Vol. XIII. APRIL, 1910. No. 4.
The publication committee and the editors disclaim responsibility for views expressed by contributors to The Quarterly.
The personality of Stephen F. Austin looms large in the history of Anglo-American Texas. During the first decade, while on the one side he smoothed out the real or fancied grievances of the colonists and on the other persuaded the Mexican government against its better judgment to hope for the abiding loyalty of its adoptive citizens, he held the fate of the colonies in the hollow of his hand. And one who studies his carefully preserved correspondence cannot doubt that he fully realized and keenly felt the responsibility, or that his polar star, to use a metaphor of which the men of his day were fond, was always the ultimate good of the colonists. Although he may at times have erred in the means for attaining his end, there is a fine consistency in his aim to subserve, as he understood them, the best interests of the people whom in a peculiar sense he felt to be his own. It is the purpose of this paper to examine his attitude toward the most vital question that Texas ever faced—that, namely, of independence. And from the view point just stated it is not difficult to forecast his position at any given moment.
For the purpose of this examination Austin's career falls into three periods. In the first, which may extend from 1821 to 1832 he perceived the best interest of Texas in unswerving allegiance to Mexico. This happened to be the period in which he was laying deep the foundation of his colonies, and it was also the time when for various reasons Texas suffered least interference from the general government. The second extends from the middle of 1832 to perhaps the end of 1834; during these years Texas came more into the current of national politics, and loyalty in his mind became conditional upon the organization of Texas as a separate state of the confederation in order to correct in a measure the evils of the federal administration. The third covers the fifteen months or so preceding March 2, 1836, when Santa Anna was destroying the federal system and establishing a centralized government somewhat like that of the consular government of France under Napoleon Bonaparte; Austin now realized that even separate statehood would not protect Texas and mentally advanced to the last step—the declaration of independence.
Passing from generalities to particulars, Austin in the first period showed his loyalty to Mexico and his protective relation to the colonists by his attitude toward the Fredonian Rebellion, Guerrero's emancipation decree of 1829, the law of April 6, 1830, and the troubles of 1832. It will suffice to review these episodes very briefly. In 1825 Hayden Edwards entered into a contract with the government to settle eight hundred families in the district around and including Nacogdoches. There was already there a considerable population, mostly Mexican, and Edwards early incurred the resentment of the old settlers by questioning their land titles; later he had trouble with some of his own colonists who objected to paying the small fee that he charged them for land; finally he became involved in an election dispute at Nacogdoches which the political chief at Bexar decided against him. By October, 1826, feeling against him, and especially against his brother, B. W. Edwards, was so high that the political chief somewhat arbitrarily issued a decree banishing him from the country. He determined to resist, and with a handful of followers declared Texas independent; made an alliance with the Cherokees; and tried to incite Austin's colonists to a race war against the Mexicans. In this last, however, he failed, for Austin not only prevented his colonists from responding but actually caused them to join the Mexican troops in putting down the rebels. Austin then detached the Indians from their alliance and exerted his influence to secure an amnesty for all who laid down their arms, so that by the last of January, 1827, Edwards fled across the border and the Fredonian Rebellion, as it was called, was over. 1 Austin's part was an important one. He gave Edwards sage advice which, if he had followed it, would have enabled him to avoid most of his trouble; and in the end took the only possible course to preserve the confidence of the government and the interests of the colonists.
On September 15, 1829, President Guerrero issued a decree emancipating all the slaves in the Mexican Republic, and it fell with the presage of ruin upon the Texans who, with no free labor to be obtained, felt that slaves were absolutely essential to the opening up of their new-land farms. Through Austin's influence the political chief at Bexar suspended the official publication of the proclamation until a memorial could be forwarded to Mexico praying for relief. In this petition the political chief and the governor of the state both joined, and on December 2, 1829, the general government was pleased to issue a second decree exempting Texas from the operation of the first. Austin's steadiness had prevented the colonists from hurrying into precipitate action; but he realized as clearly as they the effect that the September decree would have in retarding the development of the country, and the late Lester G. Bugbee who carefully investigated this subject in 1898 could not determine what would have been his procedure if the withdrawal of the law had been refused. Fortunately that issue did not arise. What is certain is that it was due to Austin alone that the incident closed without a greater mutual loss of confidence between the colonists and the government. 2
On April 6, 1830, the Mexican Congress passed at the instigation of Lucas Alamán, the Secretary of Foreign Relations, a law regulating colonization. Though in form a general law, it was in fact directed especially at Texas and the United States. The famous eleventh article prevented the settlement of immigrants in any province of the Mexican Republic contiguous to their native land. The efforts that the United States had been making since 1825 to purchase Texas caused Mexico to fear its forcible seizure as soon as there were enough Americans in the country to make the venture a success, and it was against this contingency that Alamán was seeking to guard. Its effect on the Texans who saw themselves cut off from their friends and families in the United States may well be imagined. They appealed to Austin to protect them from the “violent and fatal measures” of the government, 3 and he forthwith applied himself to this task. The law was not repealed until 1834, but the excitement gradually subsided—partly no doubt because the government could never enforce the law.
The government did, however, attempt to enforce the decree, and for that purpose ordered General Terán to establish garrisons in Texas. At the same time the seven years expired for which, according to the colonization laws, the settlers were exempt from the payment of custom duties, and the custom houses were put in operation. George Fisher, the collector at Galveston, or rather Anahuac, and Colonel John Davis Bradburn, the commander of the garrison there, soon had the colonists greatly irritated by their arbitrary proceedings. In the spring of 1832 the colonists were driven to an insurrection which ended in the expulsion of both soldiers and collectors from the country. Austin had all along held a firm tone against the methods of Fisher and Bradburn, and was accused by Terán therefor of being responsible for the opposition to those officials. 4 He was at Saltillo, attending the legislature, when the conflict occurred. Whether he could have prevented it is uncertain, but certainly it was largely through his influence that Colonel Mexía, whom Santa Anna sent to investigate the trouble, was convinced that the Texans were not to blame. 5
This ends the review of the first period. While never deviating from his declared motto of “fidelity and gratitude to Mexico,” 6 Austin stood always ready to guard the interests of the colonists. Thus we find him at the same time boldy writing to one Mexican official that the only way to remedy the affairs of Texas was to restore the constitution and authority of the state, assuring another that the colonists had no desire for independence or union with the United States, and complaining to Santa Anna himself of the injustice of the law of April 6, 1830, and of the military tyranny to which the people had been subjected. 7
Since 1824 Texas had been united with Coahuila, and the movement to secure a separate state organization began in August, 1832, when the alcalde of San Felipe issued a call for a convention to meet October 1. One reason that he gave for the convention was the necessity of explaining officially that the recent rising against the troops did not have for its object the separation of Texas from Mexico. The meeting was in session six days (October 1-6), and passed, among other things, a resolution for the administration of the custom houses until the government could send new collectors, and adopted reports praying for the reform of the tariff, the appointment of land commissioners, a grant of land for the support of primary education, and for permission to organize the local government. Some of the delegates were in favor of drafting a provisional constitution at once and asking the general government to approve it, but Austin, who was president of the convention, thought it more prudent to petition first for the privilege of doing so, and his opinion prevailed. William H. Wharton was elected to carry the various memorials to Mexico, but for reasons unknown he did not go. 8
The Mexican authorities undoubtedly believed that the colonists were planning separation not only from Coahuila, but also from the Republic; 9 and it is true that the subject of independence had been discussed among them, but the evidence seems to show a decided sentiment against it. This evidence is as follows: (1) previous to the convention Austin had, in the letter mentioned above, disclaimed for the colonists any idea of secession; (2) the ayuntamiento of Gonzales had refused to participate in the convention for fear that this very motive would be attributed to it; 10 (3) letters to Austin from a correspondent in the district of Teneha declared that everybody in that neighborhood was opposed to independence, while not one in ten favored union with the United States; 11 and finally (4) the tone of the convention itself, so far as one can judge from its journal, was very respectful.
The disorders in Mexico were causing Austin, however, to think of the future. To a friend in the United States he wrote that the Mexican confederation might break up and leave Texas to itself; but it would be better for Texas to remain a Mexican state, “unless we could float into the Northern Republic with the consent of all parties.” 12 And an outspoken letter to the political chief reveals his firm conviction of the necessity of separating from Coahuila: “There is little probability,” it declares,
that we shall soon have a stable and peaceable order of public affairs; and I give it as my deliberate judgement that Texas is lost if she take no measure of her own for her welfare. I incline to the opinion that it is your duty as Chief Magistrate, to call a general convention to take into consideration the condition of the country. I do not know how the State or General Government can presume to say that the people of Texas have violated the constitution, when the acts of both governments have long since killed the constitution, and when the confederation itself has hardly any life left. I cannot approve the assertion that the people have not the right to assemble peaceably, and calmly and respectfully represent their wants. In short, the condition of Texas is bad, but we may fear to see it still worse. 13
Conditions did not improve during the winter of 1832-3, and in the spring another convention met at San Felipe. The journal of this meeting, if any was kept, has disappeared, but we know that it adopted resolutions condemning the African slave trade, petitioned for the establishment of regular mail service, modification of the tariff, and repeal of the law of April 6, 1830, and that it went beyond the action of the previous convention and drew up a provisional state constitution with a long memorial to the government praying for its approval. 14 Austin and two other commissioners 15 were elected to lay these documents before the government, but Austin alone served. He reached the capital July 18. Generals Arista and Durán had just begun an insurrection, and Santa Anna was leading a campaign against them, while Vice-President Farías was carrying on the government. Farías received him courteously and referred his petition to a committee of Congress, but gave him little enough real encouragement. Austin, when he left home, claimed to be sanguine of obtaining the repeal of the law of April 6, 1830, and permission for the Texans to hold a convention and adopt a constitution. 16 Conditions in Mexico disappointed him, and for the first time he seemed clearly to recognize the possibility of Mexico's being unwilling or unable to administer Texas in a manner consistent with its highest development. While still declaring himself hopeful of success, he wrote: “But if our application is refused, I shall be in favor of organizing without it—I see no other way of saving the country from total anarchy and ruin—I am totally done with conciliatory measures, and for the future shall be uncompromising as [to] Texas matters.” 17
As August and September wore along the issue of the civil war in Mexico appeared doubtful, and Austin became more and more impatient. If a change of administration occurred, his object might be indefinitely delayed. On the first of October therefore he called on Farías and told him plainly that if some attention were not paid to the wishes of the Texans he feared that they would take the remedy into their own hands. The vice-president interpreted this as a threat and was greatly offended, and Austin left the conference with the conviction that nothing was to be expected from the government. The next day he wrote: “I am tired of the govt. Texas must take care of herself without paying any attention to these people or to this govt.—They a[lways have been in?] revolution and I believe always will be. I have had much more respect for them than they deserve—but I am [done with?] all that.” 18 The same day he wrote to the ayuntamiento of Bexar stating his belief that no reforms were to be gained from the government, and urging it to take the lead in declaring Texas a separate state. He appears to have thought on the one hand that the Texans, if left to themselves, might go even further than that, and on the other that a movement begun by the Mexican population of Bexar would encounter less resistance from the government. 19 The ayuntamiento had adopted a vigorous protest in December, 1832, against the same evils of which the convention complained, 20 and it was not unreasonable to hope that it might now inaugurate the local organization. Later Austin made his peace with Farías and became slightly more hopeful, though on the 23d he wrote his brother-in-law, “the fact is this govt. ought to make a state of Texas, or transfer her to the U. S.—without delay, and there is some probability at this time that one or the other will be done. A short time will now determine this matter in some way.” 21
Early in November Santa Anna returned to the capital, after winning a decisive victory over the insurgents at Guanajuato, and promised favorable action on all of the petitions presented by Austin except that for separate statehood; and even that should be granted, he said, as soon as the country was prepared for it. Austin remained in the city until December 10 and then started home very well satisfied. At Saltillo on January 3, 1834, he was arrested by order of the vice-president, on account of the letter that he had written to the ayuntamiento of Bexar, and taken back to the City of Mexico. The next eleven months, from February to December, he spent in various prisons of the capital, while court after court disclaimed jurisdiction over his case. Christmas day he was liberated on bail, but was not allowed to leave the city. Finally, under the operation of a general amnesty law, he started again for Texas in July, 1835.
Austin's letters from prison are not always ingenuous. His first aim was to obtain his release, and to do this it was necessary to keep the colonists from making any hasty demonstrations and to convince the government of his loyalty. He wrote, therefore, for two sets of readers—for he doubtless expected his letters to be intercepted and read by the government before they reached Texas. He tried to soothe the colonists by reminding them that their most serious grievances had been removed by the state legislation of 1834—and this was literally true, 22 though perhaps neither he nor they believed the prospect to be as fair as he represented it;—while upon the government he sought to create a double impression of his satisfaction with the reforms and of his pacific influence over the colonists. At the same time it is not necessary to believe that as yet Austin's words did real violence to his convictions. Though beginning to doubt, he was still loyal to Mexico, and he did believe it to the best interest of the colonists to remain tranquil. Such deception as he may have practiced may certainly be forgiven to a man in his position, for in his own mind he had committed no wrong.
Some extracts from Austin's letters will illustrate his double motive. Announcing his arrest to his brother-in-law, James F. Perry, he wrote:
All I can be accused of is that I have labored most diligently and indefatigably to get Texas made a state separate from Coahuila, and that is no crime, nor no dishonor—it is quite the reverse. ... I hope there will be no excitement about my arrest—it will do me harm and no good to Texas, that is, unless I should be unjustly dealt by, in that case there will be cause for excitement. . . . A little time will put all right—there will be toleration of religion—Texas will be a state, and all will go right. . . . There is no sort of doubt of the right of the people of Texas to take care of themselves, if there be no other remedy—this is more than a right—it is a duty—but evil may be done by precipitation. 23
Two days later he wrote again to Perry: “My advice to Texas is what it has always been—remain quiet—populate the country—improve your farms—and discountenance all revolutionary men or principles.” To S. M. Williams he wrote May 3, 1834, 24 suggesting that the people publish an address of thanks to the state government for the recent laws in favor of Texas; the evils were now removed and a public acknowledgment should be made to place Texas in a true light both in Mexico and in the United States, where the object of the Texans was misunderstood. On May 10 he wrote Perry that his own principles had always been “peace, quietness, patience, and submission to the laws, no revolutions”; if he had ever wandered from those principles it had been to prevent the increase of the evils by party divisions; it was “very certain that Texas must become a state at some future and not very distant day,” but he had made a mistake in agreeing to the convention of 1833 which was called during his absence; however, he concluded, “the only substantial matter in this business that is worthy of consideration is that much substantial good will result to Texas from my sufferings, and I am content.” Again, August 25, “S. F. Austin's motto always has been Fidelity to Mexico, opposition to violent men or measures”; and finally, November 10, “I have done my duty to the people of Texas so far as it was in my power to do it, and I have not in anything departed from my duty as a good and faithful Mexican citizen.” 25 One thing at least these quotations show, and that is an unvarying regard for the welfare of Texas.
Austin believed that his imprisonment was prolonged by the machinations of his personal enemies in Texas and Mexico, 26 and there are some indications that he was right. A man whose name a Mexican copyist makes out to be Alexandro Calecik wrote from Texas to J. A. Mexía, August 29, 1833, that Austin had acquired land and property to the value of a million and a half pesos and asked the unsuccessful native's universal question concerning the enterprising foreigner, “why should the government allow such a person so much money that ought to go to its own support.” Austin was obnoxious (nocino) to Texas as well as to the general government, he said, and he expressed the hope that Mexía would detain him in Mexico five years. The personal motive is disclosed by the intimation that Austin's presence in Texas might interfere with the writer's plan to obtain a grant of land in the profits of which Mexía was to share. 27 Pointing in the same direction is a strange letter written from New York by J. Gutierrez, of whom I know nothing, to President Van Buren, May 29, 1834. He declared that he had it on the best authority that a number of Mexican officials, particularly Mexía and Zavala, wanted to make Texas independent of Mexico, and
to secure there a safe retreate or property, should there be a fresh revolution in Mexico. There was but one man in the whole Colony Who leur portait ombrage and migh[t] have opposed their schem[e], or neutralized their views to sway the projected state, and this was the enterprizing Colonel Austin, of whom they were on the point of getting rid when on the 24th of April Santa Anna the President informed of this mismanagement of affairs returned to the capital and took charge of the Government. 28
Finally H. Meigs wrote Austin from New York, September 29, 1835, congratulating him on regaining his liberty and declaring that a great interest had been exerted to destroy him and his property. “Truly your escape is most fortunate.” 29
His observation of Mexican politics at close range, and perhaps to some extent his personal experience, led Austin to his third position—the decision that the ultimate welfare of Texas demanded its separation from Mexico. And the disorganization of the national government during the past decade had been enough, in all reason, to shake the confidence of the most pronounced optimist. President Victoria's administration from 1824 to 1828 had been filled with plots and counter-plots of rival factions; Pedraza had won the presidency in the exciting election of 1828 only to be forced after a month's tenure to resign in favor of his opponent, General Guerrero; Guerrero held the office some nine months, and was overthrown by Bustamante; in 1832 Santa Anna overthrew Bustamante, and restored Pedraza to power for a fleeting three months; and then was elected himself; the first two years of his term were filled with schemes that historians have not yet fathomed, there were some pretended rebellions and at least one real insurrection; and by the beginning of 1835 the clanking of the machinery that was to transform the government into an absolutism was plainly to be heard.
Austin probably came around to the idea of separation slowly. His letter to Ashby, referred to above, 30 might indicate that he was thinking of the contingency in 1832, but as late as July, 1834, he excited the contempt of Anthony Butler by refusing to further the latter's efforts to purchase Texas for the United States. Secretary of State McLane had written Butler to intercede for the amelioration of Austin's confinement, and Butler replied that he was already faring far better than his deserts; that he did not merit either the sympathy or the assistance of the United States government. “He is unquestionably one of the bitterest foes to our Government and people that is to be found in Mexico, and has done more to embarrass our Negotiations upon a certain subject than all the rest of the opposition together: and I am very sure that he was the principal cause of my being defeated in the last effort made to obtain a cession of Texas.” . . . 31 The assumption that Butler was telling the truth is perhaps not too hazardous; though Austin gives one the impression that he incurred at least a part of Butler's enmity by opposing a territorial government for Texas. 32
There are in the Austin Papers nine letters from H. Meigs to Austin which give one side of an interesting correspondence from which we can guess only too vaguely at the other, but they plainly suggest on Austin's part a reconnoisance to learn how far the United States could be depended on for help in case of a breach between Texas and Mexico. In the first one Meigs merely announces that the United States government has interceded for Austin, and remarks that he wrote to him several months ago and hopes for a favorable reply. In the second he repeats that the government is interested in Austin's case and adds the information that he himself stimulated the interest through his friend Louis McLane and his brother-in-law John Forsyth. These letters were dated May 30 and September 27, 1834. The remaining seven were written in 1835—May 2, September 1, September 29, November 15 (two letters of this date), November 22, November 27. In the earlier ones he says that he conceals what Austin writes from everybody except Forsyth, who promises to give him all proper aid; assures Austin that sympathy for himself and his colony is almost universal; and exhorts him to maintain his “accustomed prudence and fortitude.” Later he refers to Austin's “philanthropic and just designs in favor of Texas.” November 15, after the revolution had begun, he writes: “Public sentiment is aroused for your cause. We know that you are Bone of our Bone! and Flesh of our Flesh! That none but a Republican Government can exist over you! . . . Tens of thousands will join you, and with you, lay the firm foundations of your Republic.” But as yet the law of nations and treaty with Mexico prevented the United States from interfering. The letter ends with a significant prayer, “May the Almighty protect you and your Republican Brethren in your progress to that glorious Independence which is in my mind's eye not only Before you but very near to you.” A second letter of the same date acknowledges receipt of one from Austin dated October 6, and adds, “the package relative to the Indians I have already sent to Washington (confidentially).” Finally on November 27 he quotes from Forsyth who wrote him that the government had warned the Indians on the western frontier of the United States to remain quiet and take no part in the troubles which were involving Texas. The significance of this correspondence can be appreciated only by considering the earlier letters in connection with the later ones, and for that reason the course of events has been somewhat anticipated.
