Vol. XV JANUARY, 1912 No. 3
The publication committee and the editor disclaim responsibility for views expressed by contributors toThe Quarterly
Comparison of the Texas revolt of 1835-1836 with the American Revolution reveals in many particulars a close parallelism between the two. This is especially striking in the divided state of public opinion which in both cases preceded, as well as accompanied and followed, the resort to arms, and in the method of procedure adopted for organizing resistance. But perhaps, after all, the existence of such parallelism is less remarkable than its absence would be, for in each case the defendants were Anglo-Americans, and in each the fundamental cause of revolt was the same—a sudden effort of the supreme government to enforce laws long forgotten or disregarded and to extend in local affairs an imperial administration to which the colonists were strangers. Sober historians have swept away the haze of political oratory which once obscured the causes of the American Revolution and have found them less grievous than ardent patriots formerly imagined, but even historians do not question the naturalness of the revolt. No doubt the actual grievances of the Texans were less serious than their Patrick Henries and Samuel Adamses believed them to be, but with all due allowance for their conscious and unconscious exaggeration of the evils threatened by Mexico, human nature being as it is, the Texas revolution was natural enough. That American historians of the past generation failed to recognize this may be ascribed to the persistent influence of the slavery question, with which Texas was from 1836 to 1850 so intimately connected in national politics of the United States.
In a slight degree the Texan declaration of causes for taking up arms illustrates one of the parallels suggested. On November 3, 1835, the “Consultation of the chosen delegates of all Texas” began its sessions at San Felipe de Austin. Called for the purpose of unifying public opinion, and of devising ways of preserving peace with honor or of preparing for war, this body found itself in a situation which reminds one of the Second Continental Congress when it assembled at Philadelphia in 1775. Hostilities had already begun, a volunteer band of colonists was marching against the Mexican troops at San Antonio, and the Consultation faced the task of justifying war and of discovering means for waging it vigorously. The preceding summer had seen the development of a small war party in Texas which hailed the outbreak with satisfaction, but most of the colonists were reluctant to abandon the ways of peace, and many thought the breach premature and ill-advised—premature because it was not yet certain that Santa Anna's reform of the national constitution would injure Texas; 1 and ill-timed because, whereas Santa Anna was being opposed at the time by a considerable party of liberals (the Federalists) in Mexico, the rising of the alien Texans would easily be interpreted as a movement toward secession, and that, as a matter which touched the national pride, would unite all parties against them. The declaration of November 7 was, therefore, a strategic document, designed on the one hand to justify the war in the eyes of the Texans and of an impartial world, and on the other to convince the Mexican Federalists that the Texans desired only to preserve from destruction the republican constitution of 1824. At the same time it represented a compromise between the war party, which desired an outright declaration of independence, and the conservatives, who believed that the time for that had not arrived.
Dr. Branch T. Archer was elected president of the Consultation, and his inaugural address, which conformed very closely to a list of suggestions which Stephen F. Austin had drawn up and sent from the army, declared that “The first measure that will be brought before the house, will be a declaration in which we will set forth to the world the causes which have impelled us to take up arms, and the objects for which we fight.” A hint of the tone which the President expected the declaration to take can be gathered from his concluding words, “I do not view the cause in which we are engaged, as that of freemen fighting alone against military despotism; I do not view it as Texas battling alone for her rights and her liberties; I view it in a nobler, more exalted light. I view it as the great work of laying the corner stone of liberty in the great Mexican republic.” 2 A committee of twelve, one from each district, represented in the Consultation was accordingly appointed to draft a declaration as the President proposed. 3 John A. Wharton was chairman of this committee and it numbered among its members General Sam Houston.
The committee soon found that its task involved a preliminary settlement of the fundamental question of whether Texas was fighting for independence or in defense of the constitution, and the members, unable to agree among themselves, forced the dedecision upon the house by asking for instructions. 4 The subject occupied the attention of the Consultation almost exclusively for three days, but the journal gives little indication of the content of the debates. On the morning of the 4th Wharton and Williamson, of the committee, made “lengthy and able” speeches in favor of independence. 5 In reply Daniel Parker of Nacogdoches “on motion was permitted to offer a plan of such a declaration as he thought the house should make which on motion of Saml Houston was laid on the table to be referred to the committee on the subject.” 6 The manuscript minutes indicate that Parker favored a declaration in favor of the constitution, but no copy of his plan is preserved. R. R. Royall followed Parker and read a communication from General Austin giving the latter's views upon the course which the Consultation should pursue in providing a provisional government for Texas. This also was referred to the committee. 7 After a speech by Martin Parmer 8 of Tenaha in favor of independence, and one by J. D. Clements of Gonzales in support of the constitution, 9 Dr. Everett of Bevil offered a resolution which he said “had for its object the bringing the discussion to a point and to avoid a protracted debate.” 10 What the resolution was or what parliamentary action it evoked we are not told. The secretary stopped in the middle of the sentence to record the interesting item that the assembly “adjourned till two o'clock p. m.,” and the words already written were marked out with a cross. Perhaps Everett felt sufficiently heartened by his luncheon to endure the debate with resignation and withdrew the resolution. Concerning the discussion during the afternoon, the manuscript source says only that “Mr. John A. Wharton took the floor and in a lengthy speech urged the necessity to declare Texas independent of Mexico,” and the printed journal tells us nothing.
An important addition to the journal of this day's proceedings is afforded by a letter from Gail Borden, Jr., to Stephen F. Austin. 11 Writing on the 5th, Borden said
.... Yesterday, however, the day was principally occupied in discussion on the resolution offered by Mr. Wharton appointing a Committee “to make a declaration to the world setting forth the reasons for which we take up arms etc.” Though the discussion was lengthy and animated yet coolness and moderation pervaded throughout the debate.
Your opinion as to what you believed should be the course to pursue was introduced as well as several plans all of which were referred to the Committee on the subject. Whatever may be the decision it will be unanimous. My opinion, however, is that a large majority will declare for the principles of the Constitution of 1824—Unanimity and good feeling I believe is the order of the day—and I trust all will go well. ...
Had a conversation with Genl Houstion today. I believe he has the interest of our country at heart; he made the best speech yesterday I have ever heard; the whole tenour of it went to harmonize the feelings of the people and to produce unanimity of sentiment.
The discussion was resumed on the 5th and consumed the entire day. Mr. Barrett of Mina replied to Wharton in favor of a declaration for the constitution, and was given leave to submit in writing further views, which were referred to the committee. J. W. Robinson of Nacogdoches spoke “at length” in favor of independence, and J. B. Wood of Liberty for the constitution. General Houston on this day was seized with a desire to close the debate, as Dr. Everett had been on the 4th, and offered a resolution that the committee be instructed “to draw a declaration in favor of the constitution of 1824,” but this he withdrew in deference to the opposition of Mr. Wharton. The day closed with a speech from the President, who was called from the chair to give his opinion of “the character of the declaration which should be adopted as a foundation for a provisional government.” What his opinion was is not stated, but it is safe to infer from his inaugural address that it was conservative. 12
By the 6th the majority were evidently becoming impatient. Williamson was refused permission to read his “plan on which to found a provisional government,” but it was referred to the committee. Wharton next gained leave only by the casting vote of the President “to offer some further remarks on his report”; and after Mr. Royall had read from Vattel in reply to him, Mr. Mitchell of Washington stopped the discussion by moving the previous question. The vote was suspended, however, until the President could explain the question to members who had recently arrived, and at the close of his remarks Williamson again begged and obtained leave to read his plan. The voting followed on the question as phrased by General Houston, “All in favor of a provisional government, upon the principles of the constitution of 1824, will say aye.” The result was thirty-three ayes and fourteen noes. The question was then put in another form, “All in favor of a declaration of independence will say aye,” and upon this the vote was fifteen ayes and thirty-three noes. Wharton opposed entering the ayes and noes on the journal, and they were omitted. 13
Having received its instructions, the committee retired to frame its report. It had before it, as we know, at least four plans, those of Parker, Austin, Barrett, and Williamson—three peace party men, and one in favor of the constitution. Of Parker's plan we have no copy. Austin's advised that a declaration be made in favor of the constitution of 1824; that a provisional local government be organized, with the statement that Texas was now separate from Coahuila but that the existing laws of Coahuila and Texas would as far as possible be provisionally retained until more deliberate action could be taken; that the faith of the state be pledged to obtain means for pushing the war “in defence of the constitution and Federal System”; that land claims of the Indians be guaranteed in order to keep them quiet; that fraudulent land grants made by the legislature since 1833 be annulled; that a courier service be established; and that the militia be organized and steps taken to raise a regular army. 14 Austin thought this “the Full Extent which . . . the Consultation ought to go.” It, in fact, almost exactly covered the work which the Consultation did do, and it no doubt had great influence in determining the majority to declare for the constitution, but in shaping the content and phraseology of the final declaration it had apparently little further effect.
Barrett's draft falls into the three familiar divisions of the American declaration of independence from Great Britain in 1776, and suggests that in form, consciously or unconsciously, its author fashioned it after that document. The first section states a theory of government, and declares that a military dictator has evinced a determination to overthrow this form of government, which the constitution of 1824 recognizes; the second submits facts to prove the evil intention of the dictator; and the third declares the objects for which the Texans fight. Concerning the nature of government, Barrett says that the Americans, who are “a free and thinking people,” “consider all government as originating from, and made for the people.” The dictator's determination to subvert this form of government is exemplified
1st.
By attempting forcibly to adopt a central form of government, contrary to the principles of the constitution of 1824.
2nd.By attempting to subject the civil to the military powers.
3rd.By establishing fortifications and sending military forces to compel obedience to a form of government and laws made without the consent of the people.
4th.By demanding our citizens, charged with civil offences, to be surrendered to military commandants.
5th.By annoying, and endeavoring to destroy our trade.
6th.By arresting and confining the civil Governor and Legislature of our independent State.
9th.And by many acts indicating a determined hostility to all the colonists and to destroy all confidence in constitutional protection, and all natural rights of our citizens. 15
Therefore the colonists were fighting to preserve their constitutional rights, “to put down the usurped power which has trampled them under foot,” and to restore to full operation the constitution and laws. In this they were not the aggressors, for “it is our duty to defend our inalienable rights against all who attempt to subvert our Liberties, although citizens of the same country.” This portion of Barrett's paper is rambling, and contains some repetitions, but the declaration for the constitution is unequivocal. “We declare and resolve to support the constitution of 1824,” and for this purpose the people wanted to “unite with the friends of Liberty among Mexican fellow citizens in the same glorious object.” Barrett advised the calling of a second Consultation at a later date, and in the meantime urged the formation of a provisional government “with certain and defined powers.” If he suspected that a more radical policy might become necessary, it is only revealed in an invitation to the inhabitants of the Department of Bexar to participate in the support of a provisional government “until circumstances require further action.” 16
Barrett's plan was entirely in harmony with Austin's ideas of what ought to be done, and it seems to have had considerable influence in shaping the declaration.
Williamson's draft is interesting as the blunt statement of a man who favored a declaration of independence, but tried to tone down the expression of his real feelings to meet the wishes of a squeamish majority. Starting with the premise that the Texans are “Anglo Americans,” “a free born and reflecting people,” who “believe that all government originates with, and resides in the people,” and that they entered the territory of Mexico under a constitution which guaranteed such government, the writer declares that “without their privity or Consent That Only form of Government known and acknowledged by them has been changed”; therefore “eight thousand” men are in arms “in support of the principles embraced in the Constitution of the Republic of Mexico of 1824.” They were fighting for “Constitutional Liberty” against “the consolidated forces [of the] Mexican Empire.” And they declared themselves, therefore, “separate from, and Independent of That form of Government that at present exists in Mexico.” 17 Notice that Williamson would fight only for the principles of the constitution of 1824, and that while declaring Texas independent of the existing government he refrains from committing it to any other Mexican government.
There is a fourth document, endorsed in the hand of the secretary of the Consultation, “Declaration of General Consultation.” It is not the declaration, however, that was finally adopted, and the journal gives no hint that it was ever presented to the Consultation. It was written by the same hand as Williamson's draft, and, with a word changed here and there, is the same as Williamson's except for three additional paragraphs. These paragraphs are prefixed to the Williamson document. The first one declares that the form of government acknowledged by the Texans has been overthrown, the “social compact creating the confederacy of Mexican States virtually dissolved,” 18 and that the Texans resort to their “natural right” upon the principle of self-preservation. The second declares that the people of Texas “are no longer bound to adhere to a people that have changed that form of government created by the compact of 1824 of which Tejas formed an integral part.” And the third expresses the reliance of the Texans upon the generosity of civilized nations to sustain them against military despotism. 19 Perhaps this was an alternative draft submitted by Williamson to the committee. The prefatory paragraphs contributed to the phraseology of the final declaration.
