I did not weep I did not speak—but stood alone like a blasted trunk already stripped of its branches braving the thunderbolts heedless of the storm—with the attention of the Dr. and timely use of restoratives he is stirring about in a week's time. Isack B. Desha is lying in the house at same time sick and a prisoner—he had been apprehended some weeks previous for the murder of a Mr. Early from Ohio whom he followed to this country for his money they land on our league at the mouth of the San Jacinto last spring when we were at work there—they then came on to San felipe where they remained till we arrived Desha called himself Parker. He and Early then started alone for San Antonio—at Gonzales (90 miles from Sanfelipe) Desha was alone—staid a few days there and went on to San Antonio—returned to Sanfelipe sick—told different tales as to Early and was shortly after apprehended. On the 23rd father is able to ride about sunset same day we start for San Antonio—father with a brace of pistols and I with a rifle leading a pack mule—we travel by moonlight till one o'clock and lay down in the prairie till morning about midday reach Judge Cumming's on the Colorado—father is quite exhausted and overcome by the excessive heat of the sun remain here till next day. Judge has a fine young orchard of peach trees—peaches just ripening—has a rich and valuable farm prairie; and bottom land finely timbered. Start again—cross the Colorado—this is another rapid stream somewhat less than the Brazos—and very seldom overflowing its banks—it is a much shorter river than the Brazos and the country much healthier—we put up at Mr. Beeson's—this part of the Colorado is about 25 miles from the Brazos and becoming quite populous as well as the last named stream it has a grist mill on it and the frame of a saw mill—meet with a large company of Tonkaway Indians at Beeson's—a friendly small tribe. Journey on thro prairie land five miles to Scull creek—so called from a murder there committed 6 or 7 years since—find no water a dismal savage looking place—turn my head around and see an Indian with his rifle close up behind father—tell him of it he turns round and salutes him find him to be a Tonkaway hunter—he soon strikes off into the woods and we pass on through a country thinly covered with post oak find no water till we have travelled 17 miles from Beeson's—this is the first branch of the Navidad (nativity) here we unpack, turn out our horses, strike up a fire cook our breakfast and dinner—rest about 3 hours—start again cross the main branch of the Navidad, a small branch at this distance from the gulph into which it empties—good timber on it—continue on through a post oak country, soil generally thin and sandy tho' well clothed with grass, reach the main branch of the rio La Vaca (cow river) this is also a mere branch and forms the western boundary of Austin's colony—the dividing line between him and Dewitt cross it and ascend a high and extensive prairie—the view here is almost boundless the breeze is strong, bracing and delightfully exhilarating. Father fancied he could almost taste its sweetness—the eye is charmed with the loveliness and grandeur of the prospect that here so opens on it—the deer and wild horses playing before us—the latter more especially with arched necks lofty heads their manes and tails given to the winds the regularity of their movements with a sudden wheel like thought and the wild terror issuing from their nostrils—all tending to remind us of Job's war horse “clothed in thunder and swallowing up the ground” these give an animation and lively zest to the scenery that makes the whole superior far to description—these prairies are interspersed with what are termed islands of timber charmingly variegating and destroying what would otherwise be a monotony of undulations in the prairie—we cross a second branch of the last named stream—a mile further and we camp at the third fork—we lie under a large tree with a fine fire—the wolves keeping a terrific howling around us throughout the night—this is the principal Indian range—many have been robbed of money and horses—in the morning have a strong pot of Coffee and start—this day travel thro' the loveliest country I have ever seen—the greatest stretch of my imagination never pictured a scene to be compared with this we cross a 4th and fifth branch of the La Vaca—the last of which stands in deep pools of the purest sweetest clearest water I ever beheld I stood on the bank and on the clean white rock about 10 ft below the surface I could have seen a pin—these pools are full of trout and sunfish—it is a most pleasing and grateful thing to contemplate them throwing in little matter to them and seeing them darting about thro the amber-like fluid—art has had nothing to do here Nature seems to have chosen this region for her own fanciful pleasure works.
After passing this last branch of the La Vaca we ascend a very high prairie the scenery here as much surpassed the former day's as that did any I had before seen. I will not attempt to describe but only say that there are in Cin: about half a dozen young persons ladies and gentlemen whom I then wished with me—they are lovers of the sublime and the beautiful and with such—how delightful would have been the pictures of that day, as they seemed freshly touched by the inimitable hand of Nature we ride on about 9 miles through this high prairie land when we enter post oak roads which continue on to Gonzales on the rio Guadaloupe we arrive at Peach creek within 8 miles of Gonzales here we find 6 or 7 men from Sanfelipe come to this place purposely to search for the bones of Early. Our Compy. had found part of his clothes in said creek as they passed on—we stop and get coffee and venison—these men had found a scull bone but nothing more we saddle up and go on over a stony piece of ground for several miles then thro' a most lovely post oak woods open green with long grass and abounding with deer—by sunset reach Gonzales—find Captn. Lindsay and Dr. Patrick lying prostrate with raging fevers—they had been there in that situation nearly a week—the Captn. was lying on a scaffold in a little arbor of trees the Doctr. on the loft of a miserable hut burning up with the sun and fever.—father continues with them a couple of days—is much recruited and starts on with a traveller after the cattle—which a few days previous had been driven on by Mr. Gregg and hirelings. I remain to nurse the sick. Doctr. more particularly becomes fearfully alarmed—after two weeks—Mr. Urban's goods come on—we get the Captn. into one waggon—the Dr. is sufficiently recovered to ride on horseback in Co. with the waggons I start—have a wild animal to ride a pack to manage and the sick to attend to—but the fatigues the exposures—privations of natural rest that I was compelled to undergo—is past—and will not be attempted here in detail—we were seven days from Gonzales to San Antonio—distance 76 miles—the Country between those two places is principally a wild Sandy broken woodland country indifferently watered, commencing with the Guadaloupe—a narrow but deep and rapid stream—of great length and pure limpid waters. Gonzales stands on its banks—the Capital of Dewitt's Colony composed of 6 or 7 log pens—two leagues westward of the Guadaloupe runs De Witt's western boundary line—making the whole Colony between 40 and 50 miles in breadth and 100 in length running down to within 10 leagues of the sea coast—it contains a great deal of beautiful country—high rolling and healthy tho but a comparatively small portion is of great fertility. On the river St. Marks, which empties into the Guadaloupe 3 miles above Gonzales there are many great mill seats the water power being very great—this Colony contains but few settlers nor can it be expected to flourish under its present Empresario—Col. De Witt. This man has been raised among the pioneers of the western states—is well acquainted with Indian manners customs and modes of warfare—his has ever been an unrestrained life with regard to morals and religion—his situations have necessarily exposed and as it were compelled him to class and associate with those bold independent and but too loose and dissipated tho' brave and dauntless Sons of Liberty—introductors of civilization. Yet has the Col. been much in refined society—his education is considerable and his natural powers of intellect strong and vigorous—sufficiently so to render him well qualified for his station—but alas dissipation [and] neglectful indolence have destroyed his energies and are rendering in a great measure abortive the efforts