Having determined in his own mind that a breach must come, Austin believed that the essential thing was to make Texas so strong that Mexico could not resist. A letter to Perry of March 3, 1835, 33 gives one a glimpse of his mental process. After saying that a friendly feeling prevailed in Mexico toward Texas, and that Congress would do something for it, if it were not so distracted by national affairs, he continues, “However, it is really not so very important whether anything is done or not if a dead calm and union can be preserved in that country—emigration—good crops—no party divisions—no excitement—no personalities should be the political creed of every one in Texas.” March 31 S. M. Williams wrote him 34 that during January and February two thousand immigrants had landed at the mouth of the Brazos alone, and from this he say that the goal was nearer than he had expected.
As has been said, Austin finally left the City of Mexico about the middle of July and reached Texas September 1, by way of Vera Cruz and New Orleans. Filisola declares 35 that he went to New Orleans to buy arms and munitions of war, but it is more likely that he could not get passage directly home from Vera Cruz. 36 Whatever may have been his reason for going, while there he unbosomed himself as to his plans for Texas in a very candid letter to his cousin Mrs. Holley. Long as it is, it is worth quoting in full: 37
New Orleans, August 21, 1835. My dear Cousin,
I am, as you will see by my date, once more in the land of my birth, and of freedom—a word I can well appreciate. I shall leave here in a day or two for Texas. I wished to have taken a trip up the river, and thence to the North, but shall have to defer it until spring. I have been so long absent from home, that my affairs there are behind hand, and require my attention.
The situation of Texas is daily becoming more and more interesting, so much so that I doubt whether the Government of the United States or that of Mexico can much longer look on with indifference, or inaction. It is very evident that Texas should be effectually, and fully, Americanized,—that is—settled by a population that will harmonize with their neighbors on the East, in language, political principles, common origin, sympathy, and even interest. Texas must be a slave country. It is no longer a matter of doubt. The interest of Louisiana requires that it should be. A population of fanatical abolitionists in Texas would have a very dangerous and pernicious influence on the overgrown slave population of that state. Texas must and ought to become an outwork on the west, as Alabama and Florida are on the east, to defend the key of the western world—the mouths of the Mississippi. Being fully Americanized under the Mexican flag would be the same thing in effect and ultimate result as coming under the United States flag. A gentle breeze shakes off a ripe peach. Can it be supposed that the violent political convulsions of Mexico will not shake off Texas as soon as it is ripe enough to fall? All that is now wanting is a great immigration of good and efficient families this fall and winter. Should we get such an immigration, especially from the Western States—all is done; the peach will be ripe. Under this view, and it is the correct one, every man of influence in the Western States, who has the true interests of his country at heart ought to use every possible exertion to induce such an immigration. They can get lands; now is the accepted time, and none too soon. The door is still open for them to come in legally. The government of Mexico cannot complain—it has invited immigration.
General Santa Anna told me he should visit Texas next March—as a friend. His visit is uncertain—his friendship more so. We must rely on ourselves, and prepare for the worst. A large immigration will prepare us, give us strength, resources, everything. I do not know the state of public feeling in Texas, but presume they mean to avoid all collision with Mexico if possible to do so, and be also ready to repel attacks should they come. This is my opinion. A great emigration from Kentucky, Tennessee, etc, each man with his rifle or musket, would be of great use to us—very great indeed. If they go by sea, they must take passports from the Mexican consul, comply with all the requirements of the law, and get legally into the country, so long as the door is legally open. Should it be closed it will then be time enough to force it open—if necessary. Prudence and an observance of appearances must therefore be strictly attended to for the present. Here, I figure to my self, you start and exclaim “Dios mio,” my cousin Stephen has become a very Mexican politician in hypocrisy. Not so; there is no hypocrisy about it. It is well known that my object has always been to fill up Texas with a North American population; and, besides, it may become a question of to be, or not to be. And in that event, the great law of nature—self preservation—operates and supersedes all other laws. The cause of philanthropy and liberty, also, will be promoted by Americanizing Texas. I am morally right, therefore, to do so by all possible, honorable, means.
In all countries, one way or another, a few men rule society. If those few were convinced of the great benefits that would result to the Western world by Amercanizing Texas, they would exert their influence to promote that object, and in so doing use such arguments as would best effect it, without letting anything transpire in the public prints to alarm the Mexican government, or place that of the United States in the awkward necessity of taking any steps, as a friend of Mexico under the treaty etc.
If there were any way of getting at it, I should like to know what the wise men of the United States think the people of Texas ought to do. The fact, is, we must and ought to become a part of the United States. Money should be no consideration. The political importance of Texas to the great western world, from the influence it may one day have on Louisiana, is so great that it cannot fail to have due weight on all reflecting men, and on Gen. Jackson and the Senate in particular. The more the American population of Texas is increased the more readily will the Mexican Government give it up. Also, the more the people of Texas seem to oppose a separation from Mexico, the less tenacious will they be to hold it. This seems paradoxical, but it will cease to appear so when you consider that strange compound the Mexican character. If Texas insisted on separating, and it should be given up in consequence, it would appear as if they had yielded to force, or fear, and their national pride would be roused. They are a strange people, and must be studied to be managed. They have high ideas of National dignity should it be openly attacked, but will sacrifice national dignity, and national interest too, if it can be done in a still way, or so as not to arrest public attention. “Dios castiga el ascandolo mas que el crimen” (God punishes the exposure more than the crime) is their motto. the maxim influences their morals and their politics. I learned it when I was there in 1822, and I now believe that if I had not always kept it in view, and known the power which appearances have on them, even when they know they are deceived, I should never have succeeded to the extent I have done, in Americanizing Texas.
To conclude, I wish a great immigration this fall and winter from Kentucky, Tennessee, every where; passports or no passports, anyhow. For fourteen years I have had a hard time of it, but nothing shall daunt my courage or abate my exertions to complete the main object of my labors—to Americanize Texas. This fall and winter will fix our fate—a great immigration will settle the question.
Truly yours, S. F. Austin.
Arrived in Texas, Austin found conditions more critical than he expected. The country was divided between those who believed that resistance to Santa Anna's measures was the only couse left and the moderates who favored submission, or at least continued patience. A consultation had been called to meet on October 15 to settle upon a definite policy, and Austin from the beginning devoted himself to making this a completely representative body. He feared that Texas was not yet strong enough to cope with Mexico, but could not give the peace-party any encouragement. On September 8 he spoke at a public dinner at Brazoria. He deplored the existing confusion, which he attributed to the “total want of a local government in Texas”; he declared that the revolution in Mexico was for the purpose of destroying the federal constitution of 1824 and setting up a centralized government; that the people had a right to say whether they were willing to surrender their vested constitutional rights, which such a change involved; and that a consultation would enable them to answer the question with calmness and deliberation. While Santa Anna had repeatedly called himself the friend of the Texans and promised to use his influence to secure for them in the new constitution “a special organization suited to their education, habits, and situation,” Austin plainly put little faith in his promise. He closed his speech with these words:
My friends, I can truely say that no one has been, or now is more anxious than myself to keep trouble away from this country, no one has been or now is more faithful to his duty as a Mexican citizen, and no one has personally sacrificed or suffered more to discharge this duty. I have uniformly opposed having anything to do with the family political quarrels of the Mexicans. Texas needs peace and a local Government; its inhabitants are farmers, they need a calm and quiet life. But ... the crisis is certainly such as to bring it home to the judgement of every man that something must be done and that without delay. ... Let all personalities, or divisions, or excitements, or passions, or violence be banished from among us. Let a general Consultation of the people of Texas be convened as speedily as possible, to be composed of the best, the most calm, and intelligent, and firm men in the country, and let them decide what representations ought to be made to the general government, and what ought to be done in the future. 38
Four days later (September 12) Austin presided over a meeting at San Felipe which endorsed the consultation and elected him a member of the local committee of vigilance and correspondence. 39 Thereafter he was the recognized head of Texas, hearing reports, answering questions, offering suggestions, and even issuing orders that were obeyed He turned first to the task of ensuring the consultation, and a circular letter of September 13 shows that he interpreted the meaning of the word literally—the delegates were to consult and recommend measures for the definitive action of a subsequent convention. Measures advised by such a meeting would “carry with them the weight of being the voice of all Texas instead of the opinion of a few,” and could not fail “to produce unanimity at home, respect and confidence abroad.” 40 Less than a week later. however, he had received information which caused him to advise that delegates be given plenary powers “to do whatever may be necessary for the good of the country.” 41
Soon the march of events forced a war note into the correspondence which was not long in excluding everything else. Edward Gritten wrote from Bexar that troops would march into the colonies and put things to rights whether the Texans submitted or not, 42 and Austin made this letter the basis of a broadside of September 19, 43 in which he said that nothing was to be gained by further conciliatory measures; that every district ought to organize its militia and report its strength in arms and ammunition to the political chief of the department, so that he could lay it before the consultation; and concluded “War is our only resource.” The next day he wrote W. D. C. Hall that Cos “lays down the principle that the General Government have the right to force us to submit to any reform or amendment or alterations that Congress may make in the Constitution etc. This is impossible; we had better leave the country at once, for we should be, under Cos' doctrine, without any rights or guaranties of any kind. I therefore think that war is inevitable; we must prepare.” 44 In similar vein on the same day he wrote to P. W. Grayson, and this letter shows that the responsibility of his position was beginning to tell upon him. He seemed uncertain whether the people would agree with him. “Tell me,” he begged, “what we can do except to fight ... Give me your opinion and that of the people of that quarter. These things have come on us much sooner than I expected, ... but there is no remedy that I can see. Cos has precipitated them.” 45 But if he hesitated, it was not for long; on the 21st he wrote the committee of Columbia, “There must now be no half way measures—War in full. The sword is drawn and the scabbard must be put on one side until the military are all driven out of Texas.” 46 And on the 22d a ringing call urged every man in Texas to seize his weapons and defend his country and his rights. 47 A busy correspondence of this type was kept up 48 until the first blow had been struck and it was no longer a question of whether there should be war, but of how the war should be carried on.
A contemporary appreciation of Austin's influence by one who did not always agree with him is afforded by a letter to him from W. B. Travis. The latter said:
War in defence of Texas and our dearest rights has infused itself into the minds of the people, and I think it will require but little exertion to get troops together for the promotion of any project which you recommend. All eyes are turned toward you; and the . . . stand you have taken has given the sovereigns confidence in themselves. Texas can be wielded by you and you alone; and her destiny is now completely in your hands. I have every confidence that you will guide us safely through all our perils. 49
Austin himself explained his position to his friend Thomas F. McKinney thus:
I believe you know and understand the principles that have always influenced me. I was in times past opposed to mixing war measures with our affairs—we were then at peace and a calm was all important to draw immigration to the country. At that time no important fundamental or permanent right or principle was attacked. I was therefore for peace in full, no half way measures.
I acquiesced in some, but reluctantly as is well known . . .
Now our position is quite different—our all is at stake, it is even a question of life or death . . . I now believe that our rights are attacked and that war is our only remedy. I am therefore for war in full, and no half way measures. 50
A letter of September 30 to Perry 51 shows that Austin realized that the present trouble might lead to independence: “The foundation of a govt. (perhaps of a nation) is to be sketched out—the dayly progress of events is to [be] watched over, and public sentiment kept from going too fast or too slow.” But he did not yet believe that Texas was strong enough to stand alone. At the out-break of hostilities (October 2) he was called to command the army, and from his camp at Salado, October 25, he wrote a memorandum to guide the action of the consultation which had been postponed to November 1. In his opinion it ought to issue a statement confirming the declaration of the recent municipal meetings in favor of the constitution of 1824; to declare Texas a state of the Mexican confederation, and organize a government with a provisional governor and lieutenant-governor; to retain provisionally the existing laws and constitution of Coahuila and Texas; to pledge the resources of the state for funds to maintain the war in defence of the federal system; to raise a small regular army and organize the militia; to make peace with the Indians, annul fraudulent land grants, and establish a messenger service. “Anything beyond this, like forming a new constitution &c would do harm, and possibly produce great confusion.” He thought that if there had been “too much precipitation heretofore, it ought to be a lesson to avoid that error in future.” 52 The substance of this was embodied by the consultation in the declaration of November 7. 53
But Austin had no intention of sacrificing principle to expediency, and after seeing a copy of the decree of the Mexican Congress which on October 3 abolished the federal system he wrote a very strong letter to the provisional government. The volunteers at Bexar were fighting, he said, to sustain the constitution of 1824, but if the decree of October 3 were carried into effect “and a central and despotic government established where all authority is to be concentrated in one person or in a few persons in the City of Mexico, sustained by military and ecclesiastical power, the volunteer army will also in that event do their duty to their country—to the cause of Liberty and themselves, as honor, patriotism, and the first law of nature may require.” Certainly a people have the right to change their government, but it must be done legally and constitutionally, otherwise they cannot force a portion of the people who oppose it to accept the change.
However necessary then the basis established by the decree of 3d of October may be to prevent civil wars and anarchy in other parts of Mexico, it is attempted to be effected by force and unconstitutional means. However beneficial it may be to some parts of Mexico, it would be ruinous to Texas. . . . if carried into effect, [it] evidently leaves no remedy for Texas but resistance, secession from Mexico and a direct resort to natural right.
Concerning his own position he said:
I have labored for years to unite Texas permanently to the Mexican confederation by separating its local government and internal administration so far as practicable from every other part of Mexico, and placing it in the hands of the people of Texas, who are certainly best acquainted with their own local wants and could best harmonize in legislating for them. . . . This country must either be a state of the Mexican confederation or must separate in toto as an independent community or seek protection from some power that recognizes the principles of self government. I can see no remedy between one of these three positions and total ruin. 54
On December 3 at the request of D. C. Barrett, a member of the provisional government, Austin prepared a lengthy opinion on the subject of a new and more completely representative convention. He thought that one should meet as soon as possible to adopt a more definite position than that defined by the declaration of November 7; 55 the Texans should declare unequivocally either for the constitution of 1824 or for absolute independence, so that no doubt could remain of their real intentions. He still favored the former of these positions in the hope of drawing the Mexican Liberals to their assistance; 56 and his opinion was strengthened and given great weight by the fact that Captain Julian Miracle was then at San Felipe asking the intentions of the Texans and promising cooperation by the Liberals of Tamaulipas and Nuevo León if their object was to uphold the constitution of 1824. 57 Austin helped to draft a statement giving the proper assurances to Miracle, and on the 11th wrote to the president of the general council urging the adoption of a constitution and the organization of a permanent government “in conformity with the Declaration of 7 November last, especially with the 5th article, 58 and without making any change in the principles of that declaration.” This, he thought, could be done only by a new convention elected on the basis of equal representation. 59
Immediately after writing this letter Austin left San Felipe for Velasco whence he was to embark as one of three commissioners to enlist sympathy and raise funds for Texas in the United States. On his way he met Colonel Mexía who was returning from his disastrous expedition to Tampico and who still had great plans for the overthrow of Santa Anna and the restoration of republicanism. He showed Austin a number of letters from important persons in Mexico who promised aid, and Austin became more confident that the November declaration outlined the proper policy for Texas. From Columbia he wrote to the provisional government on December 14, 60
I am more and more convinced every day, and especially, on calm reflection during a solitary ride down here, that the political position of Texas should continue as established by the declaration of 7th Novr. last. This declaration secures to Texas everything, and without any hazard, for it satisfies the federal party, and is sufficient to secure their support and co-operation. Should the federal system fall, the 5th article is a declaration of independence as a matter of course.
A change to the basis of independence now might create an impression of indecision and unstableness abroad and would certainly forfeit the support of the Federalists. “Texas ought therefore to adhere rigidly and firmly to the declaration of 7 Novr. and the public acts should correspond with it, in words and in object.” From Velasco, a week later, he wrote another extremely interesting letter which deserves quotation in full.
Velasco Decr. 22. 1835.
The best interest of Texas I think requires that the war should be kept out of this country and beyond the Rio Grande. On this principle I was in favor of fitting out Col Gonzales and did every thing I could to do so. I was, and am in favor of giving to Genl. Mexia and his men what aid we could, and generally of affording assistance to the federal party in the interior by such auxiliary forces as we could spare. I have been and am opposed to any measures that will give the general govt. in Mexico any foundation to say that the Texas war, is purely a national war against foreigners and foreign invaders—In short I have thought, and still think that Texas should rigidly adhere to the leading principles of the declaration of 7 Novr. last. By so doing we preserve our character for consistency and good faith.
I will here observe, that in my communication to the provisional govt. of 2d. instant recommending the convocation of a convention on the basis of equal representation, I objected to the declaration of 7 Novr. as being liable to [mis]construction. Perhaps I ought to state the extent and nature of my objection—it is this—The declaration does not declare Texas to be a state of the Mexican confederation, which I think it ought to have done, subject however to all the other provisions and principles established in it—This would have given a fixed and definite character to the political position of Texas and concentrated public opinion, and at the same time left her the option of reuniting with Mexico or not hereafter, according as the federal constitution when reestablished conformed or not to the republican principles of the federal system, for it is to be remembered that the declaration of 7 Novr. does not adhere to all the anti-republican features and defects of the constitution of 1824, it only adheres to its republican principles and to the federal system.
It is well known that the object of the federal party of Mexico at this time is to reform the constitution of 1824 so as to expunge all its anti-republican principles. Our declaration of 7 Novr. in this respect is therefore in strict conformity with the basis on which the federal party are acting.
But it is objected that Texas cannot declare herself a “state of the Mexican confederation, unless she does so under the constitution of 1824 with all its defects &c. To this I answer, that, the disposition of the social compact and the present political situation of all Mexico, gives to Texas the right of declaring herself an independent community—This being the case she certainly has the right to do much less, that is, to say she will continue united with the Mexican confederation, provided the federal party succeed in reestablishing the federal system on truly republican principles, free from the defects of the constitution of 1824, at the same time offering her aid to that party to effect this object.
As to independence—I think it will strengthen the cause of Texas to show that we have legal and equitable and just grounds to declare independence, and under this view I touched upon this subject in my communication to the provisional Govt. of the 30th ultimo. But I also think that it will weaken Texas, and expose the old settlers and men of property in this country to much risk, to make such a declaration at this time, and under the present circumstances, for the reason that it will turn all parties in Mexico against us—bring back the war to our own doors, which is now removed from Texas by the fall of Bexar, and compel the people to seek aid at any sacrifice—I do not think it necessary to run any such risk, for the natural current of events will soon regulate everything. A large portion of the Mexicans are determined to be free, if they succeed, Texas will participate as a state in conformity with the declaration of 7 Novr.—if they fail, Texas can at any time resort to her natural rights.
[A paragraph here omitted speaks of the arrival of volunteers from the United States, and advises the formation of “a federal auxiliary army.”]
I write this letter as a citizen of Texas, and not as a Commissioner—I give my opinions frankly and refer you to Col. Fannin for a farther explanation of them. ...
Respectfully Your Obt. Servt. S. F. Austin. To the Provisional Government of Texas. 61
This is Austin's final word before leaving Texas. It is certainly distinctly pronounced in favor of the November declaration; but notice carefully that adherence to Mexico is based on a very definite condition—namely, the maintenance of democratic government with considerable local power in the states, of which Texas must be one in its own right. The Mexican Liberals were, in fact, a broken reed, and when Austin wrote this letter most members of the provisional government were beginning to realize it. By the middle of January the hope of assistance from them had been abandoned. 62
The first expression that I have found from Austin after his arrival in New Orleans is a letter of January 7, 1836, to General Sam Houston. 63 In this he said that he was now in favor of an immediate declaration of independence; he had felt when he left Texas that it was premature to stir that question because it would at once give the war a national, racial character, and he was not sure that the Texans would be sustained (presumably by the people of the United States). He now knew that they could get all the aid that was needed; moreover, he had not only not heard of any movement on the part of the Federalists to assist them, but rather that all parties were united against them. The provisional government might have some cause for encouragement of which he did not know, but in the face of such information as he had before him he was for a declaration of independence. If his position had hitherto been disingenuous the first two paragraphs of this letter afford an ample justification:
In all our Texas affairs, as you are well apprised, I have felt it to be my duty to be very cautious in involving the pioneers and actual settlers of that country, by any act of mine, until I was fully and clearly convinced of its necessity, and of the capabilities of our resources to sustain it. Hence it is that I have been censured by some for being over cautious. Where the fate of a whole people is in question, it is difficult to be over cautious, or to be too prudent.