At the close of the afternoon's session of November 6 Wharton reported progress from his committee. At the opening of the session next morning he “obtained leave to retire for a few minutes, with the committee of which he was chairman,” and upon his return presented the committee's report. According to the journal, it was taken up by sections, and, with a single amendment, each section was adopted unanimously. The amendment inserted the word “republican” before “principles of the federal constitution of Mexico” in the first section. 20 As completed, the declaration was as follows:
Whereas, General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, and other military chieftains, have, by force of arms, overthrown the federal institutions of Mexico, and dissolved the social compact which existed between Texas and the other members of the Mexican confederacy; now the good people of Texas, availing themselves of their natural rights. 21
1st.
That they have taken up arms in defence of their rights and liberties, which were threatened by the encroachments of military despots, and in defence of the republican 22 principles of the federal constitution of Mexico, of eighteen and twenty-four. 23
2d.That Texas is no longer morally or civilly bound by the compact of union; yet, stimulated by the generosity and sympathy common to a free people, they offer their support and assistance to such of the members of the Mexican confederacy as will take up arms against military despotism. 24
3d.That they do not acknowledge that the present authorities of the nominal Mexican republic have the right to govern within the limits of Texas. 25
4th.That they will not cease to carry on war against the said authorities whilst their troops are within the limits of Texas. 26
5th.That they hold it to be their right during the disorganization of the federal system, and the reign of despotism, to withdraw from the union, to establish an independent government, or to adopt such measures as they may deem best calculated to protect their rights and liberties, but that they will continue faithful to the Mexican government so long as that nation is governed by the constitution and laws that were formed for the government of the political association.
6th.That Texas is responsible for the expenses of her armies now in the field.
7th.That the public faith of Texas is pledged for the payment of any debts contracted by her agents.
8th.That she will reward, by donations in lands, all who volunteer their services in her present struggle, and receive them as citizens. 27
These declarations we solemnly avow to the world, and call God to witness their truth and sincerity, and invoke defeat and disgrace upon our heads, should we prove guilty of duplicity. 28
One of the eight articles of the declaration was drawn from Williamson's draft; two were taken from Number 4, which was probably another form of Williamson's draft; two were from Barrett, a peace party man; and the three final paragraphs were suggested by the president's inaugural address.
A thousand copies of the declaration were ordered printed, and upon the motion of General Houston it was ordered on the 8th that all members who were present at its passage should sign it immediately, while those who were not then present should sign it later at their convenience. 29 We have no original, and the names are omitted from the printed copy. From the manuscript source we learn that after the adoption of the declaration nearly the whole of the 7th was spent in discussing it. This suggests that the unanimity with which it was passed may have been less hearty than the laconic record of the printed journal indicates. Perhaps it was this discussion which prompted Houston's motion that every member should sign the declaration.
The fact is that the independence party succeeded in giving the declaration a brusquer tone than their numerical strength in the Consultation warranted. Though there was probably no intention to make it so, the second article had a patronizing ring which a sensitive Mexican could hardly fail to resent; and the fifth article was in effect a conditional declaration of independence. Stephen F. Austin was disappointed by the ambiguous character of the document. He thought that it tended “fully as much to independence as to adhesion to the constitution of 1824,” and he foresaw that Santa Anna would take advantage of it to give the war a national, racial character. And in this Austin did not give full expression to his opinion of the shortcomings of the declaration. 30
A question naturally arises concerning the sincerity of the thirty-three members who voted against a declaration of independence. No direct evidence can be adduced on this point, but it seems fairly certain that they did not perceive any material conflict between their position and the sentiments expressed in the declaration of November 7. The peace party men, no less than the independence men, were firmly resolved not to submit to certain measures that Santa Anna seemed bent upon carrying out. And, in a sense, the declaration said no more than just that. The truth is that the logic of the situation was against the adherents of the constitution of 1824. That had already been superseded on October 3, by decree of the Mexican Congress, and little could be said to soften the indisputable fact that the Texans were in arms against the recognized government of Mexico. With all his sincere desire for peace, John Dickinson in 1775 did not succeed in materially modifying Jefferson's trenchant “Declaration of the Causes and Necessity of Taking up Arms” against great Britain, 31 and few believed after the battle of Lexington that there was for the American colonist any other alternative than submission or resistance. In November, 1835, the Texan colonists had reached the same impasse with Mexico.
From our modern viewpoint we are able to see many causes for the comparative failure of the Spanish system in New Spain. Undoubtedly her exclusive commercial policy, discouraging trade between different parts of her own dominions, her strict and somewhat tyrannical methods of government, and her exploitation of her colonial dominions for the benefit of the home country were largely responsible for her ultimate lack of success in the New World. But the chief causes for this failure, perhaps, were those general conditions for which Spain can not be held accountable, and which would have hindered to an equal degree the efforts of any other colonizing nation in similar circumstances. And one of the most unfavorable of these conditions was the hostility of the natives in the various regions in which Spanish institutions were established.
The truth of this is seen by a study of the region which is now included in the states of California, Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas. The varying degrees of success in permanent establishments in the different areas is explained chiefly by the differences in the Indians of the respective sections. In California, for instance, the Spanish system reached a high stage of development, while in Texas, where efforts were begun more than a century earlier, there was little to show after two centuries of labor. In California, the natives were indolent and sluggish, indisposed to warfare; in most of Texas the reverse was true. The fact that the Indians in the greater portion of Texas could never be permanently subjugated and reduced to mission life explains in large measure the comparative failure of Spanish establishments there. To be sure, there were a few small tribes in southwestern Texas which were peaceably inclined, but this was due to their weakness and insignificance. The large tribes were all independent and self-assertive, and steadfastly refused to bow to the will of the Spaniards, although they often treacherously pretended to do so.
The chief difficulty with which the Spaniards of the eighteenth century had to deal in western Texas was the hostility of the Apaches. 32 From the founding of San Antonio in 1718 we may date the real beginning of this scourge. Hatred against the white man had been aroused at the first coming of the Spaniards when they had assisted the enemies of the Apaches, but it was not until San Antonio was founded that any definite and convenient point of attack had been available. The many raids upon the presidio thereafter revealed the fact that the Apaches were a dangerous factor in the life of the settlement.
Recognizing this truth, the Marqués de Aguayo, on his expedition of 1721-1722, tried to make friends with the Apaches, but conciliatory measures were of no avail. The multiplied raids in 1723 forced Captain Nicolás Flores to make a formal campaign against them, but on account of the distance at which they lived and the weak condition of the presidio, small permanent good came from this expedition, although it is true that for a few years depredations were less violent.
In 1731, however, the Apaches renewed their attacks and became so troublesome that in the following year a well organized campaign was undertaken against them by Governor Bustillo y Zevallos. The Indians suffered a severe defeat on the San Sabá River, and a treaty of peace was made with them. Their bad faith was soon evident, for almost immediately thereafter San Antonio again suffered a series of raids and massacres unparalleled in previous years.
Some feeble efforts for defense were made by the viceregal government in Mexico. Joseph de Urrutia, a noted Indian fighter, was appointed captain of Béxar, and preparations were made to teach the Apaches a lasting lesson. The usual procrastination followed, however, and, although there was no cessation of attacks by the Indians, it was not until 1739 that another formal expedition got under way. Several campaigns were made from 1740 to 1747, but as several of them were undertaken largely for the purpose of obtaining servants they served only to arouse the further enmity of the Apaches.
But what campaigns and conciliatory measures had failed to accomplish was gradually being brought about by pressure upon the Apaches of their arch enemies, the Comanches. As the latter pushed down into the territory occupied by the Lipans (Apaches), these once proud and haughty Indians were forced to turn to the hated whites for protection. In 1749 a great peace was concluded with the tribes to the northeast of San Antonio, and the Apaches assured the Spaniards that they wished to live in pueblos under the instruction of the missionaries. With the conclusion of this treaty, the prospects for the conversion and reduction of the Lipans began to seem probable, and renewed efforts were made to accomplish this end.
1. Summary of Progress up to 1749.—So far as the available records show, only three definite proposals for missionary work among the Apaches in Texas had been made previous to 1743. In 1723 and 1724, Father González, stationed at the San Antonio missions, had tried to conciliate them and bring about their conversion. In 1725 Father Hidalgo had asked for permission to go alone to their country and work for their salvation. And in 1733 Father Vergara, recognizing the importance of their reduction, had urged that missions be given them. It was ten years before another proposal was made. In March, 1743, Father Benito Fernández de Santa Ana, president of the San Antonio missions, sent a messenger to the viceroy bearing communications in which he urged that immediate steps be taken for the conversion of the Apaches. On account of the hostile attitude of the Comanches and their increased pressure upon the Apaches, the latter, he believed, would welcome the protection of the Spaniards, and a presidio in their midst would not only free San Antonio from their hostilities, but would also enable a rich mineral region to be opened up. The captain of Béxar had just sent in a petition asking for permission to make a new campaign against the Apaches, and, owing to the conflicting statements concerning the peaceful disposition of the Apaches, no decisive action was taken by the authorities. In 1745 Father Santa Ana renewed his petition, and now proposed to place presidios on the San Sabá, Pedernales, Salado, and Colorado Rivers, by which action he was convinced that not only the Apaches but also the Comanches themselves would be converted. Several requests for missions had, indeed, already been made by the Apaches, but the military authorities at San Antonio declared that this friendliness was only a ruse by which to regain their captive kinsmen taken in various campaigns. The missionaries continued to believe in the sincerity of the Indians, however, and succeeded in inducing the captain of the presidio to pursue a conciliatory policy. In March, 1749, messengers from the Apaches assured the Spaniards that they wished to be friends and would no longer trouble the settlement. True to their word, depredations did cease, and even the soldiers were forced to believe that the Indians intended to keep their promises. The continued friendly intercourse led at length to the very important step of releasing the captives, who were freed in the latter part of November. 33
2. The Guadalupe River Plan. 34—On September 24, 1749, a party of Apaches who constituted a portion of the Indians with whom the missionaries had been treating since August, visited San Antonio, and asked to be allowed to live in the missions there. Father Mariano de los Dolores, who, in the absence of Father Santa Ana, was in charge of Mission Valero, was convinced that the time for definite action had arrived. Although, on account of lack of provisions and fear of the consequences that might follow from the association of the converted with the unconverted Indians, he could not accede to this particular request, he was unwilling to postpone the matter further, and resolved to attempt an establishment, if only a temporary one, upon the Guadalupe River. The idea of founding a mission on this stream now became a pet scheme cherished by Father Dolores for many years and for which he later intrigued, it was alleged, in a manner not entirely creditable. The priest explained to the Indians that it would be impossible for them to live at San Antonio, and that until they should give undoubted proof of their sincerity, no establishment could be given them in their own country. He promised, however, that as soon as permission could be obtained from the viceroy a mission would be founded for them on the Guadalupe.
In support of his plan Father Dolores explained to Captain Urrutia the advantages of the proposed site. No garrison would be necessary, since those of San Antonio and San Xavier could quickly suppress any revolt at the first signs of inquietude. Indeed, a revolt would not be a serious matter, for it could be easily quelled by a compaign, which would serve the double purpose of punishing the Apaches and of obtaining workers for the new missions. He did not expect such an occurrence, however, in view of the peaceful state of the natives. But the bright prospects might be spoiled if haste were not made; for it was even then rumored that the Apaches had formed an alliance with the Kadodacho Indians, through whom, if precautions were not taken, they might become friends of the French. In view of these conditions, and since the Apaches were anxious to congregate, the good father believed that Captain Urrutia would be warranted in asking the viceroy for authority to carry out the proposed plan, and he requested the Captain to ask only that provisions should be made for founding one or two missions until it could be seen how many Indians should present themselves. 35
Captain Urrutia was loath to act solely upon the strength of Father Dolores's assertions, and when, on November 11, the priest returned from a visit to the San Xavier missions, he learned that nothing had been done in the matter. He now presented another petition, repeating many of his former arguments and citing recent developments which he thought warranted immediate action. He said that he had promised to advise the Apaches within five moons of the viceroy's determination, and that he had assured them that by that time the missions would be established. The Apaches, he said, would not brook any such delay as had occurred at San Xavier. 36
When Dolores made his second appeal, the captives had just been released, and Captain Urrutia, as well as Father Dolores, was convinced that the time was propitious for founding the mission. In consequence, on December 1 the officer addressed a formal request to the viceroy for the establishment of a mission for the Apaches and urged that no time should be lost in carrying out the pact that had been made with them. 37
The enthusiasm of the zealous ones at San Antonio as shown in the documents sent to the viceroy did not produce corresponding emotions in the officials at Mexico City. The representations of Dolores and Urrutia were sent to the auditor, Altamira, for his consideration, but he gave an opinion anything but favorable to the project. After a long discourse upon Indian affairs in America in general, he stated that, according to the documents that he had received, permission was asked to found a mission and presidio for a handful of Indians concerning whom nothing definite seemed to be known. A presidio costing more than $20,000 a year, he curtly observed, could not be established for every petty band of Indians who manifested, perhaps only temporarily, a desire to enter missions. Until a detailed statement should be given concerning the supplies needed, the number of Indians available, the priests who would be necessary, and the site selected, no action could be taken in the matter, and he advised that Urrutia be instructed to that effect. 38 The viceroy ordered these suggestions transmitted to Urrutia, which was done on February 2. 39
Thus, owing to the Spanish system of red tape, Father Dolores's plan came to an end for the time being. The viceroy was later given to understand that the Guadalupe plan had been abandoned on account of “certain inconveniences.” 40 Why the matter was not further pressed we do not know. Perhaps it was because of another scheme proposed by Father Santa Ana—that of establishing a mission on the Pedernales River.