of his colonizing assistants—he is tho' much of a gentleman and like his most excellent Lady is very kind and hospitable to Strangers. To our journey—we come to no more streams till we reach the Sewully 138 (Buffalo river) fifty miles from the Guadaloupe—what water lies between is only that which is found standing in deep holes formed by drains or sluices by which the superabundant waters are carried off in rainy seasons—these holes are 12—13 and 16 miles apart,—and between the two last named rivers the country is high and mostly sandy and thinly wooded—there is one stretch of 8 or 9 miles which seems to be one immense hill of the finest unmixed sand. I could compare our march thro' it to nothing but a slow journeying thro' a deep dry frosty snow—tho' widely differing in several respects—the excessive labour and fatigue to our animals—and the suffocating heat—it was early in Augt. we travelled along here — these Summer skies are unclouded—and the Sun's powerfully reflected heat was preserved unchanged in temperature by the stinted growth of post oak, black Jack and Hickory, that stands low bushy but thinly over this great scorching sand bank. I really think the burning wastes of Africa would be but little more intolerable to the thirsty traveller, were it not for the grassy verdure which I found to my astonishment every where growing in luxurious bunches out of this seemingly sterile unproductive portion of the earth—these bunches spring up at distances of 1—2 and 4 ft so that when the eye is placed near to the earth the whole country seems one compact surface of the most beautiful green—we were nearly a whole day getting thro' this fluid earth, admitting the term, for the sake of expression. It was in this dreary region I feared we should have to bury Captn. Lindsay—and such were the Dr.'s apprehensions would be his own fate—here also and every additional day seemed to prove to me that my own constitution had undergone a radical revolution—for notwithstanding my weakness at Gonzales and labours daily and nightly—my copious perspirations, I seemed daily and almost hourly to strengthen and even to fatten—these causes tho' much more lightly operative ever produced contrary effects in the summer seasons in the more northern latitudes where I resided—upon the whole, as a result—I really feel myself already acclimated tho' not yet wedded to Texas
We lie two days at the Seawully 139—this Stream has but little water in the Summer or dry seasons its valley extends to a considerable distance on each side—is rich in soil and no doubt a healthy country—it is entirely unsettled My patients experience a change greatly for the better—I take the Dr. into the river, in the height of his fever and give him a complete bathing—Start on again—meet some of the drivers of our cattle from St. Antonio—inform us of Mr. Gregg's extremely low state and that on the banks of the Seawully they expected to dig his grave—from this stream on about 10 miles we pass over a lovely country abounding with deer bear mustang etc—we then traverse a barren broken country for five or six miles, when we enter upon what is here called Musquite prairie—this is a very thin soil producing a short delicate nutritious grass—the Musquite tree seems to be a species of the honey locust, bearing a resemblance in the leaf and producing a long delicate thorn—also a sweet pod, in shape like that of the small black-eyed pea—the trunk and growth of the branches are more after the form and appearance of the peach—and indeed at a distance the whole prairie or country seems like one immense peach orchard—now on the decline having outlived Earth's giant race who strode over this region dropping a seed at every 10-yard-stride. The first appearance of this tree in travelling westward from the States is at Peach Creek near Gonzales—we cross the Salou 140 a small stream within five miles of San Antonio—Musquite prairie continues the earth here is covered with small smooth grey flint stones from an ounce to two or three pounds in size—the land is ascending for a couple of miles when we are on an exceeding high country—two miles further and we come to a Spanish fort and magazine commenced some years since and left unfinished—this stands on the summit of the circular ridge within one mile of San Antonio commanding a view of the town and the vast plain on which it stands—from this spot San Antonio has a very striking resemblance to one of Uncle Sam's handsomest and largest country villages—the curious traveller feels stimulated to urge on his jaded steed satisfied from this first blush that he shall be transported with a nearer view of its proportions its lofty domes—its elegant simplicity and natural beauties—he hurriedly descends the eminence in a fever of body and mind—comes to a little canal which he beholds with rapture extending itself abroad o'er the thirsty land and watering beautifully verdant and flourishing fields of corn—enters a regular avenue of huge cotton wood trees—thinks of the grand Avenue leading to U. Sam's house—asks who it was who so slandered this people by saying that they are but little superior to the lowest grade of the human family—surely the labour and utility of these canals—the beauty and taste displayed in the planting of this avenue is a flat contradiction to it all—he passes on—thro' the midst of this friendly shade—on the right stands a massy pile of ruins—for what purpose were these stones piled one upon another and why were they thrown down—this he discovers was one of the strong holds of Popish delusion, in which the Royalists in 1810-11 sought refuge from the avenging fury of the Patriots who battered down the mighty walls with their cannon—it is now a garrison—A few yds before him he sees the exceedingly serpentine San Antonio, coming winding around the town and gliding by as if hurried with important despatches to the Gulph of Mexico—he looks with mortification and disgust at the order of architecture which suddenly presents itself on his left he crosses the little river and beholds the same wigwam style of building which constitutes the principal part of the town—he proceeds on finds that the streets intersect each other very irregularly presently enters the public Square this is laid off at right angles being about 150 by 300 yards in the centre of which stands the Church—a large clumsy stone building—that seems to have been standing for Centuries. It has a steeple of the same materials, very well modelled of octagonal form—in this is hung 2 bells kettle-toned and of different sizes—these have their tongues tied with ropes and are made to bellow most horribly by two barbarous boys who stand close by and jirk these engines of torture to the utter dismay and confusion of the astounded stranger perhaps 40 times per diem—this Church has also a skylight dome at the opposite end. In the midst of this Square the traveller stands and contemplates the buildings around him—he had before entering been disgusted with their dwellings that [he] first met—being formed of branches of the Musquite tree set up end ways in all the zigzag varieties of their growth having the interstices daubed with mud—these hollow squares are thatched over with the swamp flag and stand ready to receive their inhabitants who carry in a few chests a palate or two and some dried skins and the mansion is furnished. But the public square presents to the strangers eye a more solemn picture each side is formed of one unbroken solid wall except where the streets pass thro'—these walls have doors at neighbourly or family distances opening into what may more properly be termed cells than rooms—as few of them have windows—none indeed have sashes nor is their a pane of glass in the town—they seem more like port holes than windows—having bars like a prison grate; or dark shutters—these walls show no roof above them but seem to stand as we may suppose do the ruins of an earth-shaken or sacked and burnt City after the buildings had been battered down to the last story by a destroying and victorious enemy—these walls are about 18 or 20 ft in height the roof is invisible from the outside—is formed of huge cedar logs as rafters on which are laid small boards—these beams have a descending inclination from the back walls outwardly so as to rest upon the front walls about 2½ ft below their height. the roof is then covered with a cement from 8 inches to a foot in thickness from off which the rain is conducted by wooden troughs passing thro' the walls and projecting 3 or 4 ft into the Square. Thro' this square and the heart of the town runs a