Besides these general considerations, there are others which ought to have weight with me individually. I have been, either directly or indirectly, the cause of drawing many families to Texas, also the situation and circumstances in which I have been placed have given considerable weight to my opinions. This has thrown a heavy responsibility upon me—so much so, that I have considered it to be my duty to be prudent, and even to control my own impulses and feelings: these have long been impatient under the state of things which has existed in Texas, and in favour of a speedy and radical change. But I have never approved of the course of forestalling public opinion, by party or partial meetings or by management of any kind. The true course is to lay facts before the people and let them judge for themselves. I have endeavoured to pursue this course. . . .
Henceforth, having finally laid his course, Austin looked not backward. 64 He did not escape contemporary criticism and charges of vacillation, for R. R. Royall wrote: “I must acknowledge he changes with great rapidity. If he could send us the men, money, and provisions with half as much rapidity we could Declare for any policy we pleased and maintain it.” 65 While his old friend Thomas F. McKinney wrote him that they must at last part company in politics; “I am now fully convinced that you cannot be anything else but an injury to your country when you have influence.” 66 But with the mass of the people his opinion carried weight, and did much to unite them in favor of that declaration of independence which the convention adopted on March 2, 1836.
Local students of Texas history have usually resented any imputation that Austin was disloyal to Mexico, but from the foregoing study it appears that his guiding motive was fidelity to Texas rather than to Mexico. For a long time he perceived in loyalty to Mexico the true interest of Texas—and it is pleasant to believe that he would have been glad to have it always so, 67—but when few intelligent observers thought this longer possible, and Austin himself became convinced of it, he turned the whole weight of his influence to uniting the people in opposition to the government. He could not have prevented the Texas revolution if he had tried, because Santa Anna in 1835 was determined upon measures to which the Texans would not have submitted; he did not hasten it because the Mexican troops that precipitated the revolution were already in the country when he returned from his long detention in Mexico; what he did do was to prepare the people in some degree to meet the inevitable, approaching danger. The clash of arms necessitated the organization of a provisional government in Texas, and by Austin's influence it issued a declaration on November 7, 1835, in favor of the Mexican constitution of 1824. Probably loyalty to Mexico not less than expediency for Texas dictated this measure. There is grave doubt whether at that time the majority of the Texans would have acquiesced in a declaration of independence, and moreover, many Mexican Republicans were opposed to Santa Anna's centralization of the government and a declaration such as that of November 7 might draw their support to Texas; if they won, and succeeded in maintaining a republican government, the Texans would be content. During the winter, however, it became increasingly evident that help was not to be expected from the Mexican Liberals; the public tone hardened; and Austin, with William H. Wharton and Branch T. Archer, was sent to the United States to negotiate a loan and solicit assistance. At New Orleans he found capitalists unwilling to advance money unless Texas would declare independence. The declaration of November 7 had failed to bring Mexican support, and repelled the Americans. The time had clearly arrived to sever Texas in its own interest from the Mexican system, and from January, 1836, until March 2 Austin was one of the most outspoken advocates of independence.
On the seventh day of January, 1836, at San Patricio de las Nueces, I enlisted in Captain Westover's battery (the first company of regular artillery in the Texas army). Our command was soon after ordered to Goliad, where it was incorporated with the forces commanded by Colonel Fannin. Colonels Bowie and Crockett, 69 then in command of the Alamo, sent a courier to Colonel Fannin in the latter part of February, asking him for reinforcements. A hundred men 70 were at once detailed, and had crossed the San Antonio river on their way to the assistance of the doomed garrison, when they were recalled on account of a report brought in by a scout named “Comanche,” of the advance of the Mexican army under General Urrea, toward San Patricio. The main body of the enemy, under Santa Ana, had marched directly from Laredo upon San Antonio. Our commander, by the advice of “Comanche,” determined to march to San Patricio, leaving one company in garrison at Goliad. The character of the scout was notoriously bad, and Colonel Fannin was informed of the fact, but gave no heed to the warning, although two of us volunteered to go to San Patricio and ascertain the truth of the report. Three days' rations were distributed, and everything was in readiness to commence the march the next morning, when an American named Ayres arrived from the Old Mission, some fifteen miles distant in the direction of San Patricio, and brought reliable news of the arrival of the Mexicans at that place, and of their maltreating all Americans there, bearing themselves with special insolence toward the women. Colonel Fannin immediately despatched Captain King with a party of twenty men to remove all American women and children to our fort. Captain King was surrounded by a superior force of the enemy, but cut his way through them and retreated to the Old Mission Church, from which point he sent a messenger to Colonel Fannin, stating his position and asking for reinforcements. Fannin sent Colonel Ward, with his Georgia Battalion, to King's assistance. On Ward's arrival at the Mission Church, a difference of opinion arose as to who should command the whole force. Not being able to come to any agreement, they separated; Ward retreating in a southeasterly direction for some distance, and then striking for the San Antonio river with the intention of joining us. King got out of the church, and after a skirmish with the Mexicans, retreated on the direct road to Goliad. He and his men were taken prisoners, tied together with rawhide, and shot immediately. We heard of the surrender and killing of King and his men, and the retreat of Colonel Ward in the direction above mentioned, and were in daily expectation of Ward's command arriving at Goliad. About the 8th or 9th of March we heard of the fall of the Alamo and the killing of Colonels Bowie and Crockett and all their men. Colonels Bowie and Crockett having refused all propositions for surrender or capitulation, the garrison held out until reduced to seven men, who asked for quarter and were refused. 71 On the 17th of March the enemy appeared on the opposite side of the river. We sent over a skirmishing party of one company (under Captain Shackelford's command, I think), who had an engagement with the enemy, we watching from the ramparts with the most intense anxiety. 72 They were recalled by Colonel Fannin, after the enemy's retreat to the Old Mission Church. On the following day the enemy appeared in force at the same place, and orders were given by Colonel Fannin to bake bread sufficient for several days, and carry dried beef sufficient for the same length of time. The guns were taken down from the bastions, and orders were also given to be ready to march before daylight in the morning. From cause unknown to me, we did not evacuate the fort until between 8 and 9 o'clock next morning. We marched down the river and crossed at a ford below, which was effected without difficulty. Our object in crossing at the lower instead of the upper ford in front of the Old Mission, was to avoid, if possible, an action with the enemy (he outnumbering us at least six to one), and to get into the interior of Texas and join Houston's army. We continued our march until we crossed a creek called Manawee [Manahuilla], distant from the crossing about three miles. We traveled slowly, our cannon and baggage wagons being drawn by oxen. A halt was called and we ate some breakfast.
After breakfast, the march was continued; nothing new transpiring until about half past twelve o'clock; the Mexican army was then descried on our left and rear; their cavalry approached us rapidly, seemingly with the intention of cutting us off from the timber of the Colet creek; they fired a few shots at us, when Colonel Fannin exclaimed (I was standing close by him at the time), “that's the signal for battle; I won't retreat another foot.” We then unlimbered our pieces, being six in number, formed ourselves into a hollow square, placing the baggage wagons, hospital wagon and magazine in the centre; we remained in this position five or ten minutes, when Colonel Fannin, seeing clearly the main object of the enemy was to cut us off from the timber, ordered us to limber up again and continue the march. We left the road, marching in an oblique direction to the left toward the nearest timber; when within as well as I can recollect, three-quarters or one mile of the timber, the enemy's infantry overtook us and we were obliged to halt. We formed as previously, our little force then not numbering more than 311 men, maintained an action from half past one o'clock, P. M., and fought until near dark, when the enemy retreated, leaving twenty-five of us killed and wounded. I had been shot in the right leg at about halt past three in the afternoon. Our real trouble commenced after the retreat of the enemy, and arose principally from the want of water, from which the wounded especially suffered severely. A few of our men dug for water while the rest were throwing up intrenchments, as we expected to renew the battle on the following day. In the fight just finished we had killed our oxen and used the carcasses for breastworks. I lay that night near Colonel Fannin, who had been slightly wounded in the thigh. I remember his good-naturedly offering me his “good leg for a pillow.” In the morning the Mexicans again advanced, largely reinforced from General Santa Ana's division, and well supplied with artillery. After firing a few round shot, all of which passed over our heads, they hoisted a white flag, which we answered. A consultation of officers was held, at which it was concluded to capitulate, as preferable to attempting to prolong a hopeless struggle. Our wounded men were on our hands, and suffering; we had no means of caring for them, and Colonel Fannin strongly expressed his determination not to abandon them. Two officers from each army then met in parley and agreed upon articles of capitulation, guaranteeing our lives and personal property. We agreed to give up all government property in our possession, and to remain prisoners of war until honorably exchanged or sent to the United States, upon parole never to return to Texas. These articles were signed by both parties, and the surrender was completed. Those of our command able to march were at once taken to Goliad, the wounded waiting two or three days for Mexican carts. Our sufferings were intense, on account of the heat of the sun, thirst, and want of medical attendance. Upon our arrival at Goliad we—the wounded—were placed in the hospital; the rest of the command was guarded in the yard of the fort. Just one week after the surrender, all the wounded men were marched out of the fort in separate divisions and shot. Soon after, a Mexican officer came into the hospital, and ordered me to tell all those able to walk to go outside. I interpreted for him, and the men commenced gathering up their blankets. In the meantime, four Mexican soldiers came in and began to carry out those who were too severely wounded to walk. I was assisted by two comrades who were but slightly wounded. As we passed the door, an officer told me we were all to be shot. This I told the men. The wounded were placed in the corner of the yard upon which the church door fronts. A company of soldiers formed in front of us and loaded their pieces with ball cartridge. Then a file of men under a corporal took two of our number, marched them out toward the company, and after bandaging their eyes, made them lie with their faces to the ground, after which, placing the muzzles close to their heads, they shot them as they lay. At this time an officer, apparently of distinction, came into the yard and asked in a loud voice, in English, whether any one named Boyle was there or not. I was near him as he entered, and answered at once. He then ordered an officer to take me to the officers' hospital and have my wound attended to, saying that he would call upon me there. When I arrived at the hospital the Mexican officers seemed kindly disposed to me, and gave me a pair of “armas de pelo” to lie on. Mr. Brooks, Aid to Colonel Fannin, was there at the time, with his thigh badly shattered near the hip. I found him entirely ignorant of what had been going on. Upon being informed he said, “I suppose it will be our turn next.” In less than five minutes four Mexicans carried him out, cot and all, placed him in the street not fifteen feet from the door, in a position in which I could not avoid seeing him, and there shot him. 73 His body was instantly rifled of his gold watch, stripped, and thrown into a pit at the side of the street. Colonel Ward and his command, who had been captured between the Lavaca and Navidad rivers a few days after our surrender, were also shot. The whole number of men thus barbarously executed was, according to Mexican report, four hundred and seventeen. 74
A few hours after the murder of Mr. Brooks, the officer who had asked for me in the yard came into the hospital. Addressing me in English he said: “Make your mind easy, Sir; your life is spared.” I asked if I might inquire the name of the person to whom I was indebted for my life. “Certainly,” said he, “my name is General Francisco Garay, second in command of Urrea's division.” He had taken my name and description from my sister, Mary, at whose house he had been quartered while his division occupied San Patricio, and by whom and my brother Roderick he had been kindly treated. She and my brother had refused all remuneration from him, only asking that if I should ever fall into his hands I should be kindly treated. The General informed me that he himself was on the eve of departure to join General Urrea, but that he had given orders to General Portillo, commandant of the garrison, to furnish me a passport whenever I should call for it. With this he took his leave. The passport was obtained without difficulty in pursuance of the order given by General Garay, and I secured passage in an ox-cart to the Mission and thence to San Patricio, where I remained. We knew nothing of the battle of San Jacinto until about the 28th of April, although we had noticed Mexican troops traveling towards the Rio Grande. A dragoon rode up one day and asked me to sell him two bits' worth of dried meat; I offered to give him all the meat he might want if he would answer a few questions. He consented, and I learned for the first time that a battle had been fought on the 21st near San Jacinto Creek, and that the result had been disastrous to the invading army; that General Santa Ana had been taken prisoner, and that the Americans had seemed inclined to give no quarter, charging with the cry of “Alamo and Fannin.” The remains of the Mexican forces engaged, as well as General Urrea's division, which had been stationed at Brazoria, were in full retreat. The effect of such glad news upon my feelings may be imagined. General Garay arrived a few days afterwards, and called to see us as he passed hastily through town. At his request, I accompanied him to Matamoras. Upon arriving there, he explained that stringent orders had been given to the effect that no American, who had been at any time a prisoner in Mexican hands, should be suffered to remain in Texas. He also informed me that all prisoners were to be closely confined, but that he would allow me the freedom of the city, upon my giving my parole not to attempt to escape. About three weeks afterward, the General invited me to accompany him to the City of Mexico, stating that I should no longer be considered as a prisoner, in case I accepted his offer, which was accompanied with the most profuse offers of friendship and assistance. Notwithstanding the gratitude which I naturally felt toward the preserver of my own life, I was compelled to decline, on account of my anxiety to see my relatives in the United States. At my urgent solicitation, General Garay then released me from my parole, and left me free to control my own movements. I concluded to start on foot for Brazos Santiago, but experienced great difficulty in procuring from the alcalde the necessary permit to leave the city. I was afraid to apply to him directly, and all the American and Irish residents strongly remonstrated against my doing so. I finally succeeded in passing myself as the son of an old Irishman who had obtained a passport for New Orleans, and had myself included in it; afterwards I had a separate document made out for myself. The next day I took passage on a brig at Brazos Santiago, and six days after, landed at New Orleans. I at once visited the Texas Consul in that city, Mr. Bryan, 75 but found that he could do for me nothing more than to furnish a free pass to Texas. Being out of money and in rags, I was compelled to seek employment. I engaged with a painter for two dollars and a half a day, and went to work painting St. Mary's Market, though I had never painted except in water colors. I worked eleven days, at the expiration of which time I drew my money, purchased some clothes, and accepted Mr. Bryan's offer. He procured me passage on a schooner for the mouth of the Brazos river, where I landed in a few days. General Burnet, the first President of the Republic of Texas, then living at Velasco, gave me a letter to General Rusk, at that time commanding the army on the Guadalupe River. I walked to General Rusk's camp, a distance of a hundred and fifty miles, in five days. He was in daily expectation of the advance of the Mexicans, but excused me, on account of my impaired health, from further service in the army. I had a severe attack of fever and ague in Victoria, where General Rusk's head-quarters were. As soon as I recovered, I went to Columbia, then the seat of government, and obtained a passport for New Orleans.
Los Angeles, December 15th, 1870.
The three accounts of the capture and imprisonment of the Bexar and Dawson prisoners presented below, it is believed, have not been printed before. They appear to have been written independently of each other. The earliest to be completed is Neill's, dated January 29, 1843. Hutchinson's Diary terminates July 10, 1843. William E. Jones wrote his narrative, it is supposed, at the request of Ex-President Lamar, on February 1, 1844. None of the accounts embraces the entire period of the captivity of these prisoners. Neill escaped December 14, 1842. Hutchinson and Jones were liberated March 29, 1843. The majority of the prisoners remained in capitivity at Perote until March 23, 1844. Some facts concerning them are narrated by Thomas J. Green (Journal of the Texian Expedition against Mier). Green was their fellow prisoner at Perote from March 25, 1843, until he effected his escape on July 2 following. Additional items may be gleaned from William Preston Stapp (Prisoners of Perote). Stapp was confined at Perote from September 21, 1843, until May 14, 1844. Two of the Dawson prisoners, Joseph C. Robinson and Milvern Harrell, have written brief accounts of their captivity. Robinson's account appeared in the Texas Monument (La Grange,) of August 27 and September 3 and 10, 1851, and should be distinguished from his account of Dawson's massacre, which has been frequently printed. Harrell's reminiscences were printed in the Dallas News, June 16, 1907.
The fate of the Bexar Prisoners was a peculiarly severe one. Among them were men of talent and high respectability. Many were heads of families, and away from home when made prisoners. None anticipated or had prepared for the captivity into which he was dragged. They have not received the attention in the past that their case merits. The Santa Fé expedition and the Mier expedition had each its chronicler; the sufferings of those who took part in them are well known. The Santa Fé prisoners were taken in December, 1841, and released in June, 1842; the Mier prisoners surrendered December 26, 1842, and remained in confinement until September, 1844. The Bexar prisoners suffered the same hardships and endured a period of captivity only two months shorter than that undergone by the Mier prisoners. When they were released it was upon their oath that they would not bear arms again in the contest between Texas and Mexico.
Their case is stated as follows by one of the Mier prisoners: “An unoffending and peaceable class of citizens, engaged in the prosecution of civil and domestic pursuits, they had been surprised in their distant homes by a cowardly and marauding banditti, and torn from their families and fireside-altars to grace the triumph or their craven captor. Since they have been detained by the dictator in his dungeons for sixteen months, without other warrant than his own love of tyranny and inhumanity. For every pound of fetters we wore, a Mexican soldier's life had already atoned. But no widow or orphan's wail appealed to the vengeance of their country against a solitary individual of this unfortunate corps. They had scarcely resisted when assailed, been submissive and subordinate on their march, and during their imprisonment, and yet had been made to endure enormities which the pen recoils from inditing.” (Stapp, Prisoners of Perote, 122.)
The fact that some of Captain Dawson's men were made prisoners is almost forgotten. The news of the capture of San Antonio by General Woll was a call for the gathering of companies of frontiersmen in the valleys of the Guadalupe and the Colorado. They united under the leadership of Colonel Caldwell, “Old Paint,” who had only recently returned from imprisonment in Mexico, having been a member of the Santa Fé expedition. He planned to punish the Mexican invader and to liberate the Texan prisoners at San Antonio. On Sunday, September 18, General Woll was led to attack the Texans in their position on the Salado, and was repulsed with severe loss. Unfortunately, about the time the Mexican force was withdrawing, Captain Dawson with his company from Fayette county came upon the Mexicans on the side farthest from Colonel Caldwell's position. The company was entrapped; two-thirds of their number were slain, fifteen made prisoners, and only two escaped. From what they saw of the enemy's vengeance those who escaped concluded that nearly if not quite all were killed. Their reports were the first to be received, and have been followed by some of the later writers.
Monday Sep 5, 1842 Opened the District Court of Bexar No invasion expected. The third treaty between England and Texas having been ratified stipulating intervention for the recognition of Texas by Mexico; and the U. States government having requested that of Texas to suspend hostilities against Mexico with a view to its cooperation—peace was believed inevitable.
Friday 9. Late at night Antonio Parez warned John W Smith in confidence of the approach of 1500 Mexicans
Saturday 10. A public meeting—myself presiding—report discussed—and generally discredited. The Mexican citizens—100 under Salvador Flores—and the Americans 75 under C. Johnson—formed and appointed Hays to command the whole. Hays and six 77 others started as scouts, directing us to remain until some one or more returned. The Mexicans sent out three 78 commissioners. Late in the evening one of the Mexican comrs reported 100 horses some distance north of the Presidio road. These were believed to be the whole force of a marrauding band.
Sunday 11th. at break of day and under a dense fog Gen Woll advanced into the military square firing a gun and with music in front, having surrounded the town with his cavalry and posted Cordova and his Cherokees at the passes to the alamo. Awakened by the gun I hastened from Callaghan's, where I slept on my arms, to Maverick's corner, the point where Johnson's company were stationed and which had been hastily fortified the day preceding. No object could be seen; but Johnson ordered his men to fire toward the music down the street to Callaghan's house. Flores' company also fired. At this moment Manshaca, who was the only Mexican in our company, cried out that our d—d Mexican friends had retreated. Woll's infantry and artillery opened a heavy discharge on Mavrick's corner—and he endeavored to enter the government square; but a destructive fire from our corner threw his column into disorder and it retired and took shelter behind the eastern line of the military square. Johnson ordered his son to open the back and front doors of his house on the north front of the government square with a view to charge through it upon the artillery—and had given the proposition to charge—when a white flag was seen followed by Corasco—who stated that Woll with 2000, the van of a large army, had invested the place and that he gave us an half hour to treat for surrender. Jones, Maverick, Van Ness and Peterson were sent to him as Comrs. They agreed to surrender as prisoners of war—our lives and property (arms excepted) to be spared and secured. Informed of the mistake under which we had resisted, he admitted he was satisfied of it, and but for the mischief done—(some 30 killed and wounded) he would permit us to disperse, but that we should be treated as gentlemen. Fifty-five surrendered. Callaghan, McClellan, Johnson's son and Manchaca were released before the 15th. 79 The Mexican company was not even taken as prisoners, but permitted to return to their houses. On the day previous a courier was dispatched to the Guadalupe with a letter drawn by me and signed by some three others requesting 110 men to our aid. 80
Sep. 12. Miller's letter tendering dept of State—not recd. 81
Sep 13. An interview with Gen Woll of some two hours duration at his quarters. He received me with much courtesy. Spoke of his own personal history as connected with the campaign into Texas in '35-6—stated he had convinced Santa Anna of the fatal impropriety of the order to shoot Fannin and his men; but the order had departed and could not be recalled—that now, since the recognition of Texas by other nations, the war would be conducted in all things according to the usages of civilized warfare—that Houston had slandered him in his letter to Santa Anna etc—that in regard to the mistake alledged by us he was satisfied we did not expect an invading army, because he had rendered it impossible for us to discover his approach by opening for himself a road thro' the wilderness north of the Presidio road. I claimed release as a civil officer. He said he would write to Gen Reyes, recommending my discharge—and that on my way to San Fernando I should be treated with every attention and kindness suitable to my office. He said repeatedly he had no doubt of my release by Gen Reyes, whom he stated had full power to do so as the commander of the Northern Army of Operation. He said he would write for my release to Gen Santa Anna also.