3. The Pedernales River Plan.—Father Santa Ana, president of the San Antonio missions, had resolved to undertake the long journey to Mexico City in order to make a personal plea for Apache missions. He arrived there in the latter part of 1749, or in January of the following year, and about the middle of February made a proposition differing materially from that which had been made by Father Dolores. Father Santa Ana's proposal was a radical one. Without making the usual lengthy introductory remarks in his communication to the viceroy, he asked that orders should be given for the removal of the presidio of San Antonio de Béxar, with its entire garrison, to the Pedernales River (or to a more distant location if necessary), in order that a Spanish pueblo might be formed under its protection, and that a mission might be founded for the Apaches. The site should be chosen, with the co-operation of the chiefs who wished to “congregate,” at a distance of two or three leagues from the presidio, and there the Apaches should encamp until the actual establishment of the mission. Upon the completion of these arrangements, a detailed account should be sent to the viceroy in order that the necessary permission might be secured. 41
The region in which Father Santa Ana proposed to found the mission was the mountainous section along the Pedernales River, which was then frequented by the Apaches, especially during the buffalo season. The Pedernales has been reduced in modern geographical nomenclature to the rank of a creek, but it is a stream of fairly good size, flowing into the Colorado about twenty miles northwest of Austin. The fact that this region was selected is significant, for it indicates that the missionaries were beginning to see that it was advisable for the Apaches to be given missions in their own country.
The somewhat indefinite and altogether radical nature of Father Santa Ana's proposal did not favorably impress the auditor, to whom the communication had been sent on February 13. That official immediately raised a number of objections, beginning his observations by saying that it seemed to be expected that solely on the strength of a request unsupported by details the work of years in Texas should be undone at a single stroke. His chief criticism of the plan was the lack of protection for the citizens of San Antonio in case the presidio were removed; and he doubted whether there was a single family available for the proposed pueblo. No exact information was given about the Apaches, although sufficient time had elapsed since the beginning of the negotiations with them to obtain full particulars concerning those who wished to enter missions. Nevertheless, he deemed the matter of sufficient importance to warrant the calling of a council at San Antonio to discuss the advisability of the removal to the Pedernales, and he reported to the viceroy to this effect. 42
Two days later Father Santa Ana was shown the auditor's report, which had been, as usual, accepted by the viceroy, and in reply submitted a long report, as he had promised, in justification of his plan. In this document he summarized past relations with the Apaches, and endeavored to explain fully all points to which the auditor had objected. He had suggested the use of the presidio of Béxar because he believed it was most suitable for the purpose, since its captain was both loved and feared by the Indians and its soldiers were competent and well paid. 43 He had chosen the Pedernales region because it was the gateway to the Apache country and a pueblo and presidio located there would serve the double purpose of defense and conversion. As there seemed to be much doubt in the minds of the authorities concerning the peaceful disposition of the Apaches, in spite of the many assurances that had been given to this effect by the captain of Béxar and the priests, Father Santa Ana suggested that the captain of La Bahía or the lieutenant of Santa Rosa should be sent to explore the Pedernales country and make a report upon the whole matter for the instruction of the viceroy. The College of Santa Cruz, he said, was ready to undertake the conversion of the Apaches, and he felt assured that the same success would attend their efforts as had been gained in the region between the Rio Grande and the San Xavier. The conversion of the Apaches, without doubt, would enable San Antonio to develop her many resources and would cause a wave of prosperity to spread over the whole region. Since this was generally recognized to be true, it seemed superfluous, he said, to waste time in asking the citizens to vote upon the matter, and he again begged the viceroy to give without further delay the orders necessary for the execution of his petition. 44
But this letter did not convince the auditor of the wisdom of the plan; indeed, it raised new difficulties in his mind. Accordingly, he refused to take any immediate steps, and advised that the whole question should be thoroughly investigated in the junta to be held at San Antonio. He recommended further that the deliberations should be participated in by the lieutenant of the presidio of Santa Rosa and by the missionaries at San Antonio, promising that when the report of the junta should be received the corresponding provisions would be made. 45
The order for the junta, together with the accompanying documents, were dispatched to Captain Urrutia on March 11, 46 and on June 16 that official notified Father Dolores that he and his fellow missionaries would be expected to appear in the council, which he set for the 20th of that month. 47
Just at this time, unfortunately for the success of his plan, Father Santa Ana fell ill, and was compelled to retire from the presidency of the missions. He was succeeded by Father Dolores, 48 who at once showed his opposition to the Pedernales plan. In reply to Captain Urrutia's order summoning the priests to the junta, he took occasion to express his strong disapproval of the removal of the presidio. Although he did not doubt that beneficent results would follow the establishment of a mission in the Pedernales country, Santa Ana's scheme, he said, was impracticable for two reasons. In the first place, the inhabitants of San Antonio were extremely poor and depended upon the pay of the soldiers for their support. To remove the presidio would be to destroy the only source of revenue possessed by the settlement. Secondly, although the Apaches in the Pedernales region might be held in check by the removal of the presidio, San Antonio would be left exposed to the ravages of the Julimes, Natagés, and other hostile Indians from the Rio Grande country. 49 Having thus given his reasons for opposing Santa Ana's plan, Father Dolores now requested that the missionaries should be excused from attending the junta. His ostensible objection was the loss of prestige and dignity which he believed would result to the priests from association with the citizens on a plane of equality; but he probably feared also an adverse report upon the whole question of Apache missions, and did not wish to lend the weight of the missionaries' presence to a hostile popular assembly. Even if the priests should attend the meeting, he said, their judgment would undoubtedly be overruled by the prejudiced votes of the vulgar majority, and if evil results ensued the priests would receive just as much condemnation as those really responsible for the unwise action. Important matters, he believed, should be deliberated upon by wise and experienced men, and not by the common rabble. In his judgment, the council was entirely unnecessary. Since the principal issue to be decided was the advisability of removing the presidio, it would only be necessary to make a general muster of the forces and weapons available for the defense of the town in order to convince the viceroy that such a step would be the greatest folly. 50
In spite of Father Dolores's efforts to have the order for the junta revoked, the meeting was held upon the day set, and his suggestion for a muster of the defenses was disregarded. 51 Not only was the general opinion of the council strongly opposed to the removal of the presidio, but, just as Father Dolores had foreseen, it protested against any plan to found a mission for the Apaches in their own country. Instead, it was asserted that it would be more advisable to locate a mission nearer San Antonio, although, as the priest said, those who urged this step knew that it was impossible to induce the Apaches to leave their own land. The majority of the citizens were, from selfish motives, it was charged, really opposed to the establishment of missions for the Apaches in any form, and much evidence was introduced to show that the Indians were not yet in a condition to warrant such a step. Every possible accusation against their good faith was brought up in the junta, and although a formal investigation made at the request of Father Dolores disproved these charges, the conflicting reports and opinions produced the effect desired by the citizens, and caused only greater indecision on the part of the officials in Mexico, delaying still longer any definite action. 52 Thus the second plan for an Apache mission came to naught.
1. A New Apostle to the Apaches.—Although the efforts of the missionaries at San Antonio to secure the permission of the authorities for an Apache mission within that jurisdiction had failed, for the time being, in the jurisdiction of San Juan Bautista, on the Rio Grande, the necessary sanction was obtained, and an Apache mission plan was actually developed and put into operation. This mission was a logical step in the evolution of the San Sabá plan, and had much influence upon the subsequent inauguration of that enterprise.
To Father Alonzo Giraldo de Terreros is due the credit of establishing this first formal mission for the Texas Apaches. 53 He was a friar of much experience in the missionary field, having formerly been among the Indians of eastern Texas for several years. He had been guardian of the College of Santa Cruz at Querétaro, and was known to be one of the most zealous and devout of the Franciscans in New Spain. In February, 1752, he was appointed president of the Texas missions, to succeed Father Mariano de los Dolores, who was to be transferred to the Rio Grande district. 54 It seems that this order was changed, however, for Father Terreros went to the Rio Grande country, while Father Dolores remained at San Antonio. Just what the facts in the case were, we do not know, but, at any rate, we find that in 1754 Terreros was minister at the mission of San Juan Bautista, working zealously for the conversion of the Apaches and confident that the labors of years were at last about to be crowned with success.
2. The Founding of San Lorenzo. 55—The Apache bands among whom Father Terreros was laboring, were intimate relatives of those which frequented San Antonio, and, indeed, were later said to be the same Indians. 56 There is probably much truth in this statement, but the Indians were apparently not entirely identical. According to a communication of Don Pedro de Rábago y Theran, governor of Coahuila, addressed to the viceroy under date of June 3, 1754, the tribes represented in the mission planned by Father Terreros were the Natajés, Síbolas, and Tucubantes. Governor Rábago reported that in virtue of the treaties that had been made with these tribes, there were then encamped on both sides of the Rio Grande, near the new town of San Fernando de Austria, 57 more than nine hundred Indians, led by three chiefs, all of whom were “inclined” to enter missions. While he was not overconfident of their sincerity, Rábago said, he had nevertheless deemed it justifiable to maintain the Indians as “guests” until the pleasure of the viceroy could be learned. He asked, therefore, that an order should be sent to the captain of the presidio of San Juan Bautista instructing him to investigate the matter, in co-operation with the missionaries there. 58
After having passed successively through the hands of the viceroy and the auditor, Rábago's communication was referred to Andreu, the royal fiscal. The fiscal was not very sure of the advisability of taking the matter up, for many times similar requests for missions had been made by the Indians in the neighborhood of San Juan Bautista and nothing had ever materialized. He decided, however, to recommend the granting of Rábago's request for an investigation, and advised that a full report should be made by Rábago and the missionaries concerning the number of Indians, their intentions, the kind of land and mission sites available, and, in fact, all matters pertinent to the undertaking. 59
The auditor, Valcarcel, to whom the documents were now returned, agreed in the main with Andreu's opinion, and while concurring in the recommendation to make a full investigation, added the warning that much caution should be observed, since experience had shown that the Indians concerned would desert readily and would commit hostilities under cover of peace. As Governor Rábago was about to set out for Texas, where he would command the new presidio of San Xavier, it would be impossible for him to conduct the investigation; and Valcarcel recommended, therefore, that the lieutenant-governor, Juan Antonio de Bustillo y Zevallos, should take his place, being aided by the captain of San Juan Bautista, who was familiar with the Apaches and their ways. 60 On September 20 the viceroy issued a decree in accordance with the auditor's opinion. 61 The delivery of the decree was entrusted to Father Guerra of the College of Santa Cruz, who presented it to Bustillo in Monclova on November 22. On December 2 the lieutenant-governor set out for San Juan Bautista, where he arrived on the 9th. 62 The expedition was quickly organized and arrangements were made to leave on the 13th. The leaders of the party were Lieutenant-Governor Bustillo, Lieutenant Vicente Rodríguez, in charge of the presidio, and Father Terreros, then president of the missions of the Rio Grande and minister in San Juan Bautista. 63
Although the Indians had expressed a desire to settle on the San Rodrigo River, a place known as San Ildefonso was thought to be a more suitable location, and to this point the expedition made its way. The site was eighteen leagues west of the presidio and two leagues from the Villa of San Fernando de Austria. The formal examination was made on December 18, and the testimony showed, as might be expected by one familiar with such proceedings, that it was an ideal spot for missions, with good land and plenty of water, the two essential requirements. 64
Two days later Bustillo and Terreros visited a large gathering of Apaches, said to reach the number of two thousand, and held a council with the chiefs and principal men. The Indians approved the site selected, and on December 21 they were given formal possession of the pueblo of San Lorenzo, as it was called, “under the protection of San Ildefonso.” Although the San Rodrigo site was also examined and pronounced good, no attempt, it seems, was made to establish a mission there, and all efforts were centered upon San Lorenzo. 65
3. Failure of the Mission.—Father Terreros took charge of the new mission, and his efforts were attended with a considerable degree of temporary success. By the early part of March, 1755, or within less than three months, at least fifty-two Apaches were in the mission, 66 and by the latter part of that month this number had been increased to eighty-three. The necessary buildings were constructed, and a good irrigation ditch dug. Among the neophytes were the chiefs, El Gordo, El de Godo, and Bigotes. We are told that the interpreter was an Ypande named Francisco del Norte. This would indicate a connection with the more northern Apache bands. 67
After getting things into good running order, as he thought, Father Terreros retired from the management of the mission, and returned to Querétaro, where he was soon to take up the larger project of missionary work in the San Sabá country. He was succeeded at San Lorenzo by Fray Martin García, who had formerly been stationed at San Antonio and who later went to the missions of Sonora. Concerning the operation of the mission we have almost no information, except for the report which Father García made shortly after his arrival. His statement to the effect that the mission Indians were the same as those with whom he had been acquainted at San Antonio since 1749 has already been referred to. According to the Indians themselves, he said, their reason for entering San Lorenzo was because Father Dolores had refused to give them missions in Texas. This statement strengthens the impression that a portion of the Apaches were little more than professional beggars, traveling from place to place, wherever under the pretext of a desire for missions they might hoodwink the Spaniards and secure enough food to sustain their lazy bodies. 68
That selfish desires prompted their apparent submission at San Lorenzo upon this occasion is borne out by the subsequent history of the mission. On June 18, 1755, Father Felix Gutiérrez Varona was assigned to the mission, but in spite of his efforts to curb the growing discontent of the neophytes, on the night of October 4 they revolted, burned all the buildings of the mission, and deserted permanently. Father Gutiérrez remained at the abandoned site for some time, trying to repair the damage and re-establish the mission. His efforts were fruitless, however, and finally all attempt to regain the Indians was given up. 69
The failure of San Lorenzo was attributed, and justly, no doubt, to the natural inconstancy of the Apaches and their reluctance to live in missions outside of the region which they habitually frequented—that is, north and northwest of San Antonio, in the section traversed by the Pedernales, Llano, and San Sabá Rivers.