canal for the purpose of watering the garden lots, as the water by small outlets may be conducted from this to all parts of the place—the traveller hears around him a confusion of unknown tongues, the red natives of the forests in their different guttural dialects—the swarthy Spaniard of a scarce brighter hue—the voluble Frenchman—a small number of the sons of Green Erin—and a goodly few of Uncle Sam's Nephews or half expatriated sons—he feels himself now for the first time in his life a stranger truly in a foreign land and enters a door for a short residence that he may discover something more of this people—but what he has seen we will let him make known in his own proper person. I find that Father has obtained a house and opened his goods. Mr. Gregg is convalescent, tho' like Lyndsay and Patrick continues in a very debilitated state—business tolerably brisk profits moderate—some difficulty in dealing with the Mexicans, not understanding their language—form an acquaintance with two or three families—become some what a favourite with our landlady who has two pretty daughters—accompany them several times to the fandangos—waltzes and reels the principal forms of dance among them—always performed in the streets. Men do not select their partners—this is more gallantly left to the ladies—the former placing themselves in a line on the floor and when the latter arise and face the object of their choice—it sometimes happens that two or more make the same selection and then there is a good deal of elbowing among the fair ones—there are always managers to regulate matters—often solicited but never participate in the intricacies and mazes of their figures—delicacy forms but a small part of female character in San Antonio—their very language seems almost to forbid the cultivation of this most beautiful of the Graces—unmarried girls are very vigilantly kept from all intercourse whatever with the other sex unless one of the parents be present—soon as married they are scarcely the same creatures—giving the freest indulgence to their naturally gay and enthusiastic dispositions, as if liberated from all moral restraint—The complexion of the native mexican is a shade brighter than that of the aborigines of the country—the men are not generally well formed in feature or person—are extremely ignorant in all the advanced arts of civilization—the majority not being able to read—they are astonishingly expert in the management of horses—not surpassed perhaps by any other people on the Globe. They are completely the slaves of Popish Superstition and despotism—distinguished for their knavery and breach of faith The softer sex are generally handsome in person and regular in feature and of rather a brighter hue than the men eyes black, sparkling, holding most intelligent converse when disposed in the still language of the affections—were long black hair handsomely adjusted into curls and puffs on public occasions—they are remarkably addicted to dress and Jewelry and on festal occasions appear as richly arrayed as any females I have ever seen—exhibiting no small degree of taste and are certainly among the vainest of their sex. But all this show lasts no longer than till they reach their homes, where they instantly appear as if they might soon be numbered on the Charity list. The Gochapines 141 or European Spaniards that dwell among them are exceptions to these remarks. These are mostly intelligent and wealthy—became acquainted with a daughter of one of them. And often have I regretted my ignorance of their bewitching language. She was of the middle size her person of the finest symmetry—moving through the mazes of the fandango with all the graces that distinguish superiority of person of mind and of soul—her face was perhaps not sufficiently oval to be of that form most admired as the model of beauty—her features were beautiful forming in their combination an expression that fixed the eye of the observer as with a spell—her complexion was of the loveliest—the snowy brightness of her well turned forehead beautifully contrasting with the carnation tints of her cheeks—a succession of smiles were continually sporting around her mouth her pouting cherry lips were irresistible and even when closed seemed to have atterance—her eye—but I have no such language as seemed to be spoken by it else might I tell how dangerous was it to meet its lustre and feel its quick thrilling scrutiny of the heart as tho' the very fire of its expression was conveyed with its beamings. I felt lonely and sad as a stranger in that place and a vision so lovely coming so unexpectedly before me could not fail to awaken tender recollections and altogether make an impression not soon to be forgotten.
The 16th of Sept. the anniversary of the Declaration of Mexican Independence was celebrated with a great deal of order and unanimity and considerable enthusiasm of feeling. A stage was erected in the public Square very much resembling a huge bedstead with a tester and curtains reaching down like drapery to the platform and made fast to the four posts at the tops of which were flying their own National flag that of The United States, of Great Britain and of France—while that of Old Spain formed a carpeting for the stair case ascending to the stage. The Soldiery and citizens both ladies and gentlemen paraded the streets in the afternoon in the evening an oration was delivered from the stage by a Priest—was told it was an excellent and patriotic composition—but I thought badly delivered and apparently with but very little effect on the multitude—a large table was set covered with wines and other liquors, sweetmeats etc “pro bono publico.” The Square was then lighted up with lamps and candles and every thing cleared off for the enjoyment of the “dearly loved fandango” five or six setts at it at once.—never before did I witness so large a collection of such happy beings. Thus passed off their day of Independence
Continue to be myself “chief cook and bottle washer” for our company of Invalids in San Antonio—have some amusements in teaching the girls A. B. C—and learning their language with them—old lady no longer afraid to trust them to my discretion—have opportunities of witnessing their manner of living. Every family has in the yard an oven built in form of a cone solely for the purpose of roasting the heads legs and tails of animals—on such occasions all the connexion round, are invited, skins are spread on the earth—when these delicacies are thrown down in the centre of the waiting circles, and every one that is fortunate enough to have a knife makes a lively use of it till the whole head is fairly demolished and as many of the legs as can be possibly crowded after it. When they have to pay for their meat in market a very little is made to suffice a family it is generally cut into a kind of hash with nearly as many peppers as there are pieces of meat—this is all stewed together. The way in which they obtain their bread is worthy of notice. They raise only Indian corn—this is soaked in lime or ley till the rind of the grain is taken off it is then ground on a concave stone about 12 inches wide and 20 in length with legs cut to it 6 or 8 inches long—the hinder being somewhat longest so as to give the stone an inclination from the body of the grinder—a handful of corn is laid on this and masticated with another stone resembling a roller but cut so as to fit the concavity this operation is always performed by the women, and in a kneeling posture—they generally go over it a third time—if they wish to treat their friends with very white bread the whole family gather round the pot of corn and grain by grain bite off the little black speck at the end of the germ—when the dough is already 142 a small portion at a time is taken and patted in the hands till thin as a flannel cake—this cake making operation is always accompanied with tunes and words that seem peculiarly to chime in with the patting ceremony it reminded me very much of our tuneful ladies in a finery starching scene. These cakes are baked on sheet iron and when eaten hot with butter or gravy are very palatable—but soon get tough—they answer the natives for spoons with which they all dip into the same dish of meat and peppers prepared as above—one spoon not lasting longer than to supply with two mouthfuls when a new one is made use of. Very few families are supplied with the common necessary kitchen and household utensils—not even with chairs—sitting on skins spread upon the earthen floors of their dwelling thus live the commonality throughout the northern provinces of Mexico.