Sep 14th W. D. Miller's 2d letter asking me to take the State Department. 82
Sep 15. Thursday. Left San Antonio under a strong guard commanded by Cap Posas, an ignorant man who had risen from the ranks after near 30 years' service. On passing the window occupied by Gen: Woll he called to me to ride up. He, in English, before the crowd that filled the square, assured me he had written on my behalf as he had promised and that he had sent along a confidential officer to see that the prisoners should be well treated and myself in particular. Prior to leaving San Antonio I drew another letter, signed by myself and some three or four others, as a committee, addressed to the citizens on the Guadalupe and Colorado, informing them of our capture and the terms of surrender etc. 83 Camped 4 m. West of the town.
16th. Heard a salute fired at Bexar—[was] told it was to celebrate the battle of Tampico—marched 28 or 30 miles and camped on a hill on the right bank of the Modena. 84 A consultation: 85 but the proposition rejected; there being several of the company desirous to avail of the opportunity of being taken into Mexico—there to remain! Distrust prevailed—and multiplied its objects too unduly. If any ten had made the onset it would have been carried.
17th. Rested on the arroya Honda. Cap. Luis Vidal, the General's aid and the superintending officer, finding me exhausted, made a tent for me, gave me of his rice and assured me of his friendship. Reached the arroya Seco. 30 miles.
Sep 18. A few miles after starting, Cunningham fell from his horse. The fever contracted at Houston had assumed a congestive type. We insisted that Booker or McCay 86 should be left to attend him. Refused. He was buried on the Leona. 87 Camped this night on the right bank of the rio Frio. This day Woll attacked Caldwell on the Salado and was defeated. Bradley and 9 others captured in the afternoon. 88 500 and artillery agt 53 in an open plain. all of the 53 killed except 13. 89 At San Antonio on the 11th and in these affairs this day they lost in killed and wounded and otherwise near 400—as afterward ascertained. Camped on the rio Frio—right bank. 30 m
19th At lake Espantosa. 25 m
20. Crossed the Nueces. Camped in Chaperal plain 28 [miles]
21. At Cueva creek. 25 m. Mrs. H. to Gen Terrell 90
22. Crossed Rio Bravo in two large canoes—probably those used by Woll in crossing at the same point. He was 9 days in crossing. We camped on the right bank in a coral! Lt. Elihu Rodiriguez assisted me in the passage—kind and generous—a warm hearted fellow that should be regarded and cherished by gentlemen all over the world.
Day clear—bathed in the river with Rodoriguez.
23. Reached the Presidio Rio Grande—a town not so large as San Antonio about 6 m. below the crossing. It is built entirely of adobies.
On entering the village our ears were on each side pierced with the screams of the wives of the Presidiales whose husbands had fallen.
25th Mrs H. left old Mrs. Jones'. 91
27th. We passed on to the village of Nava—going up the Rio Grande toward San Fernando—thro' a bountiful and rich plain, well watered. Supped with the alcalde Garcia.
28th. About 12 oclock, noon, entered San Fernando—a town about the size of San Antonio de Bexar, but built of mud—the present head quarters of Major Genl Reyes. Here too we heard the cries of grief for husbands and friends slain in battle.
Octo 2. Sunday. Reyes came to our prison—received our verbal address—received also a statement of the facts of our resistance and surrender and thro Folac, his interpreter, promised to send the document to Santa Anna with his favorable recommendations. This Memorial was drawn by W. E. Jones and signed by him and Maverick, as the representatives of the crowd. Previously I had been taken to the house of Gen Cela, the Adjutant General (a Spaniard) to be entertained there during my (sojorn) at San Fernando; but I became satisfied that the Memorial contained an able and clear statement—such as ought to have been prepared and given.
Oct 3 Letter of Terrell and Houston to Mrs. Hutchinson 92
Oct 7. 93 (Friday) Being joined by Bradley and the nine 94 taken on the 18th Sep. we departed upon an official Diary for the city of Mexico. Gen Reyes embraced me saying he had written to S. A. for my release. Gen Cela the same etc. Cap: Vidal shed tears at leaving me.
On the day prior Van Ness, Fitzgerald and Hancock 95 were separated. Alas! the Santa Fé expedition.
Wrote to Mrs. H. and Gen Foote etc. 96
Gen Cela gave me a letter of favor to his female friend Dona Catalina Canal de Semarriego at San Miguel Ayenda of the 6th recommending me.
Lodged with the alcalde (Trevinio) at San Juan de Matas a hamlet in a rich irrigable plain. Rumors of a revolution—more rumor. Consulted.
8th. After a long day's march—slept in a bed of rocks—a severe norther. (A)
(A) About half of this days march was thro small hills perfectly barren. 25 miles. 97
9th. After marching some 30 miles we found ourselves in a coral on the bank of the Sabinas—a stream nearly as large as the rio Brazos. Revolted agt the coral. attempts!
10. Crossed the river. This river is fabled for its pearls. It is a deep rapid stream; and, of course, no opportunities of accurate observation were allowed.
11. Lodged at the hacienda de Alamos—a most miserable hamlet. (B)
(B). Where the palmeto tree was at the corner of the alcalde's house and where I urged escape. a rich well watered plain. a view of the Candela and Monclova mountains 30 m 98
12. Crossed a small deep rapid stream called the rio Salado and bore westward to the Gap of the Hermanas mountains—being the eastern verge of the grand Siera Madre Nighted at hacienda Enceros, remarkable for its 20,000 sheep. 20 m. (C)
(C) Altercation between Posas and the alcalde. beautiful fountain in which we bathed. Neill wrote to Santa Rosa. 98
13. At Hacienda las Hermanas—a large stone establishment belonging to Sanchez—among the mountains. This is indeed a large, strong and formidable square of massive stone apartments and towers, of recent erection—and forms a singular contrast to the dilapidations at every point we had previously passed (D) 18 m
(D) Next morning passed the hot spring about a mile beyond the place. 98
14. Hac[iend]a las Ajuntas. 15 m (E)
(E) A small town—a miserable place. 99
15th. Monclova—on the west foot of the largest mountain we had seen. Beautiful town! Full of friends. Musquis with whom I dined. Victor Blanco—his son Miguel Blanco. Baker etc etc etc!!!
Oct 17. village Castaño. 10 m
18. rancho Bajan, where Hidalgo was taken. 25 m
19. Tank San Felipe. In reaching it the long low mountain on our left always terminating and never ending. 30 m.
20. Rancho Anela. 20 m
21. Mesias—the robbers' ranch. a severe hail-storm 20 m
22. Passed thro the mountains to village capellanilla F.
(F) On this day's march crossed a creek repeatedly and passed thro a gorge of the mountains. 25 m reached the valley of Saltillo 98
23. Arrived at Saltillo. Here we remained until the 7th Nov. None of the Mexican inhabitants visited us or showed the least feeling for us: Dr Jas Hewitson and Dr Knight called every day. Dr H. advanced me $25—and promised me funds at Mexico.
News of the 3 at San Fernado being shot—contradicted. Wrote to Mrs. H and to Fearn &Donegan and Generals Foote and Terrell
Mrs H. at Mrs Woolridge's in Washington. Her letter to Mrs. Hadley of the 3rd. 100
Nov 7. Monday. Went to rancho Buenavista 10 m Mrs. H drew $437.50 Exchequer 100
8. Hac[iend]a Aguaneuva—where Dimit died. 101 15 m
9. Crossed mountains to hac[iend]a Encarnacion 30 m Gen Houston to Mrs. H. 100
10. hac[iend]a San Salvador. consulted again. 30 m Kavanaugh—Mrs H' removal to Dr Perry's 100
11. [Hacienda] Salado. 15 m (G)
(G) The first place where we quartered at a meson. 102 Invited out to sup with the Capn
Where the Mier prisoners' ecaped. 103
12. rancho Las Anemas. 15 m.
13. Village San Juan de Vanegas—mining establishment. Near the mines of Catorce 25 m
15. Cedral—a large town. 12 m
16. Matehuala—large town—10,000. 20 m
17. Repusedaro—village—(guitar) 25 m
18. Hac[iend]a Lahuna Saca. 20 m
19. Benado—large town. 30 m
Nov. 20. Hac[iend]a Las Bocas—cold night 30 m
21. [Hacienda] Peñasco. 20 m
22. San Luis Potosi. Reached at noon this day (Tuesday). city of 30,000. Antonio de Soberon. 10 m
25. Hac[iend]a de la Pela. 15 m
26. [Hacienda] de Jaral. 30 m (H)
(H) Residence of the Conde de Jaral. fine church being erected. Corn kept 10 years in sealed houses. Mina taken near this place. 104
27 [Hacienda] de Cubo. 20 m. (I)
(I) Slept in the upper rooms of one of the Count's palaces. 104
28. Dolores—the Lexington of Mexico. 30 m (K)
(K) On this day's march passed the battle ground of Gallineras where Gen Montezuma was defeated. 104
29. San Miguel Ayenda—passing the ancient church Atotonilco. 20 m (L)
(L) Fine church. water carried to third stories. monument to Morelos. 104
Gen Terrell recd my law library. 105
30. Hac[iend]a Santa Rosa. 30 m
Dec 1. Queretero—40,000. called on Doña Catalina whose correspondent is Don Jose Maria Pazguel, Vera Cruz. 12 m Major Quixana, nephew of Tornell.
3. Hac[iend]a Colorado 15 m (M)
(M) This is where the natives came up to receive their week's pay—and rations—pay a bit a day and rations an almud and a half or an almud. 104
4. San Juan del Rio—large town. 28 m
5. Rancho at arroyo Saco. (Jones) 30 m
6. Passed thro the mountains to Tula in the valley of Mexico and 18 leagues from the city. Rodoriguez, Duran, Gonzales, Posas superseded by Madrid. 30 m
10. Memorial to Bravo. 106
11. Town Huevatoca 20 m
12. Town Cuatitlan—first view of the snow mountains 18 m
13. San Cristobal. Ruins of the Viceroy's palace 15 m
14. Village San Juan de Teihuacan—where Neill escaped. 15 m
15. Village Calpulalpan. 25 m.
16. Town of San Martin in the great road from Mexico to Vera Cruz. 30 m.
17. Puebla—70,000—Brindley, etc. 24 m
18th Wrote to Hewetson to Foote and my wife. 107
19. Village Acajete—(Mexia killed) 108 18 m
20. [Village] Cuapesela. 24 m
21. [Village] Tepiohualela. 18 m
22 (Thursday) under a fierce norther reached the castle of Perote. 17 miles.
25. Mrs. H. left Perry's on the Mustang steamer 107
28. Put in chains.
30. My chain with Gray severed.
31st wrote to my wife by Lt. Hartstane of the U. S. Navy. 107
1843. Jan 1. Sunday—sad day—cold—clear.
6. Part of us put to work.
7. I was sent out in charge of 10 of my fellow prisoners—to carry out manure and to bring in sand. Offered to assist them but they declined. Treated them on their return.
Mrs. H. at Galveston 107
8. (Sunday) Victory of the Mexicans at Mier celebrated here by the firing of artillery. The reports are that 250 surrendered (including 2 generals) on the 25th Decr.
10. A Memorial to Santa Anna, drawn by Jones and myself, and signed by all of us (55) except Colquohoun, O'Phelan, W. Riddle, Ogden, Trapnell, Davis, and Twohig (7) and sent by mail
11. Six of us compelled to work as oxen in a tumbrel, carrying out dung and bringing in sand and rock.
Jan 19 Mr Southall, bearer of despatches from the U. S. to Mexico called upon us.
Feb 2. He revisited out prison, giving assurances of our discharge within three or four weeks. Wrote of this date to Gen Foote and Mrs. H. Did not send a letter I had prepared to Gen Terrell, on the advice of W. E. Jones, on account of a special interposition in my favor at Mexico. Norville. 109
Mrs H to Judge Franklin. 110
5. The Mayor of the plaza caused Santa Annas letter to the Govr of the 1st instant to be read to us—stating his reception of the Memorial and of the letters of Booker Davis and Robinson; 111 that he not being the Head of the nation c[oul]d not act on the three first; and that the latter being on matters of grave national concern w[oul]d be transmitted to the government.
13. Robinson left on an order to visit Santa Anna at Manga de Clavo. This night recd N. Orleans papers stating Hartstane's return—Neill's arrival in U. S.—the refusal of the Texan Congress to remove the archives from Austin—Somerville on the west of the Rio Grande on the 10th Decr with some 800 etc.
Mar 1. Santa Anna came to Perote on his way to the city—was recd at 7 p m—and left at 10 a m next day. We were kept locked up.
2. The comet appeared.
Mar 11. L Dobbins, com[missio]n Mer[chant] N O wrote to Mr. Toohig of the 13th and to W. Riddle of the 14 Jany—recd this day—stating that Mrs H had brot to him a letter from Mrs Riddle—that she [Mrs. H.] on the 13th departed in good boat to Alabama under protection of Judge Franklin and w[oul]d in a few days be with her friends in Georgia By Dr Chalmers' letter to the Hon W Thompson of Dec 18th she was in Washinton Cy.
T'—letter to M. naming me dated Feb 16th recd the 19th. my note to T. of the 22d—enclosed in one to him from M.
On the 4th Mr Cozens called to see me and gave inform[atio]n of the application of Messrs Walker and Thompson 112 to Mr Webster for my release etc
18th Saturday. Gen Thompson's letter to Mavrick recd informing [us] that the order for the liberation of himself, of Jones and me had been given but that we had to go to Mexico. Booker's accident. 113
19th We three called to the Governor's office where was read to us the order for the removal of our chains and for our being conducted to Mexico.
21. Gen Victoria and Dr Booker died at the castle. wrote to Mrs Hutchinson at Covington Georgia.
22. Wednesday. at 3 p m left Perote with Jones and Maverick under military guard. lodged at Tepiohualela—scene at the Cocena. 114
23. Ha[cienda] Floreta. robbed here of some clothing. 13 l. 115
24. Amasoke. 6 l. 16 m. 116
25. Puebla. 10 m. 78 m from Perote. put in the Prison containing about 400 convicts. 116
Capt Eastland and 16 others shot at Salado ! 117
26. San Martin 21 m 116
27. Rio Frio. 21 m French house. 116
28—Ayotla. 20 m. 116
29. Mexico 16m. 156 m from Perote. visited at quartel by Mr. John Black Am Consul and carried to Gen Thompson's room at Mrs Wyly's meson. 116
30. Cathedral—Chepultepec. 116
31. Recd our passports—Alemeda 116
Ap 2 Set out in the Diligencia for Vera Cruz having on the evening before drawn on L Dobbin N O in duplicate fav[o]r Gen W Thompson for $100. Our friends in Mexico Togño, West, Oury, Officer Seeger, Dr. Gardiner, —Curson, —Bull, —Voss. reached Puebla. 118
3. To Perote. 78 m. 119
Ap 4. Las Vigas. 4 l. San Miguel 4 l. Rio Alopan 3 l. Xalapa 1 l. Dos Rias 4 l. Coral Falsa 2 l. Plan del Rio 3 l. Calera. Santa Fé a league and a half from Manga de Clavo and that 4 l. from Vera Cruz— on the north of the road—whole distance from Perote 40 l—105 m—260 m to Mexico. About 6 in the morning of the 5th (Wednesday) reached Vera Cruz. breakfasted at the stage hotel where we met Mr F M Dimond Am Consul. Invited to the house of L S Hargous Esq—where we found the two Messrs Youngs. 118
6th Thursday. norther preventing the Vincennes and Chatahooche from sailing. 120
7th Norther continues. 121
8th Norther continues 122
April 9th. Sunday. Went aboard the U S Sloop of War [Vincennes] 22 guns (24 pounders) commanded by Cap. F. Buchanon. I was conducted to his cabin to lodge with him. Messrs. Jones and Maverick were taken to the wardroom to lodge with the lieutenants. Here I met with Lt Ro E Hoe, son of Seymore Hoe, midshipman W. P. Harrison son of Dr D. P Harrison and midshipman Douglass from Canton (Mis). Treated with many kind attentions by officers and crew. 123
Sailed from the island Sacrificios off Vera Cruz at 2 o'clock p. m this day. passed Tampico 19 m—(weather hazy)—tacked and cast anchor off the bar on the evening of the 12th. Lt Lewis sent in a boat to the town for Crittenden 124 and on the next evening he returned without him: he having been sent to Mexico. 125 Lt Lewis was informed that the British consul had recd a letter from the interior stating that the prisoners who had been retaken were decimated; 16 being selected who were shot, one of whom was not killed and had escaped. 126 Sailed again that evening and on the 17th—got off the Bellise having on the evening preceding passed a skooner.
At 5 p. m. spoke the New Zealand, last from Richmond bound for N. Orleans—and after dusk passed two other ships going in the same course. Tomorrow we expect to reach Pensacola, which is about 1000 miles direct from Vera Cruz.
18th (Tuesday) reached Pensacola harbor—saluted passed between the Independence—Commodore Stewart and the Vincennes. got to the Florida house, Capt Carone, at 10 p. m.
19. Took the stage for Mobile and arrived at 10 a m next day.
20th. Met with D M Riggs and Mr Case
21. Wrote to Mrs. H. met with Wm P Aubry and Mr Bullard from Matagorda. Aubry lent me $20 to be sent him from N. O. or paid to Thomas F McKinney, Galveston.
23. Went on the steamer Fashion to N. Orleans—arrived next morning—18 hours passage.
24. Recd Mrs H's letter of the 16th.
25. Answered her letter.
26. Sick all day
27. Drew on Gen H. S. Foote, single bill, this date, 20 days date, favor McMahan Trotter &Pearsall, endorsers—cashed by Mr Ricks for $300. left $100 with Dobbin, to meet my draft from Mexico. refunded $5 to John Riddle. Wrote to Mrs H. Bill at Verandah $11.25 127
28. left for Vicksburg on Steamer Buckeye
May 1. Monday arrived at Vicksburg and went with Gen Foote to his house in Raymond where I met Ellen.
3. Went to Jackson.
6. Back to Raymond
8. To Jackson
16. Recd Mrs H's letter of the 9th requesting me to go for her to Montgomery. started next day via New Orleans. Went in the Luda
23rd Met Mrs H.—her mother and Mr Graves of Montgomery.
24. Descended on the Canebrake. Due Cap Th: Adams, Mobile, nine dollars.
June 1. Reached Jackson
8. (Thursday) moved to Mr Moore's house—rent $16.66⅔ pr month for three months with preference. hired Maria from Mrs Stamps at $10 pr Month. 128
14 Partnership with Foote &Russell—to begin the 19th.
17. Wrote my letter of resignation of thanks and of business to Texas
19. At Raymond
24 Saturday to Vicksburg saw Russell who left this day—to Jackson
25. To Ben Ricks—returned Tuesday
28 To Raymond
July 1. Brot Ellen to Jackson
3. Sent her to school to Mrs Robinson
10. Spl session of legislature—Demo Convention 129
TEGANOS.