This failure of a mission for the Apaches in the Rio Grande country constituted an argument for planting one in their own country, and led logically to the establishments on the San Sabá River. In a future paper I shall describe the various steps by which the San Sabá plan was developed, and shall give a detailed history of the operation of this mission, together with its heretofore little known successors on the Nueces River.
British interest in Texas was manifested from the time of her declaration of independence in 1836, and Texan diplomats were early in communication with the British government. It was not until 1840, however, that the Texan appeal for recognition met with active official approval in England, and the first steps were taken toward a conclusion of treaties. Thus very little correspondence from Texas is to be found in the British archives previous to that year. The present publication, which will run through several numbers of The Quarterly, consists mainly of letters and reports to the British government, hitherto unpublished, written by the two principal British officials stationed in Texas. These were Charles Elliot, chargé d'affaires, and William Kennedy, consul at Galveston. Further biographical detail is given in footnotes where these men appear in the correspondence. Elliot did not arrive in Texas until the fall of 1842, while Kennedy, though in Texas in 1839-1840, and again in 1842, did not assume his duties as consul until 1843. But as the purpose of The Quarterly is to present British evidence as to political, social, and industrial conditions in Texas, as well as of the activities of British agents, various letters from other officials are included in this first installment. On the other hand in the later years of the Republic, instructions to Elliot and Kennedy have been omitted in most cases. Their substance will be stated in footnotes whenever the connection requires it.
The bulk of the manuscript material in the Public Record Office, treating of Texas,—from which these documents are exclusively drawn—is in the form of bound manuscript volumes, some twentyfive in number, containing the instructions of the Foreign Office to British agents in Texas and the reports of these agents. A few of the volumes comprise the records of Elliot's office while in Texas, which were transferred to London when Texas ceased to be a republic. The archives of Elliot's legation, thus transferred, contain, in addition to the usual material that one would expect to find there, copies of a great deal of the correspondence between Aberdeen, the British Foreign Secretary, and British diplomats in the United States, France, and Mexico. Copies of all important instructions to these countries, treating of Texan affairs, were sent to Elliot for his information. In general, all the Texas material is in very usable shape, being arranged by volumes in chronological order.
The material here presented has been transcribed by a copyist, Mr. W. H. Powell, employed by The Quarterly, and is printed exactly as copied. Final comparison of proof with the manuscripts in the Record Office has not been feasible, but it is believed that the matter as now printed is in the main correct, though in the case of Elliot's letters there is always a chance of error because of his atrocious handwriting. Here, however, Mr. Powell's copy has been checked with that of the editor, who had previously himself made transcripts of the letters. The spelling and punctuation of the original have been followed, and usually without calling attention to errors, where the meaning is clear. The chronological order has been used, save in the case of enclosures, which are marked as such and follow the letters in which they were enclosed. It is not intended to print in The Quarterly documents that have elsewhere appeared in print, in generally accessible form, but no minute search of printed materials has seemed necessary, save in the three volumes of “Texan Diplomatic Correspondence” edited by the late Professor Garrison. The few documents of this collection there printed or calendared, are here omitted, with notations as to where they may be found.
CRAWFORD TO BIDWELL 70
No. 1. British Consulate Tampico. 9th February 1837. Sir,
I have the honour to acquaint you for the information of His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State, that having received Instructions from His Majesty's Consul General in Mexico in consequence of Lord Viscount Palmerston's letter to Mr. Pakenham, of the 27th. of August last, I shall within a few days proceed to Matamoros and the Mexican Territory to the Northward, and shall use my utmost exertions and zeal in the objects of my journey, communicating thro' His Majesty's Minister in Mexico the result of my observations from time to time as opportunities offer.
I beg leave to acquaint you that this Vice Consulate during my absence will be under the charge of Stewart L. Jolly, Esqr. a most respectable British Merchant in this City, which nomination has met the approval of Mr. Pakenham and the Consul General in a Confidential communication which I made to Mr. O'Gorman to that effect, and when Officially made, I hope will be approved by His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State.
With great respect, I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant Jos. T. Crawford, Vice Consul. To John Bidwell, Esqr. etc. etc. etc. Foreign Office London [Endorsed as received April 17, and answered.]
CRAWFORD TO BIDWELL 71
No. 2. British Consulate Tampico, 24 March 1837. Sir,
I have the honour of acquainting you that I embark this day on Board His Majesty's Sloop Racer for Matamoros and the Northern ports of this Republick, and that Mr. Stewart L. Jolly remains acting V. Consul during my absence, to whom I this morning handed over the Archives, and had previously received the approbation of His Majesty's Minister and the Consul General to this nomination which has been notified to this Government and by me to the Local Authorities.
With great respect I have the honour to be Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant Jos. T. Crawford, Vice Consul. To John Bidwell, Esqr. etc. etc. etc. Foreign Office. London. [Endorsed as received June 14th.]
CRAWFORD TO BACKHOUSE 72
No. 1. New Orleans. 5th. June 1837. Sir,
I have the honour to enclose herewith for the information of His Majesty's Government Copies of my dispatches from Houston, Texas dated the 13th. Ultimo, addressed to the Consul General at Mexico, and of the 26th. from this place to Mr. Pakenham, relative to the present state of Texas, accompanied with a large pile of papers for reference as to the Constitution and Laws of that province which I request you will be pleased to lay before Lord Viscount Palmerston.
Having concluded my visit to the Northern ports, I am to Sail this day for Tampico where on arrival I shall resume the exercise of my Consular duties.
With Great respect I have the honour to be Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant Jos. T. Crawford To John Backhouse, Esqr. Under Secretary of State etc. etc. etc. Foreign Office London. ]Endorsed . . . Received July 18th. Answered. 2. Inclosures. . . . Copy to Bd. of Trade Sept. 16/37. Dft. to Con. Parkinson Augt. 31/37. This is an intelligent Report. 60. P.
CRAWFORD TO O'GORMAN 73
Houston, Texas. 13th May 1837. Sir,
I left Matamoros on the 5th. Ultimo embarked on board His Majesty's Sloop Racer from Braso de Santiago on the 8th. and sailed from the Anchorage same day at noon.
The wind being favourable Capt. Hope run down the Coast to the Northward as close as prudence would admit our doing. Thus we saw the entrances to Copano, Aransas and Matagorda Bays and the Rio Sñ Bernardo making our passage in sight of the land all the distance and arrived off the Brasos River on the 9th. 74 in the Evening.
The entrance to Corpus Christi or Copano Bay is in Lat. 27° 36‐ N, Latitude 97° 28‐ W: Long: and has on its Bar generally but 6 to 7 feet Water. The trade, carried on by vessels of suitable construction, is not of much consequence, and at present is less than it was formerly, because the Inhabitants have been obliged to abandon that part of the Country which lays between the Texian Army and Matamoros. This Bay is shallow and altho' surrounded by the finest lands with several streams emptying themselves into it, each stream has its separate Bar, so that excepting for small Craft or Steamers built on purpose, neither this Bay, nor indeed any of the Bays to the Northward, can ever be of consequence as harbours.
The Coast is very low all the way, and the Soundings lessen gradually till you have 9 or 10 fathoms at about three miles from the Shore, good holding ground, but without any shelter from the Violence of the Northers in Winter, altho' would be safe enough during the Six Months Summer from May till Novr.
The entrance to Aransas is in 27° 55‐ N. Lat: and 97° 9‐ W. Long: Vessels drawing 8 ft. Water may enter here. The observations as to Trade into Copano Bay, at present apply to this part of the Coast, but in peaceable times will be very considerable for the supply of all the interior to the Westward, as far as Sñ Anto. de Besar, and for the transmission of the Crops of Cotton and other produce, Besar and its neighbourhood being represented to me as the province best Cultivated, having also the best Climate and the richest lands.
The Entrance to Matagorda Bay called Pasa de Cavallo lays in Lat. 28° 18‐ Long: 96° 33‐ West,—here Vessels drawing 10 feet may enter at Spring tides. The Bay is large and the places where Vessels discharge are at various distances from the entrance, according to the point in the Interior where the Goods are destined, as several Rivers empty into this Bay and the trade is very considerable, prosperous and increasing, the Bernard and Caney Rivers are very inconsiderable, offering no facilities for Commerce.
At the Mouth of the Brasos in Lat. 29° N. Long. 95° 37‐ W. there is good anchorage in 5 fathoms Water, with the entrance bearing West and about three miles off. The Town of Velasco is begun to be built at the north side and Quintana is rising on the south at the Bar of this River—which I ascended on board a Steamer thirty Miles to Brasoria, a small Town on the South or Right Bank, where there is a good deal of business going on and several large and well assorted Stores.—Fifteen miles further up by the River, on the same side is the Village, or as it is here called “Landing” of Marion, distant from which inland and in a Southern direction is Columbia, the late Seat of Government, an inconsiderable place, and almost abandoned, but situated in a fine country with some good plantations in its neighbourhood.
I crossed the Brasos River at Bolivar Ferry about thirty miles above Marion, and the last of Steam boat Navigation in the dry Season. When the Rivers are high large Steamers go up 200 miles from the Mouth of the River, which is skirted with the finest timber of Live Oak and other valuable qualities and dotted with Cotton plantations for the like distance. On the Bernard there is also a good deal of Cultivation and more land is being brought into Cultivation.
The destruction of the Crops all over the country from the Rio del Norte to the Trinity, which empties itself into the N. E. of Galveston Bay, owing to the whole of that part of Texas having been overun by the Mexican Army previous to the Battle of Sñ Jacinto, and especially the loss of the Grain last year has occasioned the planters to sow much Corn this Season and less Cotton will be produced than would otherways have been the case. I have been variously informed as to the number of Bales, which has been stated as high as 60,000, but I conceive the present Crop equal to the exportation of 30,000 Bales averaging 450@500 lbs each.
The City of Houston is situated upon Buffalo Bayou, which runs into the Bay of San Jacinto and the latter into Galveston Bay, distant from Galveston Island about 80 miles. Galveston is the best and indeed the only harbour in Texas, for Vessels of any Burden, but has not at its entrance sufficient water for Ships of War of much force unless purposly constructed. There are three Channels between the Shoals leading into the anchorage at the East end of the Island. The depth of Water marked on the accompanying map in English feet may be depended upon, and at Spring tides a foot more. It will be seen by the Map that large Vessels must discharge and load in the Harbour of Galveston, whilst smaller Craft can go up about 15 miles to Red fish Bar from whence their Cargoes are carried away by Steamers and lighters to Houston or other points as may be required.
During my stay of some weeks in this part of Texas there were about 20 arrivals all Americans, mostly from New Orleans and loaded with provisions, merchandise of all sorts, bringing also their full allowance of passengers.
I endeavoured to obtain returns of the Trade corresponding to each port, but as they have had no Duties to collect till this time, so they have had no Collectors nor port Officers to collect information, and I am only enabled to form an estimate of what the trade is at present, by what I have seen and conjecture that it will increase proportionately with the population crowding in. At present about 40 Vessels averaging 100 Tons ea[ch] carry on the whole Commerce monthly which would give an aggregate of 48000 Tons in the year, and they are all under the flag of the United States, with the exception of two or three sailing under the single Star of Texas.
The pilotage at the several ports is on the average about 10/= Sterling for the foot of water which the Vessel draws. The charge by the Steamers and other lighters for unloading and transporting of the Cargoes to the several points of destination beyond the place of discharge, is borne by the Merchandise and is generally done by agreement according to the distance and the nature of the Cargo.