The population of San Antonio is differently estimated from three to five thousand—they must rapidly improve with their increasing intercourse with the Americans. There is kept up here a garrison of three or four hundred soldiers for the defence of the place against the Indians but more particularly that very powerful tribe the Cumanches who are supposed to be 6 or 7,000 warriors strong and are continually at war with the Mexicans in some one part of the Province of Texas Saw about 20 or 30 of this tribe, who came in to trade—they are fine looking men—and the largest in frame considered collectively, I ever saw—are remarkably proud and overbearing toward the Mexicans whom they heartily despise Allways on horseback in their travels and warfare—are expert horsemen—use the bow the lance and the shield not having many firearms among them—their mode of attack is generally by arranging the lances in front, the guns in the center and bows in the rear—their horses at full speed accompanied with the fury and yellings of demons—they are among the bravest and most warlike of the Mexican tribes—friendly in their disposition toward Americans and dreading the deadly rifle. The Lapans 143 are a branch of the Cumanches and the next most formidable tribe in Texas. These two tribes range from the Brazos River to the Rio Grande and the mountainous country south of Santa Fee but are rarely known to molest American traders in those countries. Have abundance of figs peaches and melons here—very little attention paid to the cultivation of fruits tho' it is a climate very congenial to most of tropical productions—fall from a grape tree very seriously hurt—sell off our goods at auction—make arrangements for journeying to the east. Take a ride with Captn. Lindsay toward the head of the San Antonio river which rises 6 or 7 miles above the town or rather gushes a full sized river of the lesser magnitude from under one of the immense hills north of the town. We become bewildered among the hills woods and and are disappointed in seeing the romantic spectacle but feel in a measure compensated by witnessing a few miles farther N the most picturesque and pleasing scenes of country that ever gratified our views—immense hills—extensive vales—barren rocks—luxuriance of verdure—deer starting up from before us and bounding over the adjacent landscape—blue mountains towering in the distance, as it were to shut out the view of infinitude—the whole lovely in its original wildness, and most impressively imposing in sublimity. Such is the scenery around San Antonio—forming an immense and complete ampitheatre 6 or 7 miles in diameter, within which nearly the whole plain is a rich and productive soile and may be watered at any time of the year by canals of little expense from the San Antonio river—and certainly there never was a stream better calculated for the purpose of manufacturing machinery—but all is in the possession of a people too ignorant and indolent for enterprise and too poor and dependent were they otherwise capacitated. Begin to understand the “common parlance” of the place tolerably well. Landlady and girls most willing to assist me—am asked all about my country—how far to it—how many relations I have—what religion they profess—tell them some were Roman Catholics—greatly delighted. By the by this family are pretty strict in the observance of their forms—repetitions of “Our fathers”—“Ave Marias”—“Credos” etc for indeed the religion of this place is understood by very few if any as a gracious affection of the heart and soul but a mere requisition of personal mortification in form of penances etc. Old lady very anxious to know when I would visit her country again—tell her perhaps in two or three years—informs me by that time her prettiest daughter will be marriageable and wished I would bring her some Jewelry with me—gives me a brass ring with a blue glass sett as a remembrance from her daughter whose delicate fingers at the same time were ornamented with more than one of gold—put it carefully in my pocket however, seemingly much flattered by the distinguished compliment.
On the evening of 3rd October leave San Antonio for Sanfelipe on the Brassos. Mr. Gregg having started some days previous with a company Father, Doctr. Patrick, Captn. Lindsay Myself and a traveller forming our Company. As we ascend the hill one mile from town look back and behold the sun taking his departure also behind the western hills—not a cloud to hinder the warm greeting of his farewell beams—the evening was as tranquil and serene as I ever witnessed—our hearts danced within us and our mouths spoke the gladness thereof—not even the great distance the toils and dangers that lay between us and our homes—could lessen the joyousness of our feelings—for we felt for the first time that the slow measured steps of our horses were now bearing us toward the land we loved best. Camp about 8 miles from town where we overtake a large company with silver and mules for Louisiana—next Jay reach the Seawully 144—meet two or three Mexican families moving to San Antonio with a small stock of horses cattle and hogs—they were making a part of their supper from a polecat—which caused a considerable space between their camp and ours these are beautiful little animals to look at and very numerous—tho' too offensive for near approach when they choose to make themselves so. Loose 145 our horses. See vast numbers of deer in the search after them. When found 'tis very late in the day—do not overtake the drovers till late in the night—in a woody country—tis very dark—discover their fires—come up and prepare our suppers Keep a guard out—about midnight are alarmed by the guard who came in from his post with the report that there were Indians or other persons heard going off at speed through the woods and thought that some of our horses were stolen. Captn. and Doctr. are too fatigued to accompany me. I mount a horse kept up for emergencies and after considerable riding discover and get all ours collected—meanwhile great preparations going on at the Camp for a desperate defence of the silver, et cetera,—morning at length arrives—father quite unwell from his exposures to the heavy dew and fatigues through the night—are consequently late starting—nothing particular in this days journey—meet a large drove of beeves for San Antonio market—reach the Guadaloupe and enter Gonzales about sunset—propose resting here a day or two—finished a letter to Rebecca and sent it by Mr. Burnet. Several small log habitations erected here since our last visit. With recruited spirits recommence our journey—reach Peach Creek, the dismal scene of Early's murder by Desha. Meet an old hunter who takes us to the spot where he had a few days before found the bones of that unfortunate traveller—they had been very much scattered and some broken by the wolves—he had discovered all but the scull and collected them together for the purpose of exhibiting and then burying them—reach that branch of the La Vaca which forms the dividing line of Austin's and De Witt's Colonies—find a house erecting pitch our camps for the night. Catch some large sunfish from the limpid stream. Camp the second night three miles West of Scull Creek—hear bear in the night gathering mast from the live-Oak. Next day cross the Colorado and camp near Judge Cumming's—arrive safely at Sanfelipe the day following—friends all well—continue here about one month—meanwhile brother Andw. visits us from Harrisburgh—is considerably recruited in flesh and spirits. Succeed badly in making collections. Father and I about the middle of November start for the mouth of the Brassos to meet a vessel expected from Galveston Bay—not yet arrived—hear of her detention by a Mexican cruiser sent on this coast for the capture of smugglers—become acquainted with the families of Doctor Wells and Mr. Bell—much pleased with them intelligent and amiable people. Father concludes not to return to Cincinnati before the ensuing Spring—but that I should go on soon as the vessel might be prepared to sail. In consequence return immediately to Sanfelipe to make new arrangements (60 miles). Return again with trunk and effects accompanied by Captn. Lindsay—meet with father—proceed