[Some pages of notes intervene, and then, on next to the last page of the Diary, appears the following list of names. Apparently the list was prepared after their arrival at Perote as no mention is made of those who dropped out of the ranks between San Antonio and Perote.]
-
Alex: Allsbury—medico, physician. 130
-
Isaac Allen— sastre, tailor.
-
Edw: Brown—labrador, laborer.
-
James H Brown—albeites, farrier.
-
Freeman B. Beck—labrador, laborer.
-
Shields Booker—medico, physician.
-
Wm. Bugg—labrador, laborer.
-
John Bradley —
-
Rd A Barclay—sillero, saddler.
-
Jo A Crews comerciante, merchant.
-
Ludovic Colquohoun —
-
Wm Colton—pintor, painter.
-
Dav: J Davis—labrador, laborer.
-
John Dalrymple—escribano, clerk.
-
Augustin Elly—minero, miner.
-
John Forester—labrador, laborer.
-
Nathl W Faison—comerciante, merchant.
-
French S. Gray—abogado, lawyer, assistant district attorney in a number of cases. 131
-
A. Hutchinson—juez, judge, district judge. 131
-
Geo. C. Hatch—labrador, laborer.
-
N. Herbert—carpintero, carpenter.
-
Chauncey Johnson, relojero, watch-maker.
-
Wm E Jones—abogado, lawyer, member of congress.
-
Dav: S Kornegay—labrador, laborer.
-
John Lehman, escribano, clerk.
-
John Lee—labrador, laborer.
-
A. J. Lesslie —
-
Riley Jackson—labrador, laborer.
-
Jo. C. Morgan—carpintero, carpenter.
-
Sam A. Maverick—abogado, lawyer, member of congress.
-
Dav: Morgan—comerciante, merchant, sworn interpreter to the district court. 131
-
Francis Macay—medico, physician.
-
Edw Manton—labrador, laborer.
-
Allen H Morrell, a youth, son of Rev. Z. N. Morrell.
-
S. Nobles —
-
Ro S. Neighbors —
-
Wm H O'Phelan—viandante, traveler.
-
Duncan C Ogden comerciante, merchant.
-
C. W. Peterson—abogado, lawyer, district attorney. 132
-
J. W. Robinson —
-
John Riddle—comerciante, merchant.
-
Marcus L B Raper carpintero, carpenter.
-
John Perry—labrador, laborer.
-
Wilson J Riddle comerciante, merchant.
-
Jo C Robinson—labrador, laborer.
-
Geo Schaffer —
-
Sam Stone combrerero, hatter.
-
John Smith albañil, mason.
-
Jo Shaw—labrador, laborer.
-
J. L. Trueheart escribano, cleck, district court. 132
-
Jno Twohig—comerciante, merchant.
-
Wm Trimble labrador laborer.
-
John G. Andres Voss comerciante, merchant.
-
John Trapnell —
-
John Young—carpintero, carpenter.
Washington Texas Jany 29th. 1843 Hon: Anson Jones Sec: of State etc.
The undersigned citizen of Texas has the honor to make known to you and through your Department to his Excellency the President of the Republic that he effected his escape on the 14th. ultimo from the guard having him in charge near the City of Mexico and has arrived in safety in Texas a few days ago.
It of course is known to your Department the manner of the surprise and capture of fifty two citizens at San Antonio de Bexar on the 11th. day of September last but in order that you may be more fully advised of the circumstances attending that event and the situation and treatment of the prisoners then taken the undersigned begs leave respectfully to represent That he in company with the Hon Judge of the fourth Judicial District and other members of the Bar, suitors, and Jurors attended the opening of the District Court at Bexar on the first Monday in September last and continued their labors during the first week at the end of which they began to be somewhat interrupted by rumors that some enemy was hovering about the place, using precautionary measures for ascertaining the true character of the enemy and from the fact of many previous courts having been broken up by Indians and Mexicans the citizens of the place with the strangers from the other parts were desirous of sustaining the supremacy of the laws and preventing the Court from being broken up collected in order to repel the enemy unless they should prove of such character as would induce them to retire to their homes but before that fact could be ascertained and early on the Morning of Sunday the 11th. in a dense fog Gen: Adrian Woll entered at the head of a force said by himself to contain seventeen hundred men and being the advance of an invading army and after meeting with resistance for a short time he sent to our company requiring our surrender which took place upon the following terms towit. The persons of all concerned to be respected, our lives secured, to be treated as prisoners of war, and our private property not to be interrupted, which latter article was to include our horses, upon which we were to the number of fifty-four immediately placed in close confinement we were during our stay at Bexar supplied entirely by our own means or by the kindness of a few families in the place and received nothing from our captors we were searched and even pencils pen knives and razors were taken from our possession a few of which were afterwards returned our private papers were examined some of them pilfered and clothing and valuables stolen.
On the 13th. Mr Callaghan merchant of Bexar was released On the 14th. Messrs McClelland merchant and Menchaca, citizen were released and on the 15th. John Johnson a youth was also discharged. We now numbered 52 of whom two Messrs Wilson J. Riddle merchant of Bexar and Francis McKay of Bexar were seized at their own houses and had not been taken in arms with the others on the afternoon of this day we were marched out under a strong guard for Mexico and were that evening again searched and received orders for our conduct during our march some few were allowed to ride but no respect was paid to individual property and the undersigned was punished and ordered to walk altho' he had a horse inventoried and then in company rode by a soldier for refusing to sign his name to one of the many documents drawn up for signature to be sent into Texas or left behind us respecting our treatment and the undersigned avails himself of the present occasion to protest against the validity of any and all documents bearing his signature and obtained during his duress and now proclaims the same null and void excepting such as may by any future act be acknowledged by him.
On the 16th. our march was continued and until this evening our captors had supplied us with nothing each prisoner was now allowed one pint of coarse unbolted flour and one and a half pounds of beef to be cooked by ourselves which rations continued to be supplied to us daily during the journey. On the 19th Sept John R. Cunningham Esquire Lawyer of Bexar was reported to have died, two days previously he was sick and ordered into the wagon which contained wounded soldiers and although we urged the necessity of leaving with him a physician who was with us or any one of the prisoners to attend him it was denied and we saw him no more. We were detained at the Presidio Rio Grande from the 23d to the 27th Sept and at San Fernando the headquarters of the Northern Army under Genl: Ysidro Reyes from the 28th Septr: to the 7th. October, On the 6th, Octr the prisoners George Van Ness, Archd. Fitzgerald and Thomas Hancock were put into the common prison and sentenced to death (since which time their sentence has been commuted to ten years imprisonment at San Juan de Uloa but the undersigned has no knowledge of their present locality) On the morning of the 7th. when about to leave ten prisoners survivors of Dawson's Fayette county company were put with us and are in all respects treated the same as the others, Our number was now 58 we were marched by way of Monclova where we were kindly received and abundantly supplied by the inhabitants to Saltillo where we arrived on the 23rd. October at this place we were confined closely until the 7th. November during which time we petitioned for relief for the ten suffering prisoners of Fayette county who had been stripped by the soldiery of everything their money watches clothing blankets were all gone but the Governor turned a deaf ear to our petitions and naked and cold they would have sent us off but for the kindness of two Gentlemen of that place who supplied many wants Drs. J. D. Knight and Jas. Hewetson we were badly treated by the soldiery and abused and insulted if we asked for redress. some of the horses had been stolen also while here and the officers used no exertion to have them returned or replaced but laughed at the adroitness with which these thefts were committed, one of our number also who was sick was not allowed to remain at the place although he was not able to travel either on foot or horse without great suffering. we were glad to leave such an inhospitable region and arrived at San Luis Potosi on the 22nd. Nov. Here we were more kindly treated. some few blankets were furnished to the destitute and our quarters were comfortable. Simeon Glenn was here left being unable to travel any farther. his case is not a dangerous one and he was promised attention by all; On the 25th. we again continued our journey by way of Hidalgo, San Miguel de Allende, to Queretaro where we arrived on the first December. at this place Samuel G. Norvell was left dangerously sick On the 3rd we continued our march after having been robbed by the soldiery and pilfered by the officers to a considerable extent and arrived at Tula a town about 20 leagues from Mexico on the 6th. at this place orders were in waiting for us; in a few days we were received by a new officer and guard and informed that our destination was changed by the Supreme Government to the Castle of Perote and on the 11th. our march was resumed we had about this time frequent opportunities of writing to Mexico and embraced it by petitioning to the Govt. that we might be allowed to enter Mexico to set forth to the nation the nature and cause of our capture and not to be sent to a distant prison in à cold and uncharitable climate and that we might have communication with our friends through the foreigners of the city but all was denied us or at least unheeded and neglected and on the 13th. we were within five leagues of the city on the road to Perote by way of Puebla on the next evening when about 14 leagues from Mexico I escaped from prison and made my way to the city which I entered on the next morning from thence via Puebla Perote, Jalapa and Vera Cruz to New Orleans etc. On my passage through Perote I saw some of my companions in irons chained in pairs and was informed that they were set to work on the 2nd. January. they are not supplied with meat and are destitute of means of obtaining necessary articles for their comfort. they now number 55 a full list of whose names I beg leave to refer you annexed hereto as also those left elsewhere which together with the report of Chauncey Johnson commanding at Bexar of date at Puebla the 18th. December last and which is now filed in the Department of War and Marine 134 I beg leave most respectfully to refer you together with his Excellency for further information. And in case that any thing may be overlooked or neglected herein by me I can assure you that at all times it will afford me infinite pleasure to give the Department information as time and opportunity may occur hoping that you will not fail upon special matters to communicate with me by way of enquiry which will always be promptly answered to the best of my knowledge holding myself at all times individually responsible for whatever I communicate.
Accept assurances for yourself and His Excellency the President for the interest taken in my behalf while a prisoner of the respect and esteem with which I am
Your most obt. friend and sevt. A. Neill
List of Prisoners 135 now in Perote Castle and elsewhere in Mexico.
.1 Hon. A. Hutchinson, released 29 March 1843 136
.2 “ Sam A. Maverick, released 29 March 1843 136
.3 “ W. E. Jones, released 29 March 1843 136
.4 Mr. Chauncey Johnson, released 23 March 1844.
.5 Mr. Geo. C. Hatch, escaped.
.6 “ Ludo. Colquohoun, released 23 March 1844.
.7 “ Wilson J. Riddle, released — March 1843 137
.8 S. Booker died in prison at Perote 21 March 1843. 138
.9 D. C. Ogden escaped from Perote 2 July 1843; recaptured; released 23 March 1844.
.10 John Trapnall died in prison at Perote.
.11 J. C. Morgan, released 23 March 1844.
.12 Jas. H. Brown, released 23 March 1844.
.13 John Twohig escaped from Perote 2 July 1843; reached home.
.14 Wm. J. O'Phelan, released — March 1843 137
.15 John Riddle, released — March 1843 137
.16 Francis McKay, released 23 March 1844.
.17 Aug. Elley escaped from Perote 2 July 1843; recaptured; released 23 March 1844.
.18 Geo. P. Schaeffer, released 23 March 1844.
.19 John Layman, released 23 March 1844.
.20 Geo. Voss, released 23 March 1844.
.21 David Morgan escaped.
.22 Jas. L. Trueheart, released 23 March 1844.
.23 Jas. W. Robinson, released — February (?) 1843 139
.24 H. A. Alsbury, released 23 March 1844.
.25 John Smith, released 23 March 1844.
.26 Nath: Harbert, released 23 March 1844.
.17 Willm. Bugg, released 23 March 1844.
.28 Jos. A. Crews died in prison at Perote about 1 February 1844. 140
.29 French S. Gray died in prison at Perote.
.30 C. W. Peterson, released 23 March 1844.
.31 John Lee, released 23 March 1844.
.32 Marcus L. B. Rapier, released 23 March 1844.
.33 Truman B. Beck escaped from Perote 2 July 1843; recaptured; released 23 March 1844.
.34 J. F. Leslie, released 23 March 1844.
.35 S. L. Noble, released 23 March 1844.
.36 J. T. Davis escaped from Perote 2 July 1843; recaptured; released 23 March 1844.
.37 R. S. Neighbors, released 23 March 1844.
.38 John Perry, released 23 March 1844.
.39 Riley Jackson died in prison at Perote 1 April 1843. 141
.40 Jno. Dalrymple escaped from Perote 2 July 1843; reached home.
.41 Isaac Allen escaped from Perote 2 July 1843; recaptured; released 23 March 1844.
.42 John Forrester escaped from Perote 2 July 1843; reached home.
.43 Saml. Stone escaped from Perote 2 July 1843; recaptured; released 23 March 1844.
.44 John Young escaped from Perote 2 July 1843; recaptured; released 23 March 1844.
.45 Edwd. Brown, released 23 March 1844.
of those taken at Bexar on the 11th. Sept/42
and
.1. John Bradley, released 22 September 1843. 142
.2 James Shaw, released 23 March 1844.
.3 Ed. Manton, released 23 March 1844.
.4 Wm. Coltrin
.5 Wm. Trimble died in prison at Perote.
.6 David E. Kornegay escaped from Perote 2 July 1843; reached home.
.7 Richd. Barkley escaped from Perote 2 July 1843; reached home.
.8 Nat: W. Faison, released 23 March 1844.
.9 Joel Robinson, released 23 March 1844.
.10 Allen H. Morrell, released 23 March 1844.
survivors of Dason's company.
all of the above are at Perote
.1 Simeon Glenn, sick at San Luis Potosi 143
.2 Saml. G. Norvell, do. at Queretaro 144
.3 John R. Cunningham died 19th. Sep: and
.4 Geo. Van Ness 145 5 Arch Fitzgerald 146
.6 and Tho. Hancock 147—left at San Fernando
.7 and Andrew Neill escaped 148
III. JONES'S NARRATIVE. 149
Washington 1 Feby 1844 Dear Sir,
In compliance with your request, I give you below, a hasty sketch of the circumstances attending the capture and imprisonment of a number of the citizens of Texas, at San Antonio de Bexar in Sept. 1842
During the session of the District Court of Bexar county, for September 1842, a rumor reached the place that a Mexican army of from 1500 to 3000 men was on its way to attack the place. The rumor was sufficiently authenticated to induce the belief that a force of some character was advancing, but the impression was pretty general that it was only a party of marauders and not regular troops, who were endeavoring to create the impression that their force was much stronger than it really was, for the purpose of better enabling them to take the place without resistance and plunder it with impunity. Col. Hays with five other well mounted men went out to make discoveries, and taking the public roads saw nothing and did not return to San Antonio until too late to enter it. Three Mexicans were also despatched, who promised to ascertain the character of the approaching force if to be found. they found the camp of Gen. Woll at a short distance from San Antonio; were made prisoners and not permitted to return to us. The whole day of 10th September was thus passed and neither spies nor Mexicans returning strengthened the general belief that the rumor was either a hoax or the character of the force advancing misrepresented.
At day light on the morning of 11th Sept. we were aroused from our slumbers by the firing of a piece of cannon almost in the edge of the town, succeeded immediately by the sound of martial music and the tramp of a body of men. A dense fog obscured them from actual observation until after they had advanced into the public square, when they were immediately fired upon by our party, who amounted to about fifty in number—the fire was soon returned by the Mexicans with volleys of musketry and rapid discharges from a six and a four pounder. This lasted a few minutes when the fog disappearing discovered to us that we were surrounded on all sides by bodies of regular troops. We were then called upon to surrender by order of Genl. Woll—the firing ceased on both sides and after a parley in which the most ample pledges were given for our good treatment etc etc we surrendered prisoners of war, and were immediately put into prison with a strong guard over us.
General Woll had cut off all communication between the Rio Grande and Bexar, and taking a circuitous route thro' the wilderness at the foot of the Mountains had in this manner secretly advanced upon the place and was actually within three leagues of it before any suspicion was even entertained that such an expedition was contemplated. His force was 1000 regulars and about 600 Presidial troops.
We were detained prisoners five days in San Antonio, and then ordered to march under a guard of 150 or 160 men for the Rio Grande. Some of us by special favor permitted to ride—others from inability to walk were also allowed horses if they could get them. In 8 days we reached the Rio Grande, a bold, rapid river two hundred and fifty or three hundred yards wide, which was crossed in two canoes. The day was pretty much spent in getting over and we spent the night on the opposite bank. Here we learned the death of John R. Cunningham who had been compelled to leave Bexar sick with congestive fever and had been left behind on the third day in one of the carts which conveyed the Mexicans wounded in our fight, who numbered about thirty. Cunningham died from want of attention and were there not so many stains upon the Mexican character for other and more enormous atrocities, it would be recorded and remembered to their eternal disgrace as a nation.
We had been promised by General Woll that on our arrival at the Rio Grande, we would be released by his Superior Genl. Reyes. We found ourselves deceived and after a detention of seven days at San Fernando were ordered to march for the City of Mexico. Our escort consisted of about 80 men, all mounted, who rode on each side of us while we occupied the road. Our journeys were long or short each day to suit the country thro' which we traveled, and some days we were marched from daylight until near night, making 13 and 14 leagues. The country thro' which we travelled from San Fernando to Monclova was generally poor, broken, sometimes mountainous. Here and there rich bodies of land susceptible of irrigation by streams from the mountains and producing corn etc very abundantly—no timber except musquit and chaperal thickets. From Monclova to Saltillo the character of the country was very similar, except the first two days travel which was thro' a wretched barren country in which no body lived and none could live, being destitute of water.
Saltillo the capital of Coahuila is a city of 18 or 20,000 inhabitants, built after the Spanish style and here we were detained for 16 days closely housed up and never permitted to leave the Cuartel. From Saltillo to Matahuala we passed thro' a poor and almost unpopulated country. from Matahuala to San Luis Potosi the country is more thickly populated and in many places there are handsome estates.
San Luis Potosi is a handsome city of 40,000 inhabitants. We were paraded through every public street in it as a show, followed by an immense crowd of people chiefly of the lower classes. We remained here two days and were visited by the Governor and several persons of distinction in that country, besides many foreigners.
From San Luis to the City of Mexico is 300 miles. the road passes many splendid estates the entire grounds of some of which are enclosed by stone walls beautifully constructed. One enclosure was said to contain 36 square miles. On arriving within twenty leagues of the City we were detained a week in a miserable prison at a place called Tula, where we were informed that our destination was not the City of Mexico, but the Castle of Perote, and that we would not be permitted to pass through the city although we should go in sight of it.
On the 22 Dec. we arrived at the Castle of Perote. a very strong fortress at the foot of the extinct Volcano called “Confra de Perote.” The Castle is on the Table Lands, just at the point at which the descent to the Gulf commences—its elevation 7500 feet—it was built in 1773—mounts 96 pieces of cannon and covers 26 acres inside of the outer pickets. The main building within the mote covers ten acres or near it. Well manned I should say that this fortress would resist a very powerful force.
The first four days after our arrival we were allowed to go about the castle. On the fifth we were chained in pairs—and on the eighth or tenth day were put to work, packing sand stone lime etc into the castle. Our food consisted of poor beef, one day in three; beans, potatoes, rice and bread—badly cooked—the rations of these articles were always small, not being sufficient for a hearty man. At night we were locked up—in the morning the doors were opened—at nine o'clock paraded and counted—put to work immediately afterwards—the same after dinner etc.
On the 22 March Judge Hutchinson Mr. Maverick and myself were ordered to the City of Mexico under guard, our chains having been knocked off before we left the castle. We were permitted to ride by paying the hire of horses; we paid also our own expenses although we were still prisoners. This journey gave us many opportunities of witnessing the complete and perfect dominion of the military over the civil authorities. On our arrival at the City of Mexico we were first paraded for a quarter of an hour ragged and dirty, in front of the Palace—then escorted into it and finally sent to prison. We were however released soon after and took lodgings at the same house at which Genl. Thompson boarded—to whom we were indebted for our liberty entirely—it having been granted as a personal favor to him. Mr. Maverick and myself were acquainted with him in the U. S.
We remained three days in the City at perfect liberty—endeavoring to see everything to be seen in that remarkable place, in that short time. Our passage to Vera Cruz and thence to Pensacola etc it is unnecessary to speak of in a sketch like this.
I should have been glad had the opportunity been such as to permit the attempt, to have given you such information as I obtained in relation the affairs of Mexico—Her Government—her military organization—the church—the peon or slave system—the probable plans of Santa Anna—their views in relation to Texas; the causes of the continuance of the war—the causes of the treatment we received etc etc but it is useless to make the attempt here. Many incidents and details of our journey would be interesting.