According to the Act passed 20th. Decr. last, Authorising the raising of a Revenue by Import duties, from and after the 1st. June next, the following duties are to be exacted, viz:—Upon all Wines, Spirituous and Malt liqours an ad valorem duty upon Invoice Cost of 45 per Centum, Upon all Silk Goods and all Manufactures of Silk 50 per Cent: Upon Sugar and Coffee 2½ per Cent: Upon Teas 25 per Cent, upon Bread Stuffs, one per Cent: upon Iron and Castings 10 per Cent: upon all coarse Clothing, coarse Shirting, Shoes, Blankets Kersies, Sattinetts and Clothes of a mixture of Cotton and Wool 10 per Ct.: upon all other goods not enumerated 20 per Ct. ad valorem upon the Invoice Cost. And upon all Vessels of 10 Tons and upwards 25 Cents per Ton—each time they enter from a foreign port.
The Appointment of the necessary Revenue Officers will no doubt be made forthwith, but I have some reason to think that a modification of the Tariff will be carried by the present Congress, to the effect of authorizing the President to exempt from duty for one year all articles for Agricultural use, provisions of all kinds, seeds and plants, Saddlery and Harness, Artificers Tools, Lumber and framed houses with the Glass and fastenings they require, etc. The depot of Goods so as to create a transit of Merchandise is also one of the alterations intended to be recommended to the Legislature by the Finance Committee during the present Session of Congress. 75
Should Texas maintain its Independence of Mexico an advantageous Barter trade can be established with other Countries who will supply manufactures and take Cotton and other produce in return. Almost any quantity of the finest and most durable timber for the purposes of Naval architecture can be furnished from the forests for little more than the expence of felling and taking away.
With respect I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant Jos. T. Crawford To Charles Th: O'Gorman, Esqr. H. M. Consul General, etc. etc. etc. Mexico. [Endorsed] . . . Copy to Bd. of Trade Sept. 16/37. Copy to Adm'y. . . .
CRAWFORD TO PAKENHAM 76
No. 3. New Orleans. 26th May, 1837. Sir,
I have the honour to acquaint you, that I arrived here last Evening on my return to Tampico, last from Galveston Bay, I sailed from Matamoros on the 8th. Ultimo and landed at the Mouth of the Brasos River on the 12th., proceeded to Brasoria and Marion and reached Columbia, the seat of the Texas Government 77 on the 13th., where I was well received by the President General Sam Houston, from whom I experienced very great attention during my residence of one Month in that Country.
I was careful to explain to General Houston that my visit was wholly one of a Consular nature to collect satisfactory information respecting the Commerce of the ports to the Northward of the District of Tampico, 78 and I found every disposition on his part to assist me in the object of my journey. Under date 13th. Instant from Houston, I addressed a report to His Majesty's Consul General. in Mexico upon the subject of the Trade at the ports from Matamoros to the Sabine, to which as it has doubtless been laid before you I beg leave respectfully to refer, and I shall in the present dispatch convey to you for the information of His Majesty's Government such details of the state of Texas as it has been in my power to collect in so short a time.—
I need not recur to the circumstances which have produced the Revolution in that Province, nor the events of the Campaigns, which have failed on the part of Mexico to reduce the Colonists to subjection, nor to repeat the facts already manifest to the World, that they have, set up for themselves, as a Separate, free and independent Nation, based upon an Elective Representation, with an Executive Government, Senate and House of Representatives, unrecognized by Mexico and that the War of Subjugation by the present State is still continued.
Having made these preliminary observations, I shall state the Nature of the Government existing in Texas, composed of a President, Vice President, Principal Secretary of State, Ministers of War and Marine, Minister of Finance and Attorney General.
The Legislature consists of the Senate and House of Representatives.
All Elections are popular, and the powers conferred upon the Government and Congress are those described in the Constitution, of which a Copy will be found in the “Telegraph” of the 2nd. August 1836, as adopted by the Convention on the 17th. March of the same year, which paper I have the honour to transmit herewith.—
The Government consists at présent of, General Sam Houston, President, Mirabeau B. Lamar, V. President, Henry Smith, Secretary of the Treasury, Genl. Henderson, Sec. of State, W. S. Fisher, Sec. at War, S. Rhodes Fisher, Sec. of the Navy, P. W. Grayson, Attorney General.
During the first Session of Congress many salutary laws were enacted, which are in operation, rigidly administered by the Judges and other Authorities in the several districts and Counties apertaining to their Jurisdiction.
I have not been able to obtain the Laws which have been passed in a pamphlet form, as they are not yet so arranged, but I have the honour of transmitting a file of the “Telegraph” Newspaper which contains them all and to which I must beg reference. Much order prevails in the Villages and Towns, if they may be so designated, as well as throughout the Country and the detection of Crime is surely followed by the infliction of the corresponding punishment established by Law upon conviction of the offender by an impartial Jury.—Such is the State of Texas at present as regards its Government and the execution of the Laws and it is internally tranquil, the roads safe for travellers, unless on the Indian Frontier at a distance from Settlements.
The Campaign of 1836, unsettled the whole Country, between the Rio Bravo del Norte and the San Jacinto which falls into the N. West Corner of Galveston Bay. Most of the crops were lost, the Corn all destroyed and the Towns as well as many of the Houses on the plantations were burnt, generally by the Colonists themselves, to leave the Mexican Army without shelter and by the Mexicans also in many instances, but the inhabitants are again upon their lands and the Cultivation goes on, as far as the River La Baca or the Navidad, where the Texian Head quarters has been for some time past.
The Army is composed of about 2000 Men enlisted for 2 Years Service, the effective strength on the 1st May was 1830 Bayonets in Camp.—They are said to be well disciplined and they certainly have borne considerable privations without murmuring, having had to subsist of late wholly upon Beef, their Supplies of Bread, and flour having been captured by the Mexn. Fleet.—Besides this, the regular Army, Texas has several Companies of Rangers on the various Frontiers to check the Indian Tribes.—These last however have but little occupation, as the Policy of General Houston has been conciliatory and he has very lately entered into Treaties with the most influential Chiefs, who were at the Seat of Government on a “Big Talk” and retired well satisfied.
All Volunteers have been disbanded from the Texan Service, and the Militia which could be in the Field on a very short Notice would be very effective, in a Country where there are so many Brakes and so much Timber, where every man is a Marksman and carries his Rifle
Between the present Camp of the Army and Matamoros few of the Settlers have as yet resumed the occupation of their lands, situated between the Armies of the contending parties those poor people dread a repetition of the Scenes of Goliad and the difficulties of their distressed situation is still fresh in the sad recollection of our poor countrymen Colonists at San Patricio, whose case I particularly stated in my letter from Matamoros of the 4th. Ultimo. Many of those are here and in no very comfortable circumstances, but it would be highly imprudent in them to return to their Colonies at present.
Should the Mexicans undertake another Campaign into Texas, they will probably never reach beyond the Colorado. They would be met by the full quota of the Militia and their Army can count upon no resources, but what their Fleet may supply from Seaward, or they can bring with them, as the Cattle will be driven back the Prairies fired and the whole Country left more devastated if possible than it is in that direction at present, whilst every stream, every tree and Cane Brake will be studded with Riflemen, so that, the rapid advance practiced last Campaign could not be repeated and if they hesitate and remain inactive they are lost for want of sustenance and destroyed by the Guerillas of the Colonists.—
The subjugation of Texas by Mexico, can only in my opinion be effected by a systematic operation and the establishment of posts and Depots, giving time for the occupation of such posts and Depots by fresh troops and by slow progress with a strong Army putting down the spirit of Rebellion by degrees, which is only to be done at last by an effectively continued Military occupation of the whole Country.
Such a plan of operation it is impossible for Mexico to undertake or execute, things have gone so far, the population of Texas is too great now, their confidence from past experience so established in themselves and the superiority of the men contending for the Independence they have assumed and for the possession of the Soil they have determined to adopt, is so great, both as to intelligence and energy, compared with the harrassed and ill paid Mexican Soldiery, that I may be warranted in concluding that Texas has conquered or will ultimately conquer her Independence of Mexico.
Having arrived at this Conclusion I shall now state what the opinion is in that Country as to its Annexation to the United State of North America
At the time of the Election of the President last year the opinion was decidedly in favour of Annexation, and the Minister or Commissioner sent to Washington was instructed to endeavour to bring about that desideratum upon the recognition of their political Independence
Since that time reflection has taught them that their interests are at varience with some portion of the North American Union, and that annexation, would be disadvantageous with a Territory extending 560,000 Square Miles under a benign climate, and a soil capable of producing, as much if not more Cotton than is grown in America and of a rich quality, what could be gained to Texas by exchanging her produce against manufactures, which She requires, if that produce was to pass thro' America and the Manufactures be received thro' the same medium. She would lose the advantage of Competition, and could reap no solid benefit by the adding her Cottons into the growth of the United States.
The opinion then has changed and they are very anxious to have a Separate, free and recognised Independent Government, to trade directly with other Nations, giving the Raw produce for the Manufactures they require, for it must be long ere there are Manufactories in Texas. I am not aware whether other Instructions are sent to the Minister in Washington but I know that annexation to that Government is not wished by the people or the Government of Texas, nor will it now be sought for. By the Constitution Slaves are permitted to be introduced over the frontier of the United States only.—No free Negro is permitted to reside in the Territory, and the introduction of Slaves, Africans or Negroes is forever prohibited and declared to be piracy, except those from the United States.
The number of Slaves as yet is by no means great and in general they are exceedingly well treated.
That notwithstanding the declaration of piracy, Slaves have been imported directly into Texas I lament to say is but too true, and whilst I make this statement it is due to the Government and especially to the President, that I should declare my conviction of their having tried every means in their power to detect the perpetrators and bring them to Justice.—I have good reason to believe that there is still one or more American Vessels employed in this most detestable traffick, landing the Slaves on the East Side of the Sabine and so evading the Laws of Texas.
It is also true that some Slaves were brought from Cuba and landed in Texas by the Am: Schooners Waterwich and Emperor a some few Months ago a Cargo was run at the Brasos River by a Vessel under Texas Colours
I have had several conversations with Genl. Houston upon this important subject, and I am satisfied of his sincere anxiety to put a stop to the traffick in future. I have been shewn his confidential communications on the subject with the Government of the United States and I am happy to say that Mr. Poinsetts 79 promises to him have been carried into effect, there being at this moment 300 United States troops here destined to the Sabine upon that and other Service.
I would also beg leave to call your attention to the Message delivered at which I had the honour of being present in the House of Representatives on the 4th Instant, 80 in which General Houston laments the inability of their Navy to put an end to the traffick in Slaves, and calls upon the Government of His Majesty and of America to put it down. The burst of approbation upon the delivery of that part of the Message was irrestrainable and I am confident that in the present sense of the people of Texas, before the introduction of Slaves from the United States becomes much greater, it would not be a matter of very great difficulty to induce the alteration and have that blot expunged from their Constitutional Charter. During the present year, emigration from all the Western Country of the United States owing to the Commercial distress which has of late affected this Country, is expected to be very extensive and all the planters from thence will carry in their Slaves along with them. So that in twelve months from this time, the Slave population of Texas will probably be doubled unless some remedy be applied to prevent it.
Consequent of the change of the opinion of the People and Government as to their annexation to the United States, has been the authorization of the President to send a Commissioner to England in order to open if possible a Communication with His Majesty's Government, and General Houston's wish was to appoint and dispatch the Commissioner forthwith, in all probability Colonel Grayson the present Attorney General will be selected for this appointment 81
The Government Vessels of this incipient Republick, are too small Schooners, they had issued numerous letters of marque at one time, but these have prudently been recalled excepting one, whose Cruize will not be out for two Months, after which it will not be renewed. Their Vessels have not committed any excesses upon the Commerce of any Nation excepting in the Instance of the Am: Brigantine Pocket, 82 and the Cargo being contraband of War destined for the supply of the Mexican Army, the United States have been satisfied that the Texas Government should make good the Value of the Vessel to the Owners, which has been done and the Vessel is moored at a depot in Galveston Bay.
I beg leave to acquaint you, that I made all and every enquiry during my stay in Texas as to the assistance which that Country has received from the United States, and I am quite satisfied that none whatever has been furnished by that Government or connived at in any way. Means have been found to evade the laws and assistance has been furnished by Individuals to a great extent but wherever there was a suspicion attached to such expeditions, there has been a prosecution of the parties by the United States, but generally such prosecutions have failed, because of the difficulty of obtaining sufficient evidence owing to the Sympathies of this people of America being roused by the atrocities of the Campaign of 1836, and their Interests also been deeply engaged in the success of the Struggle of their Sons and other relatives the Colonists of Texas.
Great inducements are held out to Settlers the price of land being 50 Cts. or 2/= Sterling pr. Acre, if purchased from the Government, but large Grants are given to Emigrants, under the Conditions of the 24th Sec. of the Land Office Act passed on the 22d December 1836, to which I beg leave to refer, in the Telegraph No. 49.
Upon the whole, Texas at present offers perfect Security of persons and property, a large field is opening there for the Consumpt[ion] of our Manufactures of every kind. Their Laws and Language are like our own and unless Mexico receives assistance, at this time unforseen, that Territory will never be subject to her Controul.
Their Bane is the having sanctioned Slavery, a mistake which they would not again fall into, and which even now, were it made a Condition, might be remedied by Treaty with some influential Nation, before the evil has grown greater.