southwardly to Brassoria—a town newly laid out on the Brazos about 18 miles direct from the sea coast—on tide water and well situated to flourish with the population of the country, having an exceedingly rich and extensive fertile country around and excellent schooner navigation—contains 4 or 5 dwellings and a store a duel fought here the day before with rifles—no blood shed. Go on down to Mr. McNeal's 146 within 7 miles of the Sea—this is the most intelligent industrious and hospitable family met with in Texas—hold a considerable number of Slaves and cultivate cotton to a pretty large extent—having a large and valuable gin of their own. Family consists of the Father and Mother—five sons, all grown but one, and a lovely daughter of 16—the beauty of the Colony. We continue in this amiable domestic circle 3 or 4 weeks anxiously awaiting the arrival of the vessel—pass off the time very agreeably in viewing the country deer hunting—bee hunting—grape gathering etc etc—get no tidings of the Schooner father and I start once more for Sanfelipe—I having determined to go on by land—reach Mr. Bell's—rainy season commences. Captn. John Austin arrives with a schooner of 60 tons purchased at N. Orleans to trade from the Colony round the Mexican coast. We journey on through the rain and are two days in travelling to Mr. Brown Austin's 147—a distance that in dry weather when the waters are low may be rode in 4 hours. Monday morning 15th Decr. take an early breakfast and start for Mr. Little's about 30 miles over a very flat sandy prairie country—travel all day thro' bogs quicksands and water—have to lie down on the wet prairie till morning am fatigued and wet to the neck with walking and wading my poney having given out—we suffer from the cold N. W. Decr. blasts, not having materials to keep up a fire—travel on next day striving to head the almost innumerable ravines and creeks which were overflowing their banks and a large portion of the flat country find it impossible to make our point that day—conclude to steer another direction and if possible reach Mr. Huff's on the St. Bernard by night—get into almost impassible bogs—horses can not carry us through—dismount and wade through mire and water for miles—father nearly exhausted and myself but little stronger not having had a mouthful to eat since sun rise the day before—get within a mile of Huff's by night—find it impossible to cross Snake Creek it being nearly a quarter of a mile in breadth—deep—full of growing timber vines and floating logs—turn out our horses, strike a fire and camp for the night—toward day commences raining—make a tolerable shelter from it. In the morning attempt to swim my horse through—fail and return and make a raft of logs with which I succeed after an hour of excessive toil in effecting a passage over—have a mile further to walk thro' high grass and heavy rain before reaching the house. Make a voracious meal of corn bread coffee milk and fat bacon having fasted fifty odd hours under constant bodily exertion exposed to wet and cold—got a suffiency for father and started off again thro' the rain taking a different rout as directed making the distance a mile greater—reach the camp abt. 12 o'clock—find father busy in restoring his fire which the rains had nearly extinguished despite of his efforts—his endurance of personal fatigue and exposure was matter of astonishment to me—he also makes a pretty hearty break-fast—we saddle up once more and reach Mr. Huff's—where next day a traveller arrives bearing a letter with information that the expected Schr. Rights-of-Man had entered the Brazos—remain two days here with Father who has pretty well recovered from the effects of our memorable journey—having made our arrangements and plans and received his counsel and blessing we part in the firm persuasion of meeting again the ensuing Spring or Summer where above all earthly places we most delighted to dwell in thought.
NOTES AND FRAGMENTS.
Mrs. Nellie Stedman Cox.—Mrs. Cox was the daughter of Ebenezer Hiram Stedman and Mary Warner Steffee. She was born on March 24, 1855, at Stedmantown, Franklin County, Kentucky. In 1874 she was married to Cornelius C. Cox, a wealthy ranchman of Lagarto, Texas, who had served in the navy of the Republic of Texas, and in the army of the Confederate States during the war between the States. She donated to the Texas State Hïstorical Association a manuscript autobiography of her husband, in recognition of which, she was made one of the first life members of that Association. Mrs. Cox removed from Texas to Kentucky a few years ago, returning to Texas in the spring of last year. She died at the home of her sister in law, Mrs. Harmon Stedman, at Corpus Christi, July 7, 1908. Mrs. Cox was also a member of the Daughters of the Republic of Texas, a charter member of the Texas Woman's Press Association, and a pioneer in free kindergarten work in Texas.
Adele B. Looscan.
The Lamar Papers.—The Thirty-first Legislature passed an act providing for the purchase of the Lamar Papers. Under this authority the Governor purchased these valuable historical manuscripts on July 20, 1909, and had them placed in the State Library. The Lamar Papers number between 2500 and 3000 pieces, which vary in size and extent from a mere slip to that of a volume containing several hundred pages. The collection includes data and manuscripts collected by Lamar, and letters and documents either written by or addressed to Lamar. The character of the contents of this collection and its voluminousness are explained by two facts: first, Lamar held important offices in the Republic of Texas, being secretary of war under Burnet, vice-president under Houston, and president from 1838 to 1841; secondly, Lamar planned to write “a faithful account of the origin and revolutionary struggles of the Republic, that the children of the patriots, while they are in the full enjoyment of the independence bequeathed to them, may the more watchfully guard and valiantly defend the precious boon purchased with the price of their father's blood.” 148 The papers were purchased direct from the daughter of Ex-President Lamar, Mrs. Loretta Lamar Calder, of Beaumont, Texas.
E. W. Winkler.
The Texas Library and Historical Commission.—Among the laws passed by the Thirty-first Legislature is that creating the Texas Library and Historical Commission. Notwithstanding that this law is a conservative piece of legislation, it took much hard work to secure its final passage.
The Texas State Historical Association was organized in 1897. In 1899 a bill was introduced into the Legislature which provided for the creation of a Texas State Historical Commission. The commission was to be composed of the Commissioner of Agriculture, Insurance, Statistics and History, and two other persons, members of the Texas State Historical Association, to be appointed by the Governor. The Commission was to have control of the State Library. The law then governing the State Library was to continue in force under the Commission. This bill passed the Senate.
The Texas State Library Association was organized in 1902. This association, with the co-operation of the Federation of Women's Clubs and the State Teachers' Association, drafted a bill which was introduced into the Legislature in 1903. The bill provided for the creation of a State Library Commission, which was to be composed of five persons to be appointed by the Governor, and whose duties it was to establish traveling libraries and otherwise encourage free public libraries. It was to have no connection with the State Library. The bill passed to engrossment in the Senate.
A bill similar to that of 1903 was again introduced in 1905. The name of the commission was changed to Texas Library Commission and the commissioners were to have control of the State Library. This bill met with opposition, and made little progress.
Nothing daunted the Texas State Library Association with its allies introduced in 1907 the bill of the previous session in much amplified form. The principal changes being the continuation in force of the law governing the State Library and the provision for a legislative reference section in the State Library. This bill failed to pass.