The prisoners taken at San Antonio consisted of the Judge of the District—the District attorney, clerk—all the members of the bar except one—together with citizens of Bexar and the adjacent counties. The names have all been published several times.
NOTES AND FRAGMENTS.
Governor Bell's Record—A Correction.—The following extracts from letters of recent date will serve to correct certain statements concerning Governor P. H. Bell which were published in The Quarterly some years ago. 150
Z. T. Fulmore. Raleigh, N. C., November 30, 1909. Hon. Z. T. Fulmore, Austin; Texas.
My Dear Sir: . . . I knew him [Governor Bell] from the year 1867, until he died and . . . I was his legal adviser for many years. He lived in the past almost entirely. His heart was always with his adopted State, Texas . . . He often told me how he left home and came down to Petersburg, from which place he went to join the patriot army of Texas. . . . He married Ella Eaton Dickens, a daughter of William Eaton, a wealthy planter, who lived in the Roanoke River section in Warren County, N. C., and the widow of Benjamin Dickens. Mr. Eaton was a gentleman of large property in lands and negroes, but there was no distribution of his property until his death in 1869. . . . I never heard him [Governor Bell] allude to the war between the States, and therefore I always thought he was not a secessionist. He took no part in that war and lived through the four years in retirement on the plantation of Mrs. Bell in Granville County, N. C. . . . No greater error could be made in reference to that period of his life than the statement that he acquired through his wife a large number of slaves and that he enlisted, equipped, and commanded a regiment of troops in the Confederate service. . . .
Yours very Respectfully. Walter A. Montgomery, 151 Raleigh, N. C.”
Littleton College Office of the President J. M. Rhodes, Littleton, N. C. January 14, 1910. Mr. Z. T. Fulmore, Austin, Texas.
My Dear Sir: I trust you will excuse my delay in replying to your favor of November 13th. I saw much of ex-Governor Bell, both while he was living in Warrenton and since his removal to Littleton. ... Replying to your inquiries, I beg to say that Governor Bell was born in Culpepper County, Virginia, near Fredericksburg; and that, so far as I have been able to learn, he was educated in the schools of his county. It is not known by me that he went to college. He had no profession prior to going to Texas. He did not raise and equip at his own expense a regiment for the Confederate War. He was offered the place of colonel of a regiment by President Davis, but declined, sharing the feeling of many in Warren County of small faith in the Confederacy. He rendered no conspicuous service after his marriage. ... He and his wife sleep in the same grave in our cemetery, which is very much neglected, and is in serious need of attention. ... I saw him often ... for several years before his death and admired him greatly. ...
Yours very truly, J. M. Rhodes.
Littleton College Office of the President. J. M. Rhodes, Littleton, N. C. January 22, 1910. Mr. Z. T. Fulmore, Att'y at Law, Austin, Texas:
... I have just sent one of my stenographers over to the cemetery to copy the inscription on Governor Bell's tomb, which I herewith enclose. The grave is in the Littleton cemetery, inside the corporation of the town, located immediately on the Seaboard Air Line Railroad, opposite a portion of the College campus. The grave is about one hundred yards from the railroad. Governor and Mrs. Bell are both buried in the same grave, over which there is a hollow brick wall, or a wall about eight inches thick and about three feet high. On top of this lies a marble slab, long enough and wide enough to cover both graves. On the slab is the inscription, a copy of which I enclose. ...
Yours very truly, J. M. Rhodes. The inscription above mentioned is as follows: Peter H. Bell. Ex-Governor of Texas. Died March 8, 1898. Age 90 years. Died July 16, 1897. Ella Rives Bell Wife of Ex-Governor Bell In her Sixty-second Year. `Rock of ages, cleft for me,' `Let me hide myself in thee.' `And that thou bidst me come to thee.' `Oh Lamb of God, I come.' `From my mother, from my boyhood, Truth, Justice, Mercy.'
BOOK NOTICES.
In the series of Columbia University Studies in History, Economics, and Public Law, there has recently appeared, under the title “Reconstruction in Texas,” (No. 95 of the series) the first systematic treatment of this subject that has been given to the public. The work referred to is by Charles W. Ramsdell, sometime university fellow in Columbia University, instructor in history, University of Texas, and fellow and recently corresponding secretary and treasurer of the Texas State Historical Association. It is a monograph of 324 pages octavo, beginning with a brief review of Secession, the history of Texas during the Civil War, and the conditions under which the Reconstruction régime was inaugurated, and covering in detail the whole history of Presidential and Congressional Reconstruction down to 1873. The value of the work is much enhanced by a well-organized table of contents, a bibliography, and an index.
An arrangement has been made whereby the members of the Association can procure this number of the Studies at two dollars per copy bound, plus sixteen cents for postage. The publishers' price is two dollars and a half for unbound, and three dollars for bound copies. Orders should be sent to Mr. Charles W. Ramsdell, University Station, Austin, Texas.
A review of the monograph will appear in a subsequent number of The Quarterly.
Leona Vicario, Heroina Insurgente. Por Genaro García. Mexico: Museo Nacional de Arqueologia, Historia y Etnologia. 1910. pp. 210.
Leona Vicario was the heroine of the Mexican war of independence. Gently born and wealthy, she cast her lot with Hidalgo's insurgents and performed useful service in secretly providing supplies for them and transmitting their correspondence. She was discovered, tried, and imprisoned, but escaped and fled to the camps of the patriots. Following them in their campaigns for several years, she did the work of a modern Red Cross nurse. During this period she married Andres Quintana Roos, a prominent revolutionist. With him she was pardoned by the Spanish government in 1819, but she and Roos remained Liberals at heart and after independence from Spain was accomplished they again got into trouble through their opposition to the tyrannical administration. of President Bustamante. Leona's influence in recruiting powerful insurgents and her material services during the revolution were deeply appreciated by her countrymen, and the legislature of Coahuila and Texas honored her in 1827 by changing the name of the capital, Saltillo, to Leona Vicario. She died in 1842. In following the life of his heroine Señor García gives a rapid, but useful sketch of the revolution. The present volume is one of an edition of three hundred copies for private distribution, and is beautifully printed and illustrated.
E. C. B.
AFFAIRS OF THE ASSOCIATION.
The fourteenth annual meeting of the Association was held at the University March 2, 1910. The program consisted of two papers, one by Mr. E. W. Winkler and the other by Judge Z. T. Fulmore. Mr. Winkler's paper, which appears at length in this number of The Quarterly, was entitled “The Journal of a Bexar Prisoner”; Judge Fulmore's article was entitled “Geography and History in the Two Hundred and Forty-five County Names of Texas.” In it he explained the origin of many of the county names, and briefly sketched the history of a few of the men for whom counties have been named. This paper was made up of extracts from a book of the same title which Judge Fulmore will publish in the near future.
In the business meeting, which folowed the public exercises, the following officers were elected:
-
Judge A. W. Terrell, president.
-
Hon. Beauregard Bryan, first vice-president.
-
Mr. R. L. Batts, second vice-president.
-
Dr. M. J. Bliem, third vice-president.
-
Mr. Luther W. Clark, fourth vice-president.
-
Mr. J. L. Worley, corresponding secretary and treasurer.
President S. P. Brooks and Mr. E. C. Barker, members of the Council from the Fellows.
Twenty new members were added to the Association. Mr. C. T. Neu was elected a Fellow.
American Antiquarian Society.—Worcester, Mass.—Proceedings of the Society, as issued.
American Society for International Conciliation.—International Conciliation.
American Catholic Historical Society, Philadelphia, Pa.—Records, as issued.
American Catholic Historical Researches, Philadelphia, Pa.—This magazine, as issued.
American Economic Association, Baltimore, Md.—Economic Bulletin, as issued.
Banker's Magazine, New York.—Reprint, “The Truth about Mexico.”
Boletin de la Real Academia de Historia, Madrid.—This Butletin, as issued, 1909.
Buffalo Historical Society, Buffalo, N. Y.—Canal Enlargement in New York State, Bulletin.
Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. C.—Bulletins 47, 48, 49.
Bulletin of Bibliography, Boston, Mass.—This Bulletin, as issued.
Cambridge Historical Society, Cambridge, Mass.—Publications, as issued.
Chicago Historical Society, Chiago, Ill.—Annual Report, 1909; A study of the Hudson Bay Company.
College of Industrial Arts, Denton Texas.—Bulletin.
Colorado College, Colorado Springs, Colo.—Publications of the College, as issued.
Columbia University, New York.—Political Science Quarterly, as Issued.
Essex Institute, Salem, Mass.—Historical Collections, as issued.
Fragments of Louisiana Jurisprudence.—A speech by W. O. Hart, of New Orleans, La.
Fifty-first Session of the (Presbyterian) Synod of Texas.
Genaro Garcia, Mexico, D. F.—Leona Vicario, Heroina Insurgente. Documentos para la Historia de México.
Grafton Magazine of History and Genealogy, New York.—January and March, 1910.
Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.—The Quarterly Journal of Economics, as issued.
Historical Department of Iowa, Des Moines, Iowa.—Annals of Iowa, as issued.
Historical and Philosophical Society of Ohio, Cincinnati, Ohio.—Quarterly Publication, as issued.
Historical Society of Southren California, Los Angeles, Cal.—Annual Publication.
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa.—Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, as issued.
Huizinga, Geo. Ford.—What the Dutch Have Done in the West of the United States.
Illinois State Historical Society, Springfield, Ill.—Journal, as issued.
Internal Revenue Service.—Bulletins, as issued.
Iowa Journal of History and Politics, Iowa City, Iowa.—This journal, as issued.
Jackson, Geo., Dallas, Texas.—Sixty Years in Texas.
Journal of History, Lamoni, Iowa.—This journal, as issued.
Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.—Studies in Historical and Political Science; England and the French Revolution.
Kentucky State Historical Society, Louisville, Ky.—Register, as issued.
Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.—Publications, as issued; Annual Report.
McMillan Co., Lancaster, Pa.—The American Historical Review, as issued.
Mississippi Historical Society, Oxford, Miss.—Publications, as issued
Montana Historical and Miscellaneous Library, Helena, Mont.—State Publications, as issued.
Missouri Historical Society.—The Evolution of the State Universal from an American Standpoint; Missouri Historical Review, as issued.
Museo Nacional de Arqueologia, Mexico, D. F.—Anales de Arqueologia, Historia y Ethnologia, as issued.
Museo Nacional, Mexico, D. F.—Boletin, as issued.
National Americana Society, New York.—Americana, as issued.
North Carolina Historical Society, Chapel Hill, N. C.—James Sprunt Historical Publications, as issued.
New England Historical and Genealogical Register, Boston, Mass.—Vol. LXIV.
New Jersey Historical Society, Newark, N. J.—Proceedings, as issued.
New York Public Library, New York.—Bulletin, as issued.
New York State Education Department, Albany, N. Y.—Calendar of the Sir William Johson Manuscripts, 1909.
Ohio Archaeological and Historical Society, Columbus, Ohio.—Ohio Archaelogical and Historical Quarterly.
Oklahoma Historical Society, Oklahoma City, Okla.—Historia; Publications of the Oklahoma Historical Society.
“Old Northwest” Genealogical Society, Columbus, Ohio.—The “Old Northwest” Genealogical Quarterly, as issued.
Oregon Historical Society, Portland, Ore.—Quarterly, as issued.
Our Dumb Animals, Boston, Mass.—This magazine, as issued.
Out West, Los Angeles, Cal.—This magazine, as issued.
Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, Philadelphia, Pa.—This magazine, as issued.
Royal Historical Society, London.—Transactions, 1909.
Science, New York.—Vol. XXX; No. 762.
Sewanee Review, The, Sewanee, Tenn.—This Quarterly, as issued.
Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C.—Catalogues of the Exhibits at the Alaska-Yukon-Pacific Exposition.
South Atlantic Quarterly, The; Durham, N. C.—This Quarterly, as issued.
South Carolina Historical Society, Charleston, S. C.—South Carolina Historical and Genealogical Magazine, as issued.
Southern Educational Review, Chattanooga, Tenn.—This magazine, as issued.
Southern Workman, The; Hampton, Va.—This magazine, as issued.
Southwestern Farmer, The; Houston, Texas.—This weekly, as issued.
Stechert, G. E., and Co., Brooklyn, N. Y.—Putnam Anniversary Volume.
Straley, W., Nelson, Neb.—Archaic Gleanings.
Texas Magazine, The; Houston, Texas.—Vol. 1, No. 1.
Texas Methodist Historical Quarterly, Georgetown, Texas.—Volume I.
Texas School Journal, Dallas, Texas.—This magazine, as issued.
Texas Stockman and Farmer, San Antonio, Texas.—This magazine, as issued.
University Press, Berkeley, Cal.—Publications of the University of California.
University Press, Burnet Woods, Cincinnati, Ohio.—University of Cincinnati Record, as issued.
University of Colorado, Boulder, Colo.—Publications of the University, as issued; Studies.
Utah Genealogical and Historical Society, Salt Lake City, Utah.—Genealogical and Historical Magazine, January, 1910.
Vermont Historical Society, Burlington, Vt.—Proceedings, 1908, 1909.
Virginia Historical Society, Richmond, Va.—The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, as issued.
William and Mary College, Williamsburg, Va.—Quarterly of the College, as issued.
Wisconsin Historical Society, Madison, Wis.—Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vols. IX, X (Reprints) ; Proceedings, 1909.
Yale University, New Haven, Conn.—Bulletin, 1909-10.
THE QUARTERLY OF THE TEXAS STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION.
VOLUME XIII. APRIL, 1910. NUMBER 4.
PUBLICATION COMMITTEE: A. W. Terrell, George P. Garrison, Bride Neill Taylor, Z. T. Fulmore, W. J. Battle. EDITOR: George P. Garrison. ASSOCIATE EDITORS: Eugene C. Barker, E. W. Winkler. AUSTIN, TEXAS. PUBLISHED QUARTERLY BY THE ASSOCIATION. Price, FIFTY CENTS per number. [Entered at the Postoffice at Austin, Texas, as second class matter.]CONTENTS.
Stephen F. Austin and the Independence of Texas Eugene C. Barker
Reminiscences of the Texas Revolution Andrew A. Boyle
The Bexar and Dawson Prisoners Edited by E. W. Winkler
Notes and Fragments.
Book Notices.
Affairs of the Association.
The Texas State Historical Association.
PRESIDENT:
A. W. Terrell.
VICE-PRESIDENTS:
Beauregard Bryan, Milton J. Bliem,
R. L. Batts, Luther W. Clark.
RECORDING SECRETARY AND LIBRARIAN:
George P. Garrison.
CORRESPONDING SECRETARY AND TREASURER:
J. L. Worley.
EXECUTIVE COUNCIL:
President A. W. Terrell,
Ex-President Dudley G. Wooten,
Ex-President David F. Houston,
First Vice-President Beauregard Bryan,
Second Vice-President R. L. Batts,
Third Vice-President Milton J. Bliem,
Fourth Vice-President Luther W. Clark,
Recording Secretary and Librarian George P. Garrison,
Corresponding Secretary and Treasurer J. L. Worley,
State Librarian E. W. Winkler.
Fellows John C. Townes for term ending 1911.
Z. T. Fulmore for term ending 1912.
Eugene C. Barker for term ending 1913.
Members Bride Neill Taylor for term ending 1911.
Dora Fowler Arthur for term ending 1912.
W. J. Battle for term ending 1913.
S. H. Moore for term ending 1914.
S. P. Brooks for term ending 1915.
The Association was organized March 2, 1897. The annual dues are two dollars. The Quarterly is sent free to all members.
Contributions to The Quarterly and correspondence relative to historical material should be addressed to
GEORGE P. GARRISON, Recording Secretary and Librarian, Austin, Texas. All other correspondence concerning the Association should be addressed until further notice, to THE TEXAS STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, Austin, Texas.
E. P. Wilmot, Prest. Walter Tips, Vice Prest. Henry Hirshfeld, Vice Prest.
Wm. H. Folts, Vice Prest. J. W. Hoopes, Vice Prest.
M. Hirshfeld, Cashier C. M. Bartholomew, Assistant Cashier
OFFICIAL STATEMENT OF THE Austin National Bank
Austin, Texas
At the Close of Business March 29, 1910
UNITED STATES DEPOSITARY
STATE OF TEXAS DEPOSITARY
RECAPITULATION.
RESOURCES.
Loans and Interest-Bearing Securities $ 1,981,773 16
Real Estate, Furniture and Fixtures 19,343 82
U. S. Bonds, Premium and Redemption Fund 470,250 00
Available Cash $1,185,968 95
Total $3,657,335 93
LIABILITIES.
Capital $ 150,000 00 $ 300,000 00
Capital, Earned 150,000 00 $ 300,000 00
Surplus and Profits 315,095 99
Circulation 300,000 00
Dividends unpaid 300 00
Reserved for Taxes 5,876 56
Individual Deposits $2,093,070 68
Bank Deposits 491,068 53
U. S. Deposits 151,924 17
Total Deposits $2,736,063 38
Total $3,657,335 93
We take pleasure in calling your attention to the above statement. With resources far in excess of any Banking Institution in this section of the State, we know that we are better prepared to care for our customers than any bank in Austin and respectfully invite a trial.
THE QUARTERLY OF THE TEXAS STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
The management wishes to announce that the back volumes of the Quarterly can be purchased and that a complete set will be available as soon as the reprints are made. The first four volumes will be reprinted some time this year and will be sold at the following prices, on the installment plan, or for cash on delivery: $4.25 per volume unbound; $5.00 per volume bound in vellum cloth; $5.50 per volume bound in leather. Volumes V and VI are still to be had in the original copies for the following prices: $3.00 per volume unbound; $3.75 per volume bound in vellum cloth; $4.25 per volume bound in leather. All the remaining volumes can be had for: $2.00 each unbound; $2.75 for a vellum cloth binding; and $3.25 for the leather binding. Any member desiring to exchange loose numbers for bound volumes may do so by paying 75 cents for the cloth binding and $1.25 for the leather per volume. ADDRESS THE TEXAS STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, Austin, Texas, Book Department.
INDEX OF VOLUME XIII.
Affairs of the Association, 330.
African slave trade in Texas, 231.
Allen, Isaac, 87.
Allen, J. M., Mayor of Galveston, 113.
Allen, Martin, 142.
Anderson, T. P., 86.
Archer, Branch T., commissioner to the United States, 167.
Archer, the, 13, 119, 120.
Atkins, Thomas, 112.
Austin, John, 78, 171.
Austin, S. F., A characterization of, 60; loyalty to Mexico, 158, 163, 283; commissioner to the United States, 167; on the boundary of Texas, 174; address at Louisville, 181; appeal to President Jackson for aid, 185; complains of lack of support from Texan government, 187; Secretary of State of Texas, 221; attitude toward the independence of Texas, 173, 257-284; attitude toward the Fredonian Rebellion, 257, 258; toward Guerrero's emancipation decree, 259; toward the law of April 6, 1830, 259; arrest at Saltillo, 264; in the convention of 1832, 261; in the convention of 1833, 263; in Mexico as agent of Texas, 263; letters from prison, 265-67; denounced by Anthony Butler, 268; correspondence with H. Meigs, 269; letter to Mrs. Holley, 271; elected to committee of vigilance and correspondence in San Felipe, 274; efforts to prepare Texas for war, 275-76; explains his attitude to McKinney, 276; advises the declaration of November 7, 278; urges declaration of independence, 282-84; condemned by McKinney for attitude toward independence, 283; by Royall, 283.
Austin, Stephen F., and the Independence of Texas, by Eugene C. Barker, 257-284.
Austin, the, delivered to the government, 11; history of, 86, 90, 94, 105, 107, 114, 119, 120.
Baker, Mosely, 147.
Barker, Eugene C., James II. C. Miller and Edward Gritten, 145-153; Stephen F. Austin and the Independence of Texas, 257-284; 330.
Barrett, D. C., 278.
Barrington, William, 88.
Barrow, John E., 126.
Batts, R. L., 330.
Baudin, Admiral Charles, visits Galveston, 6.
Beason's settlement in 1828, 64.
Bell, Governor P. H., a correction by Z. T. Fulmore, 325-327.
Bexar and Dawson Prisoners, The, edited by E. W. Winkler, 292-324; list of 312-313, 317-320.
Black, John, 307.