America is deriving all the benefit of their Trade and a transit duty of 3 Cts. per lb. on the Cotton taken in return. It is true that this is draw back upon its exportation to Europe but the advantages of a direct trade are wanting to Texas, of which they are well aware and would make a sacrifice to obtain commercial Intercourse with the rest of the World.
The finances of Texas are in the very worst possible state, a Species of Scrip called Land Scrip, is issued and some of this paper has been negociated here and elsewhere in America, the amounts of these Bonds are redeemable in Lands.
Bonds under similar Security to the extent of five Millions of Dollars have lately been issued and two Millions have been confided to some Commissioners who are gone to attempt their negociation in the Middle and Northern Cities of this Republick.—In the meantime all the publick Authorities and Officers support themselves out of their private means, and as their pay tickets are issued dispose of them as they best can. A considerable and immediate Revenue will however arise out of the Import duties which take effect on the 1st. proximo, and will give means for the more pressing wants of the Government
With great respect. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your most obedient humble Servant. Jos. T. Crawford. To Richard Pakenham, Esqr. His Majesty's Minister Plenipotio. etc. etc. etc. Mexico. [Endorsed] ... Ext. to Bd. of Trade. ...
HAMILTON TO MACGREGOR 83
Copy. No. 1. Barbados. 23d June 1840. Sir,
During my Stay in Texas, I was afforded frequent opportunities of conversing with a Number of Merchants, among them, some English, and others equally interested in the Trade with Great Britain, also many Cotton Planters, the tenor of their conversation verged to one and the same focus, namely; that they were most anxious to have a Commercial Treaty negotiated between Great Britain and that Country.
I was assured by some of the most influential and enlightened persons there, that a Treaty of the description would meet with the greatest encouragement, and be placed upon the most favourable footing by that Country; Notwithstanding France might by her Treaty, 84 consider herself entitled to a prior claim as the most favoured Nation.
The Planters and those Speculating in Cotton are most anxious to ship their produce direct to England rather than send it to the United States of North America where they only receive eight Cents per pound for the finest Staple and equal to any grown in that Country
The advantages of such a Treaty would be reciprocal, moreover it would secure to Great Britain the Trade now carrying on between that Country and the United States and in a very few years, all Commerce between those Countries would dwindle into mere insignificance.
Should such a treaty be considered by Her Majesty's Government unnecessary or impracticable, I trust I am, not assuming too much, in recommending the appointment of a Government Agent to Texas, as an essential requisite for the purpose of protecting the British Commercial Interest now so rapidly increasing.
I have &c. Jos. Hamilton. His Excellency. Sir Evan John Macgregor, Bart.: etc. etc. etc.
SHERIDAN TO GARRAWAY 85
Copy. No. 3. Secretary's Office. July. 12. 1840. Sir,
I have to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the 6th Instant together with its enclosure, a Copy of a letter from Captain Hamilton to His Excellency the Governor suggesting the propriety of establishing a British Resident in Texas for the purpose of protecting the British Commercial interest in that Country.
With reference to this proposal His Excellency has been pleased to request that I should afford such observations as it may appear to me desirable to submit with the view of enabling Her Majesty's Government to become aware of the actual Condition of the Texian, authorities and people and the merits of Captain Hamilton's proposal for the employment of a political Agent in that Country.
Before I speak of Captain Hamilton's proposition. It will be necessary for me, in justice to so important a subject and with the desire of affording all the information in my power according to His Excellency's wishes, to give 1st a brief account of Texas and her resources, 2dly. of the Government and Population, and 3rd of such reasons as naturally occur for the acknowledgment of that Country as a Republic by Great Britain.
Texas contains a superficial territory which may be fairly estimated at 200,000,000 acres, and lying between Lat. 26, 27 to 29½. 34. 35 and 37½ and Long. 93. 30 to 103. 30 West from Greenwich. This I mention because the Admiralty Charts with respect to the Coast are a degree and from 20 to 30 miles in error
The value of land throughout Texas is at present from 50 Cents to 15 and 20 Dollars per Acre.
The Cotton lands of Texas, from all the information, I could collect, will yield 3 times as much Cotton as the Carolinas or Georgia to the Acre twice as much as Albana [Alabama] and from 25 to 40 per Cent, more than the lands of Louisiana or Mississipi.
The value of Merchandize imported from the 30th June 37 to 30th June 1838 was estimated at 2,000,000, and a half Dollars.
The imports [exports] this year may be estimated at 20,000 bales of Cotton being about double the amount Shipped the year proceeding.
The Four principal Sea Ports are, The Sabine, Galveston Matagorda, and Aransas.
In consequence of Sand Bars which Stretch across the Mouths of all the Harbours of Texas there is none which will permit a vessel of any considerable draught to enter, Galveston is the best, and that has but 12 to 13 feet on the Bar.
Texas has a small Navy which is about to be laid up in consequence of inability on the part of the Country to support it.
To the best of my belief Texas may challenge the World to show richer and more productive Soil, than is to be found in her Territory. That, bordering on the Gulf of Mexico, and on the Banks of the Rivers is unquestionably the best adapted to the growth of the Cane and Cotton Plants.
The latter is, and in my opinion will continue to be the Staple produce of the Country. Experiments in the culture of the Cane have been attempted and with fair success. Maize and Corn grow well in all parts of Texas but the growth of Wheat and Rye has not answered.
It is fair however to state that this has only been attempted within 110 English Miles of the Coast; and it is the general opinion of the Settlers that when the population of Texas shall have advanced into the interior 150 or 200 Miles further the increased elevation and difference of Soil will afford a Region for the growth of Corn inferior to none on that Continent. The Lands very generally within the Coast Region have been selected and located by the early Settlers of Texas, and those who have emigrated to the Country within the last 3 years including the Bounty lands of Soldiers which are at present in progress of location. I believe that a correct Estimate would give 100,000,000 of Acres as the property of Individuals on closing up the existing Claims, and 100,000,000 as National Property of which 20,000,000 is good Cotton Land.
The Government is carried on, as in America, and the Laws of Texas have with a very few slight alterations been copied from those of the United States, but are only nominally in force, for from the disturbed state of Society and the lawless characters of the Inhabitants the Authorities are as yet comparatively powerless.
The population which may be estimated at 150,000 86 Souls are chiefly Americans, a few Germans, and some English and Irish.—These are principally Bankrupts, Swindlers and Felons from the United States occasionally diversified with an Oasis of respectability which only renders the Desert of Villainy around more conspicuous by contrast.
The Amount of Emigration into the Country at this time may be reckoned at 5000 Souls per Month, and indeed so anxious are the Texians that it should be rapid and abundant and so utterly reckless as to the component parts that their Newspapers teem with invitations to the Debtors of America to seek for safety in the New Republic.
At present I believe the most notable Vagabonds who settle in Texas are importations from New Orleans, owing to the contiguity of the latter, the deranged state of the Money Market in Louisiana the hourly Bankruptcies and because greater facility is afforded for absconding from thence by the Steam Communication kept up between New Orleans and Galveston with which place alone, any thing like a direct and constant trade is carried on.
Murder and every other Crime is of great frequency in Texas and the perpetrators escape with the greatest impunity.
Many Murders were committed in the Island of Galveston and in the Country during my stay on the Coast, and I could never learn that one offender was brought to justice. It is considered unsafe to walk through the Streets of the principal Towns without being armed.
The Bowie Knife is the weapon most in vogue and it may not be uninteresting here to state that the greater number of these Weapons are manufactured in Sheffield and Birmingham and brought over in British Ships as a profitable Speculation. I have seen one manufactured by “Bunting &Son” of Sheffield, the blade of which was 18 inches long and ornamented in beautiful trace[r]y on the Steel as “The genuine Arkansas Tooth Pick” and I have been offered another for Sale also of English make the vender of which hinted that I ought to pay him a Dollar more than he demanded, as he could assure me it had tasted Blood.
The Monetary Affairs of the Country are in a desperate state. The National Debt is only two Millions of Dollars 87 but the Notes issued by Government are unavailable out of the Country except at New Orleans and even there, the Texian Dollar Note is at 80 per cent discount.
A great part of the Government liabilities have been bought up at these prices by Speculators in New York, Baltimore etc, in expectation of the loan which Texas is endeavouring to raise, being obtained.
The Sum desired to be raised is 5,000,000 of Dollars to be contracted for under the following terms, 88 1,000,000 would be required in 6 or 9 months, the remaining 4 by instalments of 1,000,000 in every 6 months there after 2,000,000, to be redeemed in less than 30 Years but not less than 5 Years with interest not exceeding 10 per Cent per Annum.
With respect to the Government resources the Special Report of the Secretary of the Treasury gives the following Account.
The estimated receipts for the ensuing year (i. e. 1840) as derived from the internal resources of the Country are 1,300,000 Dollars 500,000 of which are derived from direct Taxes and land Dues 400,000, from Customs and the remainder from Sales of Land. Under the present Laws however owing to the great defects in prescribing the manner of Assessing and Collecting the direct Tax, and the inability of this Department to compel the receivers of Public Money to pay them into the Treasury. It is believed that not one fourth of that Sum would be realized to the Government.
He then adds that by certain Sales of land an additional Sum of 283,000 Dollars would be obtained which gives $1,441,900 as “the estimated internal resources of the Country for the year 1840 it being but 53,939. less than the current expenditure for the same period.”
The funds requested for this year by what are termed the Disbursing Bureaus, are as follows
War Department $784,351-27 Cents out of which 76,186, is required for the year 1839 and 148,632 for the year 38.
The Naval Department 550,787
The President and his Secretary etc. 12,800 out of which the first gets 10,000.
The State Department 80,400.
The Congress in consideration of their Gigantic labours, and the risk they run of being “Bowie” knived during Debate (a custom of by no means rare occurrence) 135,000.
Mr. Speaker appropriating 840 for his share and the Honorable Members 22,800. The Senate 20,950 of which the President and Members content themselves with 18,240 and there is one Striking peculiarity in the Conduct of these Gentlemen, which is, that although they deplore the condition of the ill paid Navy and regret that Government should be in arrears with the Army they take very good care to see that their exertions are strictly and regularly recompensed.
The Estimated expenses of the Civil Department of the Government Amount to 276,520 Dollars, and there is a further demand of 71,000 for Civil and Contingent expenses.
Before quitting this part of the subject, it may be as well to state that the Texian Governments had prior to my leaving the Coast determined to make one last struggle to relieve the Country of its debt of 2 Millions. This was to be effected by a land Tax which was [to] supersede every thing else of the kind ever attempted before.
This Tax, which was to come into operation on the 1st of the present Month, ranges from 50 Cents (the minimum), or upwards, per every hundred Acres, on all lands whether cultivated or not and the value of the Lands were to be determined by Government Surveyors. By the collection of this impost they calculated not only to shake off the national encumbrances and establish the Credit of the Country, but also to put a considerable Sum into the Treasury Coffers; and I do not doubt it in the least, provided they could collect the Tax. But unfortunately the deranged State of Society and the general indisposition to pay anything will militate strongly against the levy, added to which there are vast numbers of men in Texas who have more acres of Land than half pennies, and to give some idea of the wretched poverty of some of these landed proprictors. I have only to state, that many to whom lands have been granted, have been known to hand over half their acres to the person appointed to locate them, in lieu of his (the locators) fees which they were unable to pay in Cash.
Having thus to the best of my ability given a brief outline of the present State of Texas and its Government I will return to Captain Hamilton's Proposal.
If the British Government have finally decided not to acknowledge Texas as an independent Republic, 89 I cannot see of what use a resident in that Country, as proposed by Captain Hamilton, could possibly be or what protection he could afford to British Commercial Interests; But if the Government have it in the remotest contemplation to grant the recognition. It is my humble opinion that a competent person should be at once sent there to examine the Country, make himself acquainted with the character and habits of the people and report thereon.
And he might in particular to be directed to obtain a thorough knowledge of the history of, and frauderlent dealings in the different descriptions of “Land Titles” and locations with a view to the protection and assistance of British Emigrants on their arrival in Texas and also to obtain as much information with respect to that part of the Country (of which little is known) which is best adapted for the growth of Grain and rearing of Cattle for to that region I think the tide of British Emigration will tend.
Although the Character and I believe it to be a correct one, which I have given of the Texian people is certainly not a very pleasing one, still I do not wish to convey the idea that they are all Outcasts from Society on the contrary there are individual instances of talent, worth and respectability. On the example and exertions of these Men the future prosperity of Texas mainly depends and what is more to the purpose, the Mass tacitly acknowledge this, and do not seek to shackle their efforts by interference.
I will most respectfully advance for consideration, as connected with the present condition of the Texian Republic, a few reasons for believing that a recognition of her Independence by Great Britain would be of ultimate advantage to the Mother Country
One of the greatest objections raised against this Step, in England as I understand is, that Texas being a Slave holding Country, presents an immense field for the traffic in Slaves. But with the greatest deference, I can but think that a prompt recognition of Texas by Great Britain if accompanied by encouragement and protection to Emigration would have a directly contrary effect.