The bill introduced in 1909 embodied the substance of the bills of 1899 and 1907. However, the clause relating to traveling libraries was eliminated during its passage. The bill as finally passed provides for the creation of the Texas Library and Historical Commission, to be composed of three members appointed by the Governor and two members ex-officio—the Professor of History in the University of Texas and the Superintendent of Public Instruction. The duties of the Commission are as follows: (1) to control and administer the State Library, to collect materials relating to the history of Texas and the adjoining States, to preserve, classify and publish the manuscript archives, to encourage historical work and research; (2) to aid and encourage public libraries, and (3) to aid those who are studying the problems to be dealt with by legislation. The Commission held its first meeting on March 30, 1909, and is composed of Dr. George P. Garrison, Professor of History in the University of Texas, Chairman; Mrs. J. C. Terrel, Fort Worth, Vice-Chairman; Major George W. Littlefield, Austin; Hon. Richard Mays, Corsicana; Hon. R. B. Cousins, Superintendent of Public Instruction, and E. W. Winkler, State Librarian and Ex-officio Secretary.
E. W. Winkler.
2. House Journal, 2nd Tex. Cong., 1st and 2d Sessions, 166-172.
3. Archives of the Department of State, file No. 764.
4. Gammel, Laws of Texas, IX, 1355-1356.
5. Ibid., I, 1355-1356; Gouge, Fiscal History of Texas, 70.
6. Report of Secretary of Navy in House Journal, 3d Tex. Cong., 1st Sess., 15-20. The following amusing reason is given for the president's refusal to appoint John A. Wharton. He had previously appointed William H. Wharton minister to the United States to secure the recognition of Texan independence. It is related that Wharton was not pleased with the appointment, and remarked that the president was sending him into honorable exile to get him out of some one else's way. Houston did not hear of this until some months later, when John A. Wharton applied for the agency.Meeting William H. Wharton after his return from the United States, the president could not refrain from delivering a home thrust. “I did not appoint John A. Wharton naval commissioner,” he said, “because I did not wish to drive any more of the Wharton family into exile.”—Linn, Reminiscences of Fifty Years in Texas, 273.
7. Gammel, Laws of Texas, I, 1392.
8. House Journal, 3d Tex. Cong., 18; Yoakum, II, 242.
9. Report of November 4, 1840, in House Journal, 5th Tex. Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 185-196.
10. Hinton to Tennison, an undated autograph letter signed.
11. Report of Secretary of Navy, October 30, 1838, in House Journal, 3d Tex. Cong., 1st Sess., 15-16.
12. Yoakum, II, 242, 253, 255.
13. Baudin to Mayor and Aldermen of Galveston, May 13, 1839, in an unidentified newspaper clipping.
14. House Journal, 5th Tex. Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 212.
15. Ibid., 214-216.
16. Hamilton to Secretary of Navy, November 3, 1838, in House Journal, 5th Tex. Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 214-216.
17. Gouge, Fiscal History of Texas, 93.
18. Secretary of the Navy, Report of November 4, 1840, in House Journal, 5th Tex. Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 187; see also Gouge, Fiscal History of Texas, 93, 94, 198-199, 206, 305.
19. For the contract with Dawson see House Journal, 5th Tex. Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 202-204. See also Yoakum, II, 243; Gouge, Fiscal History of Texas, 94; and Report of Special Committee to the Senate, January 22, 1854. Dawson turned his interest over to S. Chott and Whitney; these two gentlemen, in a lengthy letter addressed to the government of Texas, October 9, 1851, complained bitterly of the effort made to scale the bonds, and their arguments seem unanswerable. See Gouge, Fiscal History of Texas, 198-199.
20. Gammel, Laws of Texas, II, 129-130. Gouge, Fiscal History of Texas, 93, and Bancroft, II, 317, say that this appropriation of $250,000 was made to pay for the ships contracted for; they are of course, mistaken, as the language of the act is clear.
21. Secretary of the navy, Report of November 8, 1839, cited in Yoakum, II, 272; Bancroft, II, 351.
22. Senate Journal, 3d Tex. Cong., 1st Sess., 72. The resolution was dated December 14, 1838.
23. John G. Tod was born in Kentucky. Leaving Lexington when seventeen years of age, he proceeded down the Mississippi on a flatboat to New Orleans, and enlisted in the Mexican Navy as a midshipman, under Admiral Mina. Two years later, through the influence of Henry Clay, he was appointed a midshipman in the United States navy, and transferred to that service in which he rose to more important grades.—C. W. Raines, Year Book of Texas, 1901, p. 402.
Mr. Tod entered the Texas navy in 1837, and, as the following letter (copied from a facsimile of the original) indicates, apparently had some difficulty in convincing the secretary of the navy of his merits:
Houston, May 25, 1837.
Hon. W. G. Hill.
Sir,—I take the liberty of laying the enclosed letters before you as a further introduction to your friendly enfluence in my behalf.
They will show you how I stand in civil life with men of eminance in the United States—who are not likely to confer their friendship or esteem upon any man except for his individual worth as a gentleman; more especially, when the difference of rank betwen us as public men is taken into consideration.
The Hon. James Harlan is from Kentucky and has known me from my earliest years. Commodores Barron and Bolton are at the head of the Navy. Maj. Graham is a distinguished officer of the U. S. Army. The first clause of his letter will inform you how I stand with my acquaintances in the U. S. Navy.
I regret that the present state of affairs should make it necessary for me (to succeed in my object) to trouble you and other gentlemen upon a subject that the Hon. Secretary of the Navy alone appears to view in rather an indifferent light. If I obtain my commission, it will be my pride to do my duty in every situation that my country places me. My greatest honor to prove myself worthy of the interest shown by my friends. My glory in defending the rights and advancing the liberties of our common country.
Very respectfully,
I have the honor to be, Sir, your ob. Servt,
Jno. G. Tod
24. As an instance of the carelessness of the historians of Texas it may be mentioned that Yoakum (II, 271), Morphis (419), and Brown (II, 128), each represents the Charleston and the Zavala as two separate vessels. That such an error should have been made by Yoakum, who used the documents, is strange; Morphis and Brown, no doubt, followed Yoakum's statement without consulting the sources.
25. In 1840 the name of the Colorado was changed to the Archer.
26. Secretary of the navy, Report of November 8, 1839; Yoakum, II, 271.
27. An unidentified newspaper clipping, containing matter copied from an issue of the Army and Navy Chronicle of date not indicated.
28. In House Journal, 5th Tex. Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 185-196.
29. These two vessels were the Austin and the Wharton. The latter had formerly been the Dolphin.
30. Captain John G. Tod.
31. Tod to Dawson, March 19, 1840, in House Journal, 5th Tex. Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 199.
32. Tod to Galveston Gentlemen, June 4, 1840, in Tennison's Journal.
33. House Journal, 5th Tex. Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 198.
34. An unidentified newspaper clipping, with matter copied from an issue of the Army and Navy Chronicle of date not indicated.