Bliem, M. J., 330.
Bloodgood, —, 136.
Book notices, 328-329.
Bowie, James, 285.
Boyle, Andrew A., Reminiscences of the Texas Revolution, 285-291.
Bradburn, J. D., 260.
Brashear, William C., 114, 119.
Brooks, John Sowers, 289.
Brooks, S. P., 330.
Brown, James, 112.
Bryan, Andrew Jackson, 112.
Bryan, William, 102, 177, 291, 330.
Burleson, Edward, 129.
Burnet, David G., 38, 192.
Burnet, Thomas, 112.
Bustillo, Domingo, 294.
Butler, Anthony, 209; denounces Austin, 268.
Calder, Mrs. Loretta, daughter of M. B. Lamar, 82.
Caldwell, “Old Paint,” 293, 297.
Calecik, Alexandro, urges imprisonment of Austin, 267.
Carbajal, J. M., 150.
Carson, Samuel, 196.
Catlett, Fairfax, secretary of legation to United States, 225.
Charleston, the, name changed to Zavala, 7.
Chavez, Ignacio, 294.
Childress, George C., agent to United States, 195.
Clark, J., captain of the Archer, 19.
Clark, Luther W., 330.
Clopper, A. M., 44; losses during Texas Revolution, 135; not in the battle of San Jacinto, 136.
Clopper, Edward, death of, 136.
Clopper, J. C., forms Texas Trading Association, 44; Journal and Book of Memoranda for 1828, 44-80.
Clopper, Nicholas, 44, 128.
Clopper Correspondence, 1834-1838, The, 128-144.
Coleto, battle of, 287.
Collinsworth, James, commissioner to United States, 201; opinion of Jackson's attitude toward Texas, 207.
Colorado, the, 10.
“Comanche,” a scout, 285.
Commissioners to the United States, the first, 163; loans in New Orleans, 175; design flag for Texas, 177; difficulties at Washington, 183; loan in New York, 186; return to Texas, 187; Report of work, 189.
Commissioners to the United States, the second, the work of, 191-201.
Commissioners to the United States, the third, the work of, 201-208.
Congress of the United States, its attitude toward the recognition of Texas, in 1836, 212-220.
Convention of 1832 in Texas, 261.
Convention of 1833 in Texas, 263.
Cooke, William G., 105.
Cos, Martin P. de, surrender of San Antonio, 129.
Cousins, Hon. R. B., 83.
Cox, C. C., midshipman in the navy of Texas, 28, 81.
Cox, Mrs. Nellie Stedman, death of, 81.
Culp, F. R., 96.
Cummings, Cyrus, 86, 124.
Crisp, D. H., commander of the San Bernard, 94.
Crittenden, Lieutenant George, 13, 309.
Crockett, David, 285.
Cunningham, John R., 315, 322.
Davis, George, 112.
Dawson Prisoners, the, 292-324; list of names, 312-313, 317-320.
Dawson, Frederick, lends money for purchase of naval vessels, 8.
Dearborn, W. H., 85.
Declaration of November 7, 1835, 156, 278.
Desha, Isaac B., 64.
DeWitt, Green, description of, 67.
Dickens, Ella Eaton, wife of Governor P. H. Bell, 325.
Dienst, Alex, The Navy of the Republic of Texas, 1-43, 85-127.
Edwards, B. W., trouble with the political chief, 258, 259.
Edwards, Hayden, the Fredonian Rebellion, 258-259.
Este, Edward, 131.
Fannin, James W., surrender to Urrea, 288.
Fitzgerald, A., 315.
Fisher, George, collector of the port of Galveston, 260.
Flag of Texas, 177.
Flores, Salvador, 294.
Forsyth, Captain Cyrus, 154.
Forsyth, Hamilton, 154.
Forsyth, Joseph, 154.
Forsyth, Thomas Scott, 154.
Forsyths, The, in Texas, 154.
Fuller, Charles, lieutenant on the San Antonio, 85.
Fuller, George F., midshipman in the navy of Texas, 14.
Fulmore, Z. T., Governor Bell's Record, 325-327.
Garay, Francisco, 289, 291.
García, Genaro, 328.
Garrison, Profesor George P., 83.
Gaines, General E. P., occupies Nacogdoches, 211.
Georgia Battalion, 286.
Gifts to the Association, 330-334.
Goliad Massacre, 289, 296.
Gray, A. G., lieutenant in the navy of Texas, 34, 86, 124.
Grayson, Peter W., 3, 201, 206.
Gregg, Darius, 44, 142.
Gritten, Edward, 145; his services to Texas, 149-153; Ugartechea's opinion of, 150; Austin's opinion of, 152; Gail Borden's opinion of, 153.
Guerrero, President, issues emancipation proclamation, 259.
Gutierrez, J., letter concerning a plot to keep Austin in prison in Mexico, 267.
Hall, Edward, 177.
Hamilton, M. C., acting secretary of war and marine, 95.
Hamilton, Robert, agent to United States, 195.
Hancock, Thomas, 315.
Harrell, Milvern, Reminiscences of, 292.
Harris, William P., 137.
Harrisburg, description of in 1828, 52.
Hays, Jack, 294.
Hewitson, Dr. James, 305, 316.
Hill, G. W., secretary of war and marine, 88.
Hinton, A. C., commander of naval station at Galveston, 5; commission withdrawn, 15; reinstated, 16.
Historical commission of Texas, 82.
Hogan, Terence, 112.
Holford, James, advances money for purchase of the Charleston, 7.
Holley, Mrs. M. A., letter from Austin, 271-273.
Hopes, T., 132.
Houston, President Sam, refuses to support the navy, 93, 96, 100; conditionally recalls Commodore Moore to Galveston, 96, 100; proclaims Moore a mutineer, 110; letter from S. F. Austin advising declaration of independence, 282.
Houston, beginnings of the town of, 138, 140.
Hudgins, James, 87.
Humphries, P. W., 124.
Hunt, Memucan, minister to United States, 225.
Hurd, N., purser in navy of Texas, 34, 99, 124.
Hutchinson, Judge Anderson, sketch of, 294; journal of, 294-313.
Iiams, John, 129.
Ingham, The, 177.
Invincible, The, 131.
Jack, Miss Elizabeth B., 132.
Jack, William, secretary of state, 202.
Jackson, President, attitude toward neutrality, 210; correspondence with Santa Anna, 227, 230, 247; attitude toward recognition of Texas, 235-237, 241-252.
Johnson, Chauncey, 294, 317.
Johnson, John, 316.
Johnson, F. W., 129, 147.
Jones, William E., 292, 298; Narrative of the Bexar and Dawson Prisoners, 320-324.
Keenan, Edward, 88.
King, Captain, 286.
Knight, Dr. J. D., 303, 316.
Lamar, President M. B., refuses to retire the navy, 16-18; alliance with Yucatán, 30; 38-39, 292.
Lamar Papers, purchased by the Thirty-first Legislature, 81.
Land, price of in 1836, 138.
Lansing, J. P., 86.
Lewis, A. Irvine, lieutenant in the navy of Texas, 35, 124, 126.
Littlefield, Major G. W., 83.
Long, Mrs. Jane, description of in 1828, 59.
Looscan, Mrs. Adele B., 81.
Lothrop, J. T. K., commander in navy of Texas, 86; dismissed, 114, 127.
Louisville address of S. F. Austin, 181.
Lyndsay, Captain, 129.
Mabry, James L., midshipman in navy of Texas 23-25.
Mays, Hon. Richard, 83.
McComb, Col., death of, 141.
McDuffie, Governor of South Carolina, on recognition of Texan independence, 217.
McHay, Francis, 314.
McKinney, Thomas F., 276, 283.
Meigs, Henry, 171; correspondence with S. F. Austin, 269.
Mexia, J. A., interest in Texas land, 267; offers aid to Texas, 279.
Miller, James H. C., 145; efforts to prevent the Texas Revolution, 145-149.
Miller, James H. C., and Edward Gritten, by Eugene C. Barker, 145-153.
Miracle, Julian, promises help from Mexican Liberals, 279.
Moore, Edwin Ward, sketch of, 13; voyage to Sisal, 33; saves crew and cargo of the Sylph, 35; recalled from Yucatán by President Houston and disobeys, 37; uses own funds to equip vessels, 91; conditionally ordered to Galveston, 96, 100; treaty with Yucatán, 9, 92, 99, 101; proclaimed a mutineer, 110; discharged from the service, 114; vindicated, 115, 117-118; paid by Texas, 127.
Morgan, James, 102, 105, 130, 138.
Morfit, Henry M., report on Texas, 159, 220, 239.
Navy of the Republic of Texas, The, by Alex Dienst, 1-43, 85-127.
Navy, the second of Texas, its purchase, 13; vessels composing it, 13; Congress orders retirement of, and President Lamar refuses, 16-18; officers of at time of annexation, 121-123, 124.
Neill, A., narrative of the Bexar and Dawson prisoners, 313-317.
Neu, C. T., 330.
Norris, John, 112.
Notes and Fragments, 81, 154, 325.
Norvell, Samuel G., 317.
Officers of the Texas navy, 19, 125.
Oliver, Captain Robert, death of 96.
Oliver, William, 124.
Oswald, Seymour, 86.
Owings, Thomas D., 177.
Patrick, Dr. George M., 44, 130.
Parez, Antonio, 294.
Peraza, Martin F., governor of Yucatán, 101.
Perry, Captain Daniel, 136.
Phillips, R. D., 301.
Pierpont, W. J. D., 126.
Potomac, The, history of, 4-5.
Prices in 1836, 137.
Progress, The, capture of by the Texas navy, 35, 36.
Ramsdell, C. W., 328.
Rather, Ethel Zivley, Recognition of the Republic of Texas by the United States, 155-256.
Reminiscences of the Texas Revolution, by Andrew A. Boyle, 285-291.
Revolution, the Texas, conditions preceding, 128; losses during, 135; Reminiscences of, by Andrew A. Boyle, 285-291.
Riddle, Wilson J., 314.
Roark, Jack, 136.
Roberts, Samuel A., secretary of state, 30.
Robinson, James W., 160.
Robinson, Joseph C., 292.
Royall, R. R., opinion of S. F. Austin, 283.
“Runaway Scrape,” 142.
San Antonio, The, 10; mutiny on board, 85; movements of, 85, 87, 90, 97, 99, 129.
San Bernard, The, 10; movements of, 87, 90, 94, 97, 119, 120.
San Felipe, description of in 1828, 59.
San Jacinto, The, 10, 26.
Santa Anna, asks intervention of President Jackson, 226, 227; visits Jackson, 230.
Seeger, William, lieutenant in navy of Texas, 34, 43, 126.
Shackelford, Jack, 286.
Shepherd, Frederick, 87.
Shepherd, James L., 309.
Shepherd, Joseph D., 87.
Shepherd, William M., acting secretary of the navy, 2.
Simpson, William, 87.
Smith, Henry, quarrel with the General Council, 157, 167; secretary of the treasury, 221.
Smith, J. W., 147, 294.
Smythe, H. M., 113.
Snow, C. B., 114, 115, 124.
Stephens, John F., 124.
Tobasco, the capture of, 28.
Taylor, T. A., commander of the San Bernard, 26.
Terrell, A. W., 330.
Terrell, Mrs. J. C., 83.
Texas Library and Historical Commission, 82.
Texas Revolution, conditions preceding, 128; losses during, 135, 142; sympathy for in the United States, 171.
Texas Trading Association, 47.
Tennison, William A., midshipman in navy of Texas, 5, 114, 119, 124, 126.
Tod, John G., 9, 13, 122.
Tories on the Trinity River, 136.
Travis, William B., his opinion of S. F. Austin, 276.
Treasurer's Report, 335.
Ugartechea, Domingo de, 147.
United States, sympathy in for Texas during the Revolution, 171.
Van Buren, Martin, his influence on Jackson and the Texas Question, 243.
Van Ness, George, 315.
Vicario, Leona, reviewed, 328.
Vidal, General Luis, 297.
Ward, Colonel, 286, 289.
Wells, F. T., purser in Texas navy, 99.
Westover, Captain, 285.
Wharton, John A., report in favor of independence, 160.
Wharton, William H., opinion of the declaration of November 7, 159, 160; commissioner to the United States, 167; remarks on the boundary of Texas, 174; minister to the United States, 222-224; efforts to secure recognition of Texas, 234-253, 261.
Wharton, The, 11, 91, 94, 99, 105, 107, 114, 119, 120.
Wheelwright, George, captain of the Wharton, 19.
White, George R., 96.
Whiting, Dr., 136.
Wilber, T. C., 86.
Williams, H. H., Texan consul at Baltimore, 12.
Williams, John, 88, 136.
Williams, S. M., agent to purchase navy. 3, 9, 147.
Williamson, R. M., 147.
Williamson, W. S., lieutenant on the Brazos, 5.
Wilson, W., 132.
Winkler, E. W., 82, 83; edits The Bexar and Dawson Prisoners, 292-324.
Woll, General Adrian, 293; captures San Antonio, 295; claimed to have convinced Santa Anna of impropriety of Goliad massacre, 296.
Worley, John L., 330.
Yates, A. J., 177, 183.
Yucatán, cruise of the Texan fleet to in 1840, 18-29; alliance with Texas, 29-43.
Zavala, Lorenzo de, 147.
Zavala, The, 7, 93, 120.
2. See Bugbee, “Slavery in Early Texas,” in Political Science Quarterly, XIII, particularly pp. 649-655.
3. Chambers to Austin, May 12, 1830. Austin Papers.
4. Terán to Austin, January 27, 1832. Austin Papers.
5. See Rowe, “The Disturbances at Anahuac in 1832, in The Quarterly, VI, 265-299; Turner, “The Mejía Expedition,” in ibid., VII, 1-28.
6. Austin to Muldoon, November 15, 1831. Austin Papers.
7. Austin to Músquiz, June 29, 1832; to Ugartechea, June 29; to Santa Anna, July 6. Austin Papers.
8. See in general the Proceedings of the Convention in Gammel, Laws of Texas, I, 475-503; and A Comprehensive History of Texas, I, 499.
9. See extracts from letters of Garza, Ramón Músquiz, Angel Navarro, Eca y Musquiz, Santa Anna and others in Brown, History of Texas, I, 215-221.
10. Brown, History of Texas, I, 216; Rather, “DeWitt's Colony,” in The Quarterly, VIII, 146-147.
11. Harrison to Austin, November 30, December 8, 1832. Austin Papers.
12. Austin to Ashby, October 10, 1832. Austin Papers.
13. Austin to Ramón Músquiz, November 15, 1832, in Brown, History of Texas, I, 219.
14. Edward, History of Texas, 196-205; Yoakum, History of Texas, I, 467-482; The Quarterly, VI, 151, VIII, 240-246.
15. There is some difference of opinion as to who the others were. Yoakum (I, 312), Bancroft (North Mexican States and Texas, II, 134), and Bryan (A Comprehensive History of Texas, I, 499) say W. H. Wharton and J. B. Miller; Kennedy (Texas, II, 23) and Garrison (Texas, 185) say J. B. Miller and Erasmo Seguin. Thrall (History of Texas, 189, note) calls attention to the difference between Yoakum and Kennedy, but follows Yoakum.
16. Austin to Perry, April 22, 1833. Austin Papers.
17. Austin to Perry, July 30, 1833. Austin Papers.
18. Austin to Perry, October 2, 1833. Austin Papers.
19. Austin's “Explanation to the Public,” etc., translation by Ethel Zivley Rather in The Quarterly, VIII, 247, 248, 249.
20. The document is printed in Filisola, Memorias para la historia de la guerra de Tejas, I, 272-293.
21. Austin to Perry, October 23, 1833. Austin Papers.
22. Several new municipalities were created; the province was divided for administrative purposes into three departments, two of the three being Anglo-American in population; the use of both English and Spanish in public documents was permitted; and a judicial system was organized, granting trial by jury. See Gammel, Laws of Texas, I, 352, 355-356, 364-380, 384.
23. Austin to Perry, January 14, 1834. Austin Papers. Of the same tenor is his letter to George Fisher, January 15.
24. Austin Papers.
25. All these letters are from Austin to Perry. Austin Papers.
26. He wrote to Perry, March 4, 1835 (Austin Papers), that Anthony Butler, John T. Mason, and J. A. Mexía would have kept him in a dungeon for years if they could, because he had opposed the plan of organizing Texas as a territory, and so had interfered with some of their land speculation schemes.
27. Fomento Sección de Archivo Colonización, Exp. Num. 5, Legajo 2.
28. Van Buren MSS. in the Library of Congress. The writer goes on to say that Santa Anna instituted an impartial inquiry into the proceedings against Austin and that it was expected that he would soon be at liberty. It was in fact about this time that Santa Anna revoked the order that had kept Austin incommunicado since his imprisonment.
29. Austin Papers.
30. See page 262.
31. McLane to Butler, May 26, 1834, MSS. Department of State, Instructions to Agents to Mexico, 1835, p. 25; Butler to McLane, July 13, 1834, MSS. Department of State, Despatches from Agents to Mexico, Vol. 6. The attention of the government seems to have been called to Austin's plight by H. Meigs, the brother-in-law of John Forsyth (see Meigs to Austin, May 30, September 27, 1834. Austin Papers).
32. Austin to Perry, March 4, 1835. Austin Papers.
33. Austin Papers.
34. Austin Papers.
35. Memorias para la historia de la guerra de Tejas, II, 141.
36. I have the greater confidence in this hypothesis because in one of his letters to Perry (January 14, 1834—Austin Papers) Austin gives instructions for forwarding his mail by Tampico or Vera Cruz, and tells Perry if no other opportunity offers to send it by New Orleans.
37. From a copy by Mrs. M. A. Holley in the Austin Papers.
38. The Texas Republican, September 19, 1835. The speech may also be read in Foote, Texas and the Texans, II, 60-65.
39. The Texas Republican, September 19, 1835.
40. The Texas Republican, September 19, 1835.
41. The Texas Republican, September 26, 1835.
42. Gritten to Barrett, September 8, 1835. Austin Papers.
43. Archives of Texas, D 267; The Texas Republican, September 26, 1835. The circular is printed in full in Foote, Texas and the Texans, II, 67-68, and in Brown, History of Texas, I, 355-356.
44. The Texas Republican, September 26, 1835.
45. Austin to Grayson, September 19, 1835. Austin Papers.
46. The Texas Republican, September 26, 1835.
47. Ibid.
48. To the committee of Matagorda, October 2, 1835, archives of Texas, D 28; Circular, October 3, 1835, in The Texas Republican, October 10, 1835. Brown, History of Texas, I, 358-363, Foote, Texas and the Texans, II, 85-90; to Kerr and Alley, October 3, 1835. Archives of Texas, D 27; to the committee of Harrisburg, October 4, 1835, archives of Texas, D 25; to the committee of Nacogdoches, October 4, 1835, in the Telegraph and Texas Register, April 4, 1837, Brown, I, 353-354, and Foote, II, 84-85.
49. Travis to Austin, September 22, 1835, Austin Papers; Publications of So. His. Assn., VI, 420-421.
50. Austin to McKinney, September 27, 1835. Austin Papers.
51. Austin Papers.
52. Archives of Texas, Records in Department of State, Vol. 3, pp. 24-25.
53. For this declaration see Journals of the Consultation, 21-22; The Quarterly, VI, 280-281.
54. Archives of Texas, Records Department of State, Vol. 3, pp. 159-164, passim.
55. In a letter of December 22 he explained that his chief objection to the declaration of November 7 was that it did not in plain terms declare Texas a Mexican state.
56. Archives of Texas, Records Department of State, Vol. 3, pp. 157-159. This copy is dated December 2, but Barrett's letter and the rough draft of Austin's reply, which are in Austin Papers, are dated the 3d.
57. See report of information given by Miracle, December 5, 1835, Archives of Texas, State Library; The Quarterly, V, 299-300.
58. This article reads, “Fifth, That they hold it to be their right, during the disorganization of the federal system and reign of despotism, to withdraw from the Union, to establish an independent government, or to adopt such measures as they may deem best calculated to protect their rights and liberties; but that they will continue faithful to the Mexican government so long as that nation is governed by the constitution and laws that were formed for the government of the political association.”