By the Laws of Texas, Slaves may be introduced from the United States but not from the Main. Introducing them from other Countries being considered “piracy” and nominally punishable by Death. I say nominally for although it is death according to Law and a matter of boast on the Score of humanity among the Texians, no sort of steps are taken to discover and punish Offenders, who consequently run their Cargoes with reckless impunity, and in order that no doubt may exist as to the laxity of the authorities with the respect of this Law, there are persons, residents on some parts of the Coast, who are very generally known to be Slave Agents. The price of Slaves in Texas is enormous owing to the great demand for labour and the high price of Fetches. 90 Slaves have been known to bring 1,500 to 2000 dollars a head there, while at the same time I saw them selling at 3 and 400 Dollars in the Havannah Market.
In consequence of this there is a competition between the Spanish Slave holders and others and those of the United States particularly those of Virginia, Carolinas, Georgia, Kentuchie Missouri and Tenisee, which rivaly will continue until Texas is stocked with sufficient Labourers to work the Lands already in process of cultivation.
The anxiety of the Texians that Great Britain should recognize their Republic is so evident, that I need not dilate on it, further than to state (and that from the very best authority,) that if it were done, they would allow England almost, to make her own terms upon every, even the Slave question, in which case The Home Department might not only insist upon the severest restrictions and penalties being imposed at once on the introduction of Slaves from the Main, but might appoint their own Agent to suprintend and see that these penalties were inflicted
In the mean while Emigration would be increasing gradually, making a proportionate decrease in the price of labour and consequently in the price of Slaves, till at length the Market price for them in Texas would hardly hold out sufficient inducement to the Speculator from the United States and most unquestionably little temptation to the Captain and Crews of Slave Vessels, when they found, that in addition to the deteriorating value they received from their ventures, a strict watch was kept upon their nefarious proceedings, and severe and certain punishment followed on detection.
In addition I will with confidence state that in yielding a recognition Great Britain might make it a “sine quâ non” that Slavery should ultimately be altogether extinguished, and that, at no very distant period. For it must be borne in mind, that with the exception of the Coast Region, the Climate of Texas does not require the Constitution of the “Negro,” on the contrary, in some parts the cold is too severe in Winter, to admit of his working without greatly suffering in health. And one White man will in such cases easily do the Work of two Blacks. Again with reference to British Emigration, the Maladies peculiar to the Coast region, will, if what I before advanced prove correct, be encountered by those who are accustomed to them.—Vizt. the American Cotton and Cane Planters, and as I do not think that these Plantations, can be carried on by white Labourers, it will become a matter of consideration whether they could not be worked for the next five Years by the Coloured Population now in Texas under the System of Apprenticeship, as in the West Indies, prior to thorough emancipation; And I think this might the more easily be done now, considering the small number of Slaves in Texas the Sum total not exceeding 20,000.
I need hardly remind you that about 2 years ago, an offer of annexation was made on the part of Texas to the United States. 91 This, the latter thought fit to decline, a step which gave the greatest affront to the young Republic and engendered a feeling of hostility, which though rapidly dying away, has yet sufficient life to render the renewal of such a proposition, and [out?] of the question, particularly as the population of Texas is quadrupled since the offer was made and the successes of the Settlers at the Battles of San Jacinto etc have inflated them with such sentiments of admiration at their own prowess as are only equalled by their profound contempt, for the Mexicans and Indians; in consequence of which they consider themselves competent to stand alone, I mention this because in a few years, They will become almost as indifferent towards Great Britain, as they certainly now are towards America, which contemplating the superior terms to be made with them, is another reason for yielding an early recognition.
Premising this is granted (but again I must add, provided it is accompanied by encouragement and protection to Emigrants from home) England would derive in a few years from Texas a full supply of Cotton for her manufactures, equal if not superior to that now obtained from Louisiana, and Mississipi and if some slight and marked preference were given to her produce in England, the Planter and Labourer now working their nearly worn out land in the States would be found cultivating the Virgin Soil of Texas, and I really believe that twenty years would not pass away, before England (if necessary) might exclude every Bale of Cotton made in the States.
I[n] conclusion I will add from Sources on which I can rely, that if England will grant a recognition, her recommendation to the Texians would induce them to pay Mexico from 3 to 5 Millions of Dollars for a recognition of their independence, by that Country and would also assume a portion of the Debt due by Mexico to British Merchants. For these purposes she would agree to issue Bonds, paying interest semi-annually to pledge the National Lands, or any portion of the Revenue derived from Customs as Security for the punctual Payment of such Bonds for the Satisfaction of the Mexican Government and the British Creditor
I have etc. Francis C. Sheridan Col. Secy. Joseph Ganaway, Esqr. A. P. Sy. [Endorsed] In letter from the Colonial Office of 7 Sept, 1840.
MAILLARD TO PALMERSTON 92
66 Ernest Street Albany Street Regents Park. 15th Sept. 1840. My Lord,
Immediately on my Arrival at Liverpool from the Republic of Texas I forwarded to the Government Journal an Account of the latest Movements of the Federalists in Texas, Which appeared in the Morning Chronicle of the 17th Ult. Showing the course which the Texain Government has managed to pursue, pending the Struggle between the Centralists and Federalists of Mexico. In addition to which I beg to direct your Lordship's Attention to the traffic in Slaves, which is carried on at this Moment in the Most barefaced Manner between the Southern States of America and the Republic of Texas.
The Vessels employed in this branch of the American Slave Trade are Steamers of the first Class, of which there are no less than three the Neptune, Colombia, and New York. These Boats make two Voyages a Month from the States to Texas and the Number of Slaves thus transported across the Gulf of Mexico may be estimated at one hundred each Boat per Month. Nothing would be deemed more just My Lord than the Seizure of the Boats thus employed,—Con[si]dering that Mexico the Country which in the eyes of Great Britain still holds the Sovereignty of Texas, Was the first civilized Nation that abolished Slavery, and that, that act was not only seized by the British Government of 1824 as the Medium of renewing our intercourse, which had been suspended for four or five Years, but was also made the ostensible basis on which our future relationship with Mexico was to rest,—And that the Legislature of Texas, (if she may for an instant be deemed an Independent Republic) the Country to which the Slaves are taken, has made the Importation of Slaves by Sea piracy, and lastly the United States, the Country to which the Boats belong, as if to demonstrate to the World Her repugnance to the Slave Trade, In the Month of May last seized six small vessels in the Port of New York on a mere suspicion that they were fitting out for the Slave Trade. The Federalist Standard has been used, and is for the most part supported by the Texain and American Citizens. The Government of United States, have commenced pouring supplies into Texas, in order that She may be able to fulfil her engagements with the Federalists, and if Texas can only get sufficient Slave labour to develope her resources the Federalists must succeed eventually, when we shall see Slavery revived and perpetuated, and other Institutions still more injurious to our Interests, and repugnant to our National prejudices established throughout Mexico, whose dismemberment at this or any future period must prove most ruinous to British Interests in that quarter.
The recent alterations which have been made, with regard to the Western Boundary of Texas is also worthy of Your Lordship's attention. Up to the Month of May 1840 the Republic of Texas claimed the whole territory West of the Sabine River which divides Texas from the United States to the Rio Grande or Rio del Norte, but at the period above mentioned, the Republic of Texas ceded the Territory lying between the Nueces River and the Rio Grande, to the New Republic of Rio Grande. 93 The Nueces being the Eastern Boundary of the State of Cohahula which separated it from the Province of Texas as laid down by the Council of Department, for the Provinces or States, established under the Federal Constitutional Act of 1824, but should the Federalists fail in their attempt to establish the Independence of the Republic of Rio Grande, Texas will doubtless lay Claim again to the Territory in question.
Should Your Lordship wish any further information on the Subject of the Importation of Slaves to Texas, or any other relative to the present state of that Country, I shall any time feel great pleasure in supplying Your Lordship with such facts as come under My own immediate Notice
I have the Honour to be, Your Lordship's Very Humble, Obedient Servant Nichs. Maillard To The Right Honourable. Viscount Palmerston. M. P. Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs etc. etc. etc.
HOOK TO PALMERSTON 94
Copy. April 30th, 1841. My Lord,
In the Month of March last year I had the honor of submitting for your Lordship's perusal a short sketch of the Republic of Texas. Since that period, a combination of circumstances, Political, Commercial and Moral have taken place there, which in my humble opinion, justly claims the early attention of Her Majesty's Government.
In soliciting the honor of Your Lordship's consideration of the following Statements, I beg leave most respectfully, to inform you, that I have used much exertion to obtain my information from sources on which I can rely for Correctness, and that in adopting this Method of addressing Your Lordship, I have two grand objects in view, viz:—The extention of British Commerce and the Abolition of Slavery.
The political Change which has taken place in Texas since March last cannot be unknown to Your Lordship. Since that period the Govmt of France has officially acknowledged the independence of Texas, and her Ambassador, Genl Henderson, has been received at Court by His Majesty, the King of the French, and M. Soligny, 95 Minister of France to the Republic of Texas has been received by the President at Austin with marked respect. 96 Since March last year many thousands of Anglo Americans, British and Germans have with their families and property become settlers in the Republic of Texas. This together with the recognition of her independence three years ago, by the United States has greatly consoladated her power. She now possesses a Civil, Military and Naval Strength more than adequate to secure her self against any attempt which Mexico might make to reconquer her lost Province. Indeed the daily encreasing power of Texas, and the continued revolutions and counter revolutions of Mexico are sufficient proof for my making this assertion.
Before entering on the purport of my letter, extention of Commerce and the Abolition of the Slave trade and Slavery in Texas, permit me briefly to call Your Lordship's attention to the happy position of this new Republic as a Commercial Country, and its immense value to Great Britain as such. And the[n] point out a plan by which I firmly believe that Slavery may be forthwith abolished in Texas, which, when accomplished, would prove a powerful engine in the hands of Abolitionists towards extinguishing that moral pest in the United States, an event devoutly to be wished for;—An event which all Europe and Millions in America wish to see accomplished, and which must infallibly take place.
Should I be so fortunate as to succeed in inducing Your Lordship to honor my suggestions by taking effective Measures to exterminate Slavery in Texas, I shall ever rejoice in having been the humble Agent who called Your Lordship's Attention to a Measure which, when attained will prove an endless [blessing?] to the human family; and to Your Lordship, it will add another Claim of gratitude for Your invaluable labours in this holy cause, from every friend of freedom in the British Empire.
Though I am possessed of a minute account, written by an eye witness of the rise, progress, and final achievement of the manner in which the Texians gained their independence of Mexico, as made known to the World by the proclamation of their delegates dated March 17th 97 1836, yet as such account, though interesting, is not absolutely necessary for my object, I shall not increase the length of my letter by inserting its details.
The Republic of Texas is of much greater extent than was the Province of Texas while forming part of the late Mexican Confederacy. When Texas declared her independence of Mexico in 1836 she was joined by the State of Tamaulipas which lies North and east of the Rio del Norte, and likewise by all that part of New Mexico which lies east of the same, together with the Province of Santa Fée. The boundary of Texas as at present defined, is as follows. Beginning at the Mouth of the Rio del Norté, about the 26th. degree of North latitude, and up that River to its source thence a due North course to the source of the River Arkansas, the boundary line of the United States, following that River in its various windings to the 100th. degree of longitude from London. Then a line due North [South] to the Red River, following the course of the Red River to a line due North from the junction of the Sabine River with the 33d [32d] parallel of latitude, and about the 94th degree of longitude, then following the course of the Sabine River to its termination in the Gulf of Mexico, taking the Coast Westward, include the various Islands, to the Mouth of the Rio del Norte. Texas, therefore has a mean length of about 700 Miles, a breadth of about 450 Miles and a sea coast of nearly 500 Miles in extent, containing in all about 250,000 Square Miles. These and other corrections together with the Sites etc, are duly set forth in the Map of Texas attached to this letter, 98 but of course allowances must be made for this early geographical Map of the new Republic of Texas.
It is extremely difficult to give any thing like a correct statistical account of the Republic of Texas. The reports from thence, even from persons just returned, are so much at variance with each other, that but little reliance can be placed on them.
The Independent Republic of Texas is, in extent much larger than France, and is now inhabited by freemen, chiefly Anglo-Americans and Britons, who have carried with them the language, the habits and lofty love of liberty, that has always characterised and distinguished their Ancestors, and must infallibly produce important effects on Mexico, as well as the Slave States of the Union. To the latter it will form a barrier against her extending the pestelential system of Negro Slavery. And extensive dealings with Mexico cannot fail to introduce great improvement into that rich and interesting Country.
The population of Texas exclusive of Indians and Slaves is about 220,000, and about 40,000 Indians. 99 As to the number of Slaves, I find it quite impossible to ascertain its correctness, but from what I have learned, I believe that their number is yet under 10,000. A copy of an important Tariff as published by the Government is added at the end of this letter. 100 Documents containing an account of the Exports and imports of the Republic have not yet reached this Country.