35. Ibid.
36. Jones, Republic of Texas, 194.
37. Moore, To the People of Texas, 86.
38. Journal of Midshipman James L. Mabry in Galveston News, January 9, 16, 23, 1893. This Journal, together with the Ledger and Ration Book of the Texas Navy are the property of Mrs. R. W. Shaw, of Galveston, daughter of Captain James G. Hurd, formerly first lieutenant of the Brutus, and granddaughter of Captain Norman Hurd, purser in the Texas navy.
39. Ibid.
40. Till July 16, 1839. Cong. Globe, 33d Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 1084; Moore, To the People of Texas, 10.
41. Fuller to Dienst, October 27, 1904, in Dienst Col. Docs.
42. Thrall, 592.
43. Moore to Hockley, in Moore's To the People of Texas, 79.
44. In regard to the proceedings of the United States government against Moore himself on the charge of illegal recruiting activity in New York Harbor in the winter of 1839-40, see Deposition of Hunter. December 30, 1839; Forsyth to Dunlap, January 15, 1840; Dunlap to Forsyth, January 16, 1840—all in Annual Report American Historical Association for 1907, Volume II.—Editor Quarterly.
45. Moore to Hinton, House Journal, 5th Tex. Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 223-224.
46. House Journal, 5th Tex. Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 221-222.
47. Cooke to Hinton, December 21, 1839, in House Journal, 5th Tex. Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 238-239.
48. Secretary of the navy, Report of November 4, 1840, House Journal, 5th Tex. Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 185-196.
49. Gammel, Laws of Texas, II, 609.
50. The resolution was approved January 29, 1842. It does not appear in Gammel's Laws, but the enrolled copy of the original may be found in the Records of the State Department (Texas).
51. Gammel, Laws of Texas, II, 364.
52. See House Journal, 5th Tex. Cong., 1st Sess., 20-22.
53. Eugene C. Barker, in University of Texas Record, V, 155, says: “Six months after Lamar assumed the reins of government the delivery of these naval vssels began, but the financial straits of the young republic made it necessary to place them temporarily in ordinary. For this needful act of economy he was blamed.” That the vessels were not placed in ordinary this message shows; although, of course, the act approved by Lamar implied that it would be done.
54. The lists of officers of the various ships follow: the Austin, E. P. Kennedy, first lieutenant; D. H. Crisp, second lieutenant; J. H. Baker, third lieutenant; William Seegar, fourth lieutenant; C. Cummings, acting master; J. B. Gardiner, surgeon; Norman Hurd, purser; T. W. Sweet, lieutenant of marines; C. A. Christman, C. Leay, C. B. Snow, George F. Fuller, M. H. Dearborne, L. E. Bennett, J. C. Bronough, E. A. Wezman, W. W. McFarlane, R. H. Clements, midshipmen; John W. Brown, boatswain; John Salter, gunner; William Smith, carpenter; C. Cremer, sailmaker: the Zavala, J. T. K. Lothrop, captain; George Henderson, first lieutenant; W. C. Brashear, second lieutenant; Daniel Lloyd, master; T. P. Anderson, surgeon; W. T. Maury, purser; J. W. C. Parker, captain of marines; G. Beatty, chief engineer; R. Bache, captain's clerk; C. Betts, C. C. Cox, J. E. Barrow, H. (S). Garlick, J. A. Hartman, midshipmen; James Crout, boatswain; T. Howard, gunner; Joseph Auld, carpenter: the San Bernard, W. S. Williamson, lieutenant commanding; George W. Estes, first lieutenant; W. A. Tennison, second lieutenant (Ben C. Stuart, in Galveston News, October 8, 1899, has G. C. Bunner, second lieutenant, and W. A. Tennison, as acting master); Charles B. Snow, R. M. Clarke, surgeons; J. F. Stephens, purser; W. H. Brewster, captain's clerk; C. B. Underhill, John P. Stoneall, J. B. F. Bernard, L. H. Smith, midshipmen; George Brown, boatswain: the San Jacinto, W. R. Postell, lieutenant commanding; J. O. Shaughnessey, first lieutenant; A. G. Gray, second lieutenant; William Oliver, acting master; Fletcher Dorey, surgeon; Robert Oliver, purser; J. J. Tucker, captain's clerk; C. S. Arcamble, A. Walker, J. O. Parker, midshipmen: the San Antonio, Alex Moore, lieutenant commanding; Thomas Wood, Junior, first lieutenant; A. J. Lewis, second lieutenant; A. A. Waite, acting master; James W. Moore, purser; Hugh A. Goldborough, captain's clerk; James H. Wheeler, E. F. Wells, L. M. Minor, midshipmen; Hugh Schofield, boatswain.
The muster rolls here given are from the Tennison Papers (folio 352, pp. 1-3). They are the only complete rolls I have been able to secure. Yet Tennison's rolls cannot be depended upon as absolutely accurate. For other lists see Ben C. Stuart in Galveston News, October 8, 1899.
Alex Moore and James W. Moore, mentioned above, were a cousin and a brother of Commodore E. W. Moore. See Moore, To the People of Texas, 70-72, 110.
55. The ships and officers mentioned in Brown's History of Texas, II, 198, footnote (copied in full without credit being given from Texas Almanac, 1860, pp. 165-166), have nothing whatever to do with this squadron, though, to the general reader, it would appear from the language used that they belonged to the Texas navy in 1840. Thrall, 306, note, says that the Dolphin (Wharton) sailed. There is, however, abundant evidence to the contrary.
56. Moore to Cooke, House Journal, 5th Tex. Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 232-237. Moore's orders dated June 20, 1840, were sealed, and were to be opened at sea. On or about this date, the schooners San Jacinto, San Antonio, and San Bernard, sailed “for the west.” The Zavala and the Austin were to have gone to sea on the 23d, but were detained by unfavorable weather. They sailed on June 27, 1840. See Telegraph and Texas Register, July 1, 1840.
57. Arcas.
58. Anaya and Canales were both leaders of the Mexican Federalists.
59. Pakenham assisted Treat in presenting his proposition, and acted as mediator.—Bancroft, History of Texas, II, 340.
60. This goes to show that president Lamar was correct in his statement of the object of the expedition.
61. Arcas.
62. The Wharton, by order of the secretary of the navy, was partly dismantled and placed in ordinary. This is the reason she did not at this time reach the squadron. See Secretary of the Navy, Report of November 4, 1840, in House Journal, 5th Tex. Cong., Appendix, 185-196.
63. Longitude.
64. Diary of midshipman James L. Mabry, in Galveston News, January 16 and 23, and February 13, 1893.
65. Guerrero.
66. Lobos.
67. The wrecked vessel was the Mexican brig, Segunda Fauna.
68. Either this entry is out of place in the original diary, or it was meant for October 24.
69. See p. 33, below.
70. Frontera.
71. Tennison's Journals, folio 350, p. 1. For a more detailed description of the Zavala in the storm, see The Quarterly, VI, 123.