59. Austin to General Council, December 11, 1835. MS., Texas State Library.
60. MS., Texas State Library.
61. MS., Texas State Library.
62. See The Quarterly, IX, 246-247.
63. Foote, Texas and the Texans, II, 194-196.
64. See among others his letters of January 10, 14, 16, 18, 21, February 18, March 3, April 4, etc., etc., in Austin Papers and Texas State Library.
65. Royall to President of General Council, January 27, 1836. MS., Texas State Library.
66. McKinney to Austin, February 22, 1836. Austin Papers.
67. Study his letter of December 22, 1835, to the provisional government: “A large portion of the Mexicans are determined to be free, if they succeed, Texas will participate as a state in conformity with the declaration of 7 Novr.—if they fail, Texas can at any time resort to her natural rights.” See page 281 above.
68. These recollections of the Texas revolution were dictated by Andrew A. Boyle in 1870, just before his death, to his daughter, Mrs. W. H. Workman. For the manuscript The Quarterly is indebted to his granddaughter, Miss Gertrude Dardin Workman. Although Mr. Boyle's memory of details was inaccurate, the paper is important in two particulars: (1) it adds another witness to the list of Texan participants who have unanimously testified that Fannin did not surrender at discretion, as General Urrea claimed, and (2) it gives a first hand account of the execution of the wounded prisoners at Goliad.
69. The regulars at the Alamo were commanded by Travis, the volunteers by Bowie. Crockett held no official position.
70. Contemporary statements place this number between three and four hundred men. See letters of Captain John Sowers Brooks (The Quarterly, IX, 179, 181, 183, 191) and Dr. Bernard's Journal in A Comprehensive History of Texas, I, 616.
71. Ramón Martinez Caro, Santa Anna's secretary, says (Verdadera Idea de la primera Compaña de Tejas, etc., 11) that after the Alamo was taken five men who had hidden themselves during the action surrendered to General Castrillon, but were shot by Santa Anna's order.
72. Compare Bernard's account of this skirmish, which he dates March 18. A Comprehensive History of Texas, I, 619-620.
73. This account of Brooks's death agrees exactly with that of Doctors Shackleford and Field. The Quarterly, IX, 196-198.
74. The real number seems to have been between three hundred and twenty and three hundred and thirty. See Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, II, 235, note 70.
75. Bryan was not officially a consul, because at that time the United States had not recognized the independence of Texas, but he discharged many of the duties of a consul.
76. Anderson Hutchinson was born April 7, 1798, in Greenbrier county, Virginia. On attaining to manhood he removed to Knoxville, Tennessee, where he read law and obtained a license to practice. He was located for some time at Huntsville, Alabama, and then removed to Mississippi and formed a partnership with H. S. Foote. He followed his profession in Mississippi about ten years, and shortly before his removal published in association with Volney E. Howard, in 1840, a digest of the laws of Mississippi. In the fall of 1840 he opened a law office in the City of Austin. He was elected judge of the fourth judicial district in January, 1841. By September, 1842, he had prepared a Texas code, which he purposed to submit to the seventh congress for approval, but the inroads of the Mexicans into Texas during this year frustrated his plan. He had to flee from San Antonio in March, 1842, on account of Vasquez' raid, and his family lost their piano and most of their clothing. His capture at San Antonio in September, 1842, by General Woll, and his seven months' captivity in Mexico is the subject of the Diary. Judge Hutchinson died in Mississippi in 1853.
The diary was kept in a small note book, 4¼ by 7¼ inches in size, and bound in limp leather, with flap and band for fastening. The writing fills 43 pages. The original Diary is in the Texas State Library; it was purchased in October, 1909.
77. In a letter to the Secretary of War, dated Seguin, 12 Sept. 1842, Hays says he was accompanied by five men.—Appendix to House Journal, 7 Tex. Cong., 16.
78. In a letter to the editor of the Telegraph, dated 14 Dec. 1842, A. Miskel gives the names of two of the Mexican commissioners, Don Domingo Bustillo and Don Ignacio Chavez.—Telegraph and Texas Register, 21 Dec., 1842.
79. Cf. with date under which this entry is made.
80. This letter is printed in Appendix to House Journal, 7 Tex. Cong., 18, 19.
81. This entry is written with pen and ink different from that used in the body of the Diary. The entry appears to have been made at a later date.
82. This entry is written in the margin opposite the one above. Cf. note 2 above.
W. D. Miller was President Houston's private secretary. Anson Jones was nominally secretary of state, but he had been absent from the office since April.
83. This letter is printed in Appendix to House Journal, 7 Tex. Cong., 20, 21, and in the Telegraph and Texas Register, 28 Sept. 1842. Cf. C. W. Peterson to Editor of Telegraph, 12 September, 1842, in Telegraph and Texas Register, 21 September, 1842.
84. Medina.
85. Apparently concerning a plan to escape.
86. Physicians.
87. Neill states that Cunningham died on September 19th. See page 320 below.
88. Since Bradley's party did not join Hutchinson's party until October 9, it seems probable that the above entry was not made until that date or subsequently.
89. Seventeen of Captain Dawson's company survived the battle. Alsey S. Miller and Henry G. Woods escaped, and fifteen were captured. For a list of the names of the captives, see page 319 below.
90. Last five words in pen and ink that differ from those used in the body of the Diary. Cf. note 2, page 296.
91. In regard to this entry, see note 2, page 296.
92. In regard to this entry, see note 2, page 296.
93. A letter, unsigned, written by one of the prisoners at San Fernando on this date, is printed in the Telegraph and Texas Register, 23 Nov. 1842.
94. For a list of the ten Dawson prisoners, see page 319 below. This number does not include the wounded of Captain Dawson's company who were too ill to travel and were with General Woll's army at this time. These wounded prisoners have been lost sight of by nearly all who have essayed to write of this period. In a letter, dated at Camp Leon [24] Nov. 1842, Memucan Hunt informed the Editor of the Telegraph that “four men who left here wounded attempted to make their escape on the 2nd instant, from the hospital at Presidio; two were retaken, and nothing as yet has been heard of the others. . . . Those who communicated this information left Presidio on the 7th.” (Telegraph and Texas Register, 21 Dec. 1842.) One of the two recaptured prisoners, Milvern Harrell, gives the following account of events: “As we were still suffering from our wounds, we were placed in a house at the Presidio del Rio Grande, just across the river on the Mexican side. Here we were guarded and kept confined for two months. Finally we planned to make our escape, but gave it up, as we concluded that we could not cross the river. A Frenchman came in soon after, and telling him of the plans we had entertained, he said that crossing the river would be easy, as it was low at that season. Encouraged by this, we again determined upon escaping.
“Having noticed that the soldiers played cards a good deal, and satisfying ourselves that their guns were unloaded, one bright moonlight night, after the guard had passed the door, we slipped out and ran around the house toward the river. The ground was covered with rocks, and we fell several times. My uncle, Norman Woods, as he had not recovered from his wound, was easily retaken, but a man named Pattison, myself and McReady ran on. We did not go directly to the river, which was only a mile or two distant, but ran up stream for ten or twelve miles, reaching it about daylight. We looked for a shoally place to cross, as we thought there the water would be shallow. As Pattison was the eldest of the three, we followed his advice. He selected a place where the river was narrow, and bent in toward the Texas side. A sandbar lay out in the water a little distance, and a high bluff arose on the opposite side. After wading past the sandbar, Pattison suddenly stepped into deep water, and swimming forward called us to come on, that we could swim over. The water was icy cold, and we had been confined until we were weak. We had gone only a little distance when McReady called to us that he could go no further, and sank. Pattison and myself swam on. A jeans coat that Pattison had tied around him had slipped off, and he asked me to get it for him. I turned back for the coat, and taking it in my teeth, swam after him. On nearing the Texas bank we got into a swift current and were washed rapidly down stream. Pattison called out to me that he could go no further, but must drown, and sank almost immediately. By this time I was completely exhausted, and was helpless in the current. Thinking every second would be the last, I was suddenly washed upon a rock in the river, and carried high upon it, the water being only about six inches over its surface. I stood up and stretched myself. It was sleeting now, and I was almost frozen. I decided that I could not reach the Texas side, and knowing that I would freeze where I was, I went back to the Mexican side of the river. There was a long smooth beach where I reached the bank, and I ran up and down it for some time to warm myself and to loosen my joints, which had become stiff from being in the water so long.
“Then leaving the river and going upon a hill to get my location, I saw a house in the distance, and went toward it. A Mexican, seeing me approaching, came down to meet me. When he drew nearer, I recognized him as a Mexican I had known at San Antonio, and with whom we had traded. He came up and taking off his overcoat threw it around me. I went up to the house with him, where he had a big, bright fire burning in the chimney. He would not let me go near it, but had me to sit down across the room from it, and would have me move up a little at a time. His wife brought in some hot coffee for me, and I thought it was the best I had ever tasted. After getting warm, I told them that I desired to lay down, as I was sleepy. A bed was prepared, and I slept from about 7 o'clock in the morning until 2 or 3 o'clock in the afternoon, and on awaking I saw four Mexican soldiers in the room.
“They had been scouring the country in search of us, and came to the house where I was. Of course they carried me back with them.
“Soon after this we left the Presidio for the City of Mexico. At Saltillo we were joined with the Mier prisoners and kept with them until we were liberated.”—Dallas Morning News, June 16, 1907.
While the last sentence of Mr. Harrell's statement is true, it must not be forgotten that the principal officers of the Mier Expedition marched from Saltillo in a separate body a short distance in advance of the men. This circumstance prevented the participation of the officers in the attack on the guard at Salado, 11 February 1843. After the Mexican guard had been put to flight, about twenty Texans refused to join in the march homeward (Stapp, Prisoners of Perote, 59). Harrell was of this number because his uncle Norman Woods was too ill to undertake the journey and needed attention. The wounded Texans were left in the care of these “eccentric knights.” The latter were marched toward the City of Mexico. They came up with the party of Texan officers at San Luis Potosi (Green, Journal of the Texian Expedition against Mier, 177). Some of the sick were left behind at this place (Stapp, 78), but Harrell proceeded with those accompanying the officers.
95. George Van Ness, Archibald Fitzgerald, and Thomas Hancock were residents of San Antonio in 1841. They joined the Santa Fé expedition and were made prisoners. Van Ness was released 3 February 1842, “entirely through the influence of the Mexican Secretary of War and Marine, General Tornel.” (Kendall, Narrative of the Santa Fé Expedition, I, 200.) Fitzgerald and Hancock were probably among those released in June, 1842. In that case, their release was conditioned on their signing a document on oath stating that they would not again take up arms against the Republic of Mexico until they had been regularly exchanged. (R. D. Phillips, one of the Santa Fé prisoners, to his father, Dr. M. Phillips, 19 June 1842. MS. letter in King Texas Collection, Texas State Library.) They had returned to San Antonio and were among those captured on 11 September 1842. They were included in the terms of surrender granted by General Woll. Santa Anna, however, ordered these three men to be shot (Neill's Narrative, page 315 below), alleging that they had broken their parole (Thompson, Recollections of Mexico, 76, 78). Through the intercession of General Woll their sentence was modified to ten years imprisonment in San Juan de Ulloa. (Neill's Narrative, page 315 below.)
When Green and his companions arrived at Saltillo, 30 January 1843, they found there in prison Van Ness, Fitzgerald, Hancock and three of the wounded prisoners of Dawson's company. At the request of Green, Van Ness was permitted to accompany the Texan officers. Fitzgerald and Hancock and the Dawson prisoners were joined to the Mier Prisoners when the latter arrived at Saltillo February 5. A few days later Fitzgerald was fatally wounded during the attack on the guard at the Hacienda de Salado, 11 February 1843. Hancock also was wounded, but recovered and survived the period of imprisonment at Perote. He was released with the Bexar Prisoners, 23 March 1844. Van Ness was liberated about a fortnight later. (Stapp, Prisoners of Perote, 123.)
96. In regard to this sentence, see note 2, page 296.
97. This note is in same hand and ink, but inserted with other notes, marked A to M, near the back of the booklet in which the Diary is kept.
98. See note 2, page 301.
99. First three words are stricken out; see note 2, p. 301.
100. See note 2, page 296, in regard to this paragraph.
101. For an account of Captain Philip Dimit's capture and the circumstances attending his death, July, 1841, see Yoakum, History of Texas, II, 319, 320.
102. An inn.
103. See note 2, page 301. The last sentence of this note appears to be a part of the original entry. The date when these notes were written would then be fixed at some time after 9 April 1843. See second paragraph of entry under April 9, 1843.
104. See note 2, page 301.
105. See note 2, page 296. G. W. Terrell was attorney general of the Republic of Texas at this time.
106. See note 2, page 296. Bravo was acting president of Mexico at this time.
107. See note 2, page 296.
108. General Mexia was shot, by order of Santa Anna, in 1839.
109. Perhaps a reference to S. G. Norvell; see note 1, page 320, below.
110. This last sentence is written in the margin; see note 2, page 296.
111. The memorial and the letters were written while the Texans were at Tula, December 7-10.
112. Perhaps, the reference is to Robert J. Walker, senator, and Jacob Thompson, congressman, from Mississippi.
113. “Dr. Booker, one of the San Antonio prisoners and a brave and meritorious man, was accidentally killed, . . . by a drunken Mexican soldier. The latter pointed his gun with the intention of shooting one of his own officers, but unfortunately the ball lodged in the breast of Dr. B., who survived but a few days.”—Telegraph and Texas Register, 3 May 1843.
114. The entry for this date, and those for the dates following to and including April 7, appear to have been written originally with pencil and subsequently traced with pen and ink.
115. See note 2 above. During the night Hutchinson, Maverick, and Jones, on their way to the City of Mexico, must have lodged in close proximity to Fisher, Green and the other officers of the Mier Expedition, who were on their way to the Castle of Perote.
116. See note 2 above.
117. This entry was interlined with pen and ink, and not traced like the original entry for this day. Cf. note 2, page 296.
118. See note 2, page 307.
119. See note 2, page 307. They called upon their fellow citizens imprisoned in the Castle, and carried away with them many messages for friends at home. (Green, Journal of the Texian Expedition against Mier, 256.)
120. See note 2, page 307. The following words, after the word Chatahooche, were not traced: “on which are the Riddles and O'Phelan.”
“John and Wilson Riddle and Capt. O'Phelan, all of them taken at San Antonio, have been released through the intercession of the British Minister.” (Telegraph and Texas Register, 3 May 1843.)
121. See note 2, page 307. The following sentence, however, was not traced in ink: “This is my forty-fifth birthday.”
122. Beginning with the entry for this day the original entries in the Diary are again written in ink.
123. The following list of officers of the Vincennes is recorded near the end of the booklet containing the Diary:
Cap: Franklin Buchanan, Phila.
Lt John K Mitchell—N. Car.
“ Ro Emmet Hooe, King George Cy—Va
Lt Montgy Lewis—Phila
“ Rd Wainwright
“ Woodhull S Schenck—Ohio
Surgeon John A Lockwood—Delaware
Sailing Master Jo: N. Barney—Md.
Purser Jo: Bryan—Geo.
Asst Surgeon—A A Henderson
Lt of Marines M. R. Kintzing
Captain's Clerk Jo: Gideon
124. Lieutenant George B. Crittenden was one of the Mier prisoners. He was left behind with others at Matamoros in January, 1843, being too sick to travel. (Stapp, Prisoners of Perote, 45.) In a letter dated Monterey, 24 March 1843, the writer says “The sick and wounded, together with the three boys who were left at Matamoros, were secretly marched out of town on the 4th instant, and sent on foot to Tampico.” (Telegraph and Texas Register, 3 May 1843.) Through the efforts of General Waddy Thompson Lt. Crittenden was released about the same time that Judge Hutchinson, Wm. E. Jones, and S. A. Maverick were released. Perhaps, they had heard of his having been sent to Tampico, and of the subsequent order for his release, while they were in the City of Mexico.
125. Lt. Crittenden had left three days before for the City of Mexico. (Telegraph and Texas Register, 3 May 1843.)
126. This reference is to James L. Sheperd. He was recaptured and shot to death. (Stapp, Prisoners of Perote, 74.)
127. Last sentence is placed in the margin and written in ink of different color.
128. Although not a part of the Diary, the following extract from a letter written by Judge Hutchinson at Jackson, Mississippi, June 10, 1843, to W. D. Miller, the private secretary of President Houston, is so intimately connected with the events covered by the Diary that it may with propriety be introduced here:
“My Dear Friend:—On the 18th April I arrived at Pensacola. On the 23rd recd Mrs. Hutchinson's letter of the 16th requesting me to meet her at Jackson. On May 1st reached Raymond and on the 3rd Jackson. On the 16th got another letter from Mrs. H. desiring me to meet her at Montgomery. On the 23rd she with her mother and Mr. Graves, my brother-in-law, met me at that place, and on the 1st instant we reached this place. I am engaged in locating my family here and expect in about a week to leave on a visit to Texas, where I trust I shall meet you and be enabled to express my grateful acknowledgments for your kind attention to Mrs. H. when she was on her way from the land of privations and difficulties, and also for your letters of Sep 12 and 14th 1842.
“But for the necessity of collecting my family I should have been enabled to have got to Washington by the 5th instant, the day for the session of the Supreme Court: I shall therefore, with the tender of my resignation as Judge of the fourth district, declare my salary as terminating on the 5th instant. I learned in N. Orleans that my district had been reduced to Goliad, Refugio and San Patricio, so that no circuit duties have been needed. In a word it is impossible for me to sustain in safety my family in any part of the 4th district, and being unwilling to reside in middle or eastern Texas, I am compelled to resume professional practice in Mississippi.
“My Code of Texas is here as complete as I left it. Two weeks labor will enable me to engraft the legislation of the last Congress. . . .
“Oblige me by expressing to Generals Houston and Terrell and Col Hockley my gratitude for the kindnesses to Mrs. H. during my captivity. . . .
“I go to Texas to exchange my negroes with Gen. Henderson for others in Mississippi—to get my salary—to sell my Code—and to bring away my library. . . . Any aid you can afford in the accomplishment of any of those objects will be a great favor.” (MS. letter in Miller Papers, Texas State Library.)
129. This is the end of the Diary.
130. The translations and notes have been added by the editor.
131. Minutes of the District Court, September term, 1842, in District Clerk's Office, San Antonio.
132. See note 2, page 312.
133. D. S. in the collection of papers presented to the State Library by Mr. L. K. Miller.
134. This report has not been found.
135. The numbering and arrangement of the names in Neill's. The statements concerning the release, escape or death of the prisoners have been added by the editor and unless credited to other sources are based on Green's Journal of the Texian Expedition against Mier.
136. Hutchinson's Diary.
137. Telegraph and Texas Register, 3 May 1843.
138. Hutchinson's Diary.
139. The Morning Star, 1 April 1843.
140. The Quarterly, II, 234.
141. “Richard Jackson, one of the prisoners captured at Bexar last autumn, died at Perote on the first of April last.” (Telegraph and Texas Register, 10 May 1843.)
142. Stapp, 113.
143. Simeon Glenn was released 23 March 1844.
144. “Mr. S. G. Norvell, one of the prisoners captured at Bexar by Gen. Woll, came over on the New York, having been liberated through the intervention of Col. Carasco.” (Telegraph and Texas Register, 8 March 1843.)
145. Geo. Van Ness was released — April 1844. (Stapp, 123.)
146. Fitzgerald died of wounds received at Salado, 11 February 1843.
147. Thos. Hancock escaped from Perote 2 July 1843; recaptured; released 23 March 1844.
148. These seven names do not appear in Hutchinson's list. The names of the five Dawson prisoners given below are not included either in Hutchinson's or Neill's list.
Milvern Harrell, a youth, released 23 March 1844.
John Higgerson, killed at Salado, 11 February 1843.
McReady, or McCrady, drowned in the Rio Grande river, November, 1842.
Pattison, drowned in the Rio Grande river, November, 1842.
Norman Woods, died in prison at Perote.
Higgerson's name appears in Green (pp. 141, 177) only. Milvern Harrell mentions the names of McReady, Pattison and Woods. (Dallas News, June 16, 1907.)
150. See Vol. III, p. 51.
151. Judge Montgomery was for some years associate justice of the supreme court of North Carolina.—Z. T. F.
How to cite:
"Issue View", Volume 013, Number 4, Southwestern Historical Quarterly Online. http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/publications/journals/shq/online/v013/n4/issue.html
[Accessed Mon Nov 23 13:18:48 CST 2009]