72. Galveston.
73. Remains.
74. Tennison's Journal, folio 352, p. 3.
75. Telegraph and Texas Register, January 13, 1841.
76. That is, the Mexican Federal authorities.
77. Tennison's Journal, folio 354, p. 1; folio 372, pp. 1-2.
78. Austin City Gazette, April 21, 1841, quoting from the Galveston Morning Herald. No copy of the latter paper is known to the writer, and no mention of it is made in bibliographies of Texas or Louisiana newspapers.
79. The reader will recall Lamar's statement that the officers of the Texas navy were not expected to make captures while the Texas agent was in Mexico negotiating for the recognition of Texan independence, because Lamar considered that such a policy would be dishonorable. Mexico, in this instance, seems to have outwitted Texas in diplomacy. She kept the Texas agents in Mexico in suspense as to her final decision until her vessels arrived from abroad, no doubt having been informed by the Texas agents, that, as a means of getting their proposals considered, Texas war vessels were under instructions not to molest Mexican commerce until their agency terminated.
80. Tennison's Journal, folio 372, p. 3.
81. Moore, Reply to the Pamphlet by Commodores Buchanan, Dupont, and Magruder, etc., 19.
82. The Quarterly, VI, 124. He is in error as regards “one night's stay.” His illness at the time explains the error.
83. Brown, II, 198; Thrall, A Pictorial History of Texas, 306. Thrall states, “They were placed in the service of the revolutionary government of Yucatan,” and “sailed 24th of June, 1840.” See also University of Texas Record, V, 155, and Moore's To the People of Texas, 36.
84. Moore, Reply to the Pamphlet by Commodores Buchanan, Dupont, and Magruder, etc., 19.
85. July 14, 1841.
86. Cong. Globe, 33d Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 1081; Moore, To the People of Texas, 27-29; Rejón, secretary of state of Yucatán, states that Lamar did make overtures July 20, 1841.
87. 1841.
88. Col. Martin F. Peraza.
89. Anonymous translation in Moore's To the People of Texas, 15-17.
90. Roberts to Peraza, in Moore's To the People of Texas, 17-19.
91. Step.
92. Peraza to Roberts, in Moore's To the People of Texas, 19-20.
93. Roberts to Peraza, September 18, 1841, in Moore's To the People of Texas, 20-21.
94. Those desiring to go more fully into a study of the alliance may consult Rivera, Historia de Jalapa, III, 400-401, 514-515; Banqueiro, Ensayo de Yucatán, 42-45; Niles' Register, LXI, 66, 131, 196.
95. Archer to Moore September 18, 1841, in Moore's To the People of Texas, 12-13. Endorsed by Moore as having been received October 13, 1841.
96. Tennison's Journal, folio 372, p. 4.
97. Moore, To the People of Texas, 13-15.
98. Moore to the Secretary of the Navy, in Moore's To the People of Texas, 21-36. The date of the letter as printed is 1841, which is clearly incorrect.
99. Moore, To the People of Texas, 21.
100. January, 1842.
101. Moore, To the People of Texas, 30-33; Tennison's Journal, folio 376, p. 1. These commissioners had been appointed to consider the reunion of Yucatán to the Mexican Federation.
102. Moore to the Secretary of War and Navy, February 6, 1842, in Moore's To the People of Texas, 36.
103. Tennison's Journal, folio 376, pp. 2-3; copied from the Galveston Civilian, February 22, 1842. See also Telegraph and Texas Register, February 23, 1842.
104. Santa Anna.
105. Moore to Lemus, in Moore's To the People of Texas, 41-42.
106. See also Telegraph and Texas Register, February 23, 1842.
107. Hockley to Moore, December 15, 1841, in Moore's To the People of Texas, 43.
108. Ibid.
109. Hockley to Moore, April 14, 1842, in Moore's To the People of Texas, 50-51.
110. Cong. Globe, 33d Cong., 1st Sess., Appendix, 1081.
111. Houston.
112. 1841.
113. A Comprehensive History of Texas, I, 368.
114. Lamar's.
115. Thrall, A Pictorial History of Texas, 137.
116. Eugene C. Barker, in University of Texas Record, V, 159; Bancroft, II, 333.
117. Moore, To the People of Texas, 29.
118. Hobby, Life and Times of David G. Burnet, 23.
119. Bancroft, II, 343.
120. Gammel, Laws of Texas, II, 792.
121. Texas Almanac, 1858, 109-114. The sketch was probably either prepared by Lamar or reviewed by him.
122. Moore to Hockley, April 4, 1842, in Moore's To the People of Texas, 46-50.
123. A member of the Santa Fé expedition.
124. D. H. Crisp.
125. Moore to Hockley, April 5, 1842, in Moore's To the People of Texas, 50.
126. Moore, To the People of Texas, 45-46.
127. Moore to Hockley, April 5, 1842.
128. Gammel, Laws of Texas, II, 791.
129. Ibid., 813-814.
130. Lemus to Moore, March 29, 1842, in Moore's To the People of Texas, 53-54.
131. The Mexicans.
132. Lemus to Moore, in Moore's To the People of Texas, 55.
133. Moore to Hockley, May 1, 1842, in Moore's To the People of Texas, 60-61.
134. The original of this journal is in the possession of Edward N. Clopper, Cincinnati, a grandson of J. C. Clopper, who has kindly furnished the printer's copy, at the same time lending the original for editorial purposes and sending also the following sketch of its writer:
“Joseph Chambers Clopper was born in Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, January 11, 1802, and died in Cincinnati, on January 7, 1861. His parents, Nicholas Clopper of New Jersey, and Rebecca Chambers of Chambersburg, were married in 1790 and had eight children, all of whom, except Joseph, died single. In 1829 he married Mary Este of Morristown, New Jersey, whose sister Hannah was the wife of David G. Burnet. Three children were born to them, two of whom died in infancy; their son, Edward N. Clopper, was superintendent of schools in Houston, Texas, at the time of his death in 1880. In 1818 Nicholas Clopper took his wife and children to Cincinnati, where he purchased land and built a house which is still the family homestead. A few years later he acquired land in Texas for speculation and ranching purposes, and spent considerable time in the province looking after his property. In 1827 he took his sons, Joseph, Andrew and Edward, with him to Texas, the following diary, kept by Joseph, being an account of their experiences during that visit.—E. N. C.”
135. Perhaps the writer of the diary is thinking of Mr. and Mrs. Lynch. Cf. p. 57, below.
136. Terán's.
137. Cincinnati.
138. Cíbolo.
139. Cíbolo.
140. Salado.
141. Gachupines.
142. All ready.
143. Lipans.
144. Cíbolo.
145. Lose.
146. McNeel's.
147. A brother of Stephen F. Austin.
148. An extract from the introduction to the projected history of Lamar.
How to cite:
"Issue View", Volume 013, Number 1, Southwestern Historical Quarterly Online. http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/publications/journals/shq/online/v013/n1/issue.html
[Accessed Mon Nov 23 17:06:03 CST 2009]