Perhaps there is not in the records of history any instance of a Nation rising so rapidly as the Republic of Texas has done. Within three years upwards of 200,000 emigrants have settled in that Country, and Towns and villages have been raised as by magic. The Town of Galvaston, three years ago, consisted of only three houses; now, 1840, there are more than six hundred houses many of them ellegant dwellings, and a population of upwards of 4,000 Souls. Similar occurances have taken place at Matagorda, Houstan, Austin, and other places. The increase of the population in Canada,—Demerara etc. can bear no comparison with this
One of the most striking features of the character of Texas, is the number of her Rivers, which empty themselves into the Gulf of Mexico, and afford the means of extending inland traffic by water. The principal are the Brazos, Colorâdo, Trinadad, Guadaloup, Sabine, San Antonio, Rio de las Nuecis and Naches. Some of these afford the means of Navigation for hundreds of Miles into the upper parts of the Country. Already Steam boats are employed on some of those Rivers.
A mere glance at the accompanying Map 100 will at once show the immense advantage which must accrue to Texas from its fine rivers and local position. In an inland direction, its Commerce by means of these rivers, may be extended many hundreds of Miles into Mexico, on the one side and the United States on the other. Her means of foreign intercourse from her Shores on the Gulf are excellent. From Galvaston to the Mouth of the great river Mississippi, is only two days sail, and from thence we may penetrate by water as far as Canada. In an additional day or two's sail we may reach Vera Cruz, Havanna and other West India Markets. Within thirty days sail from Galvaston we may arrive in an English Port, and now that Steam conveyance is about being established, the voyage to Liverpool may be accomplished in sixteen days.
Such is a hasty sketch of the above unequalled Commercial position of Texas, but in this outline I have omitted to notice her means of trade in furs with the various Nations of Indians adjoining her territory.
Here it may be necessary briefly to notice the climate, soil and productions of Texas. As to its climate its salubrity is proverbial all over America. The Country has hitherto been exempt from pestelential diseases, and the yellow fever, so common in the West Indies, is here unknown. February is the only winter month, and so very mild is it, that snow is rarely seen, and ice only when the wind blows from the North at that season. The thermometer falls in winter to about 68, and in summer seldom rises higher than 80. In a word the mildness and salubrity of the Climate of Texas has no equal in America.
The newly arrived Ango American or European Agriculturist and Mechanic are quite capable of pursuing their calling in the same way and to the same extent as they did in their Native Country. In the Northern part of this Republic the climate differs but little from that of the South of Europe.
As to the soil its capabilities are vast.—Perhaps there is no section on the surface of the globe possessing so much fruitful land and so little barrenness. Its virgin soil needs no manure and but little agricultural labour to prepare it for producing all that is valuable either in Europe, Asia or Africa, so very rich and productive is the land in Texas that it will produce two Crops of grain in one year. Good land will raise one bale and a half of Cotton per acre, each weighing from 500 to 600 pounds, and at the present time, worth about Ninety dollars. It will raise from forty to sixty bushells of Indian Corn per Acre.—Its delightful prairies, even in a state of Nature, are perpetual gardens, producing the most delicious fruits,—Flowers the most beautifully varregated and all kinds of garden vegetables, may be obtained in every season of the year.
To enumerate the various productions and capabilities of the “Garden of the West” would require the space of a volume, but it would be unpardonable not to point out its leading productions and growing commercial worth to Great Britain.
Nature has evidently given to Texas commercial advantages which she has denied to every part of Mexico and other surrounding States. Few Countries, if any, are more favorably situated for carrying on an extensive and lucrative foreign and domestic trade. Its resources are immense.—Bounded on the South and West by the rich mining districts of San Louis Potosi, New Mexico and Santa Fée, it must form the medium of Communication between those parts and the civilized world. This circumstance, and the commercial position of Texas cannot fail to have a considerable influence on the future destiny of the surrounding Nations, while at the same time, its trade in bullion will be extensive and profitable.
It is true that Texas is capable of producing almost every thing which we import in a raw state from foreign Countries, but like other Nations, she too, has her staple articles. The first, and decidely, to Great Britain, the most important is her Cotton. Her soil, climate and position for producing this most valuable Article has no equal, and though in England more than one Million and a half of people are employed in this trade, Texas can produce more Cotton, and at a cheaper rate than we at present consume. I would here beg leave to observe, that we, in payment for this and other raw Materials, give our manufactured goods of Manchester, Glasgow, Sheffield and Birmingham. I need not stop to point out the great advantage which must arrise to our merchants and manufacturers from such a Commerce. The immense value of a growing customer like the Republic of Texas, must be obvious to all. She is, and will be for more than a hundred years to come, destitute of all kinds of manufacturies, whilst her daily encreasing population and wealth will require a supply of almost every thing made in this Country, for the payment of which, as before stated, she will give us bullion and raw Materials.
Among the many valuable productions of Texas, its timber may be mentioned. The live oak is one of the largest; it grows to an enormous size, some trees measuring fifteen feet in circumference and maintaining this size, more than thirty feet from the ground. Besides the live oak, there are the White oaks, elm, cedar, cypress etc. For ship building the live oak of Texas is superior to any other on the Continent, and what renders this timber still more valuable for exportation is, that it grows mostly near the rivers, by means of which it can be cheaply floated down to the sea coast for shipping. And as shippers embarking Cotton would be glad to ship Oak as ballast, it could be imported into England at a much less cost than the teak of Sierra Leone or any other place.
In addition to the bullion, cotton and timber, Texas also exports, Hides, Furs, Beeswax, Salted provisions, Flour, grain, horses, cattle, etc.
The Republic of Texas offers a field for almost unbounded enterprise, it[s] wonderful capabilities for productions—Its happy position and enterprising inhabitants prove that it possesses within itself, all the elements of national greatness and prosperity.
The contiguity of the rich, but feebly governed Republic of Mexico and its almost total ignorance of Manufacturies, will of course be taken advantage of by the enterprising Merchants and traders of Texas. It is not only the consumption of British Merchandize in the Markets of Texas to which we ought to look but also through her with Mexico and the adjoining Countries.
The prospects of trade between our own Country and Texas are highly important and are founded on the great reciprocal principle of the latter being able to furnish us with nearly all that we want in the way of produce, cheaply and in return, she will take our manufactured Cottons, Woolens, Silks, Hardwares etc.—A commerce founded on such a basis must become flourishing and tend to cement a valuable connection between the two Countries.
The Texian Government has adopted in her judicial Code, trial by jury, and allows free exercise of all religions. She has authorised the adoption of the English language in all legal proceedings, and it is the general language throughout Texas. In January last both houses of Congress passed a resolution, establishing the Common law of England as the basis of Texian jurisprudence.
The importation of Slaves by sea into Texas, constitutes the crime of felony, and is punishable by death. But, unhappilly, she permits Slaves to be brought across the boundary line between her and the United States. And though in one sense this may not increase the number of Slaves in America, yet as the Climate of Texas is infinitely superior to that of the Slave districts of the United States it will tend to prolong the existence of Slavery.
Having thus sketched the commercial position and capabilities of Texas, it needs but little argument to prove that an immense advantage would accrue both to Great Britain and the Republic, by forming a Treaty of Commerce between the two Nations.
The government of the United States ever alert in fostering and extending her commerce, was the first to acknowledge the Independence of Texas, by which Act she secured commercial privileges of great value to her Merchants. In Europe, France was the next to follow the example of the Government of Washington. An important Treaty of Commerce between France and Texas has been effected, and which treaty was duly signed and ratified by the Senate of Texas on January 22nd 1840. 101 This act on the part of France was not done without due enquiry into the Affairs and stability of the Government of Texas, for which purpose a Mission, consisting of two commercial Gentlemen, was sent out by the French Government to collect correct information as to the commercial and political Affairs of Texas. 102 On the report of this Mission a treaty as above stated was the consequence.
The latter observations naturally bring me to the most important part of my letter, viz—to suggest to Her Majesty's Government, the propriety, I had almost said the necessity of our forming a treaty of commerce with the valuable Commercial Republic of Texas. Indeed, from the immense amount of British property already embarked in the Texian trade a Government protection of our interest appears indispensible.
I have good reasons for stating that the Government of Texas is most desirous of forming a Commercial treaty with Her Majesty Queen Victoria, and that to obtain this it would gladly listen to the most liberal terms, as to commercial intercourse. And also conclude Arrangements for the final abolition of Slavery throughout the Texian Republic. In order to accomplish this great object, I think the present circumstances are peculiarly favorable, and that Her Majesty's Ministers have now an opportunity of inflicting a Mortal wound on the giant slavery existing in the United States, by simply forming a Commercial treaty with the Independent Republic of Texas, but in which treaty the full Abolition of slavery should be made the Sine quâ Non.
When Texas first achieved her Independence, her population was small, and in her hour of need and difficulty, her then Government sanctioned the Planters and Slave Owners of the United States, with their Slaves, to settle in the New Republic, but now her situation is greatly altered.—Her population has immensely increased, and is daily increasing, not only in numbers but also in physical and moral power. In this respect she has exceeded the expectations of her most sanguine friends
The number of Slaves already in Texas is, as before mentioned, not large, and it is generally believed that her Government would readily entertain any feasible plan by which this blighting section of her laws might be for ever expelled from her judicial Code.—The friends of abolition are numerous and powerful even in that Republic.—The persons in Authority at present are also disposed to get rid of Slavery and would gladly listen to the proposal if accompanied with a treaty of Commerce from Great Britain. Indeed the moral tone and influence already produced by the large numbers of Emigrants from Europe and the Northern States of America already begin to assume an import station [important character?] in favor of freedom.
Many of the Slaves now labouring in Texas are only hired out by their owners in the United States to the Texian Planters, who can afford a much higher rate of Wages to labourers than is paid in the Union, with such there could be no difficulty
The very important commercial treaties lately effected by Your Lordship, and your coadjutors afford a most substantial proof of willingness and activity in behalf of the general commerce of our Country, and as the cause which I am humbly advocating, combines both Commercial interest and philantrophy, I am induced to hope that Her Majesty's Ministers will be pleased to undertake this additional great Measure towards the extinction of Slavery in America.—A Measure which could not fail to establish their popularity throughout Great Britain, and call forth the lasting gratitude of every friend of the human race.
By effecting the final abolition of Slavery in Texas, we at once extinguish that horrid traffic in a Country which, without our interference, might become one of the most extensive Slave Markets in America. And instead of a Slave State, we should, by our aid, raise up a Free and powerful Republic between Mexico and the United States which must ultimately, by example and sympathy, effect a mighty change in the Slave districts across the Sabine River.
Should the proposed plan for extinguishing Slavery in Texas, be followed by a treaty for a similar purpose, with Spain, and Brazil, Slavery would, thereby receive its death blow in the New World, and its nefarious pursuit on the Coast of Africa be ren-rendered fruitless. In a word, this would effectually close all the great Markets for Slaves, and do more towards putting an end to the export Slave trade in Africa than any number of Ships which we may send to sea for that purpose. I need say nothing about the immense saving of expence and valuable lives which would result from this plan.
Before closing my observations, permit me to give an extract from an able writer on the present Chinese question which appears to me scarcely less applicable to our connection with Texas than the Celestial Empire
“It is, says he, “practically impossible for any Nation to carry on a quiet lucrative commerce with others, and yet refuse to enter into some species of deplomatic relation with them. The inconvenience of the want of such recognized relations may be indured for a season, but individual violations on one side or the other, are sure at some time or other to bring the reductio ad absurdum.”
In concluding I would beg to add, that if ever there was a period when the general trade and commerce of Great Britain required the aid of Government in securing New Markets for our Merchandise, it is certainly the present. Our powerful oponents in Europe, and the United States of America, meet us as rivals in every Market in the Universe.
The Government of France and the United States have gained the start on us in Texas, but I trust that the day is at hand, when our Merchants and Ship Owners shall have their persons and property, in the New Republic, protected by an Agent or Consul of Her Majesty Queen Victoria, and if necessary, that She will be pleased to order a Mission, as was done by France last year, to be sent out for the purpose of making an authentic report of the present situation of the Government.—Commerce—Slavery, etc of Texas. The commercial interests of our Country and the sacred cause of philantrophy equally join in the appeal to Her Majesty's Government.
I have the honor to be. My Lord. Your Lordship's Most Obedient, humble Servant James Hook. The Right Honorable. Lord Viscount Palmerston. M. P. etc. etc. etc.
NEPEAN TO DOUGLAS 103
Copy. H. M. Sloop “Comus.” Jamaica24 July. 1841. Confidential. Sir.
As far as I can understand the nature of these Despatches, gleaned from Messrs. Welde and Harrison, 104 the Commissioners, our Government at home, are desirous of bringing about a reconciliation between Mexico and her lost province of Texas, and I have been given to understand that Mr. Pakenham has been ordered to act as Mediator between the two parties, but I fear hitherto with little or no success. 105
It is very certain that Mexico has great reason to feel indignant, at the bad faith and total want of honesty on the part of the Texians in the first instance, but as these people are now become a free and independent Republic and recognized as such by the great powers of Europe, it is folly to contend any longer against the state of things which is totally out of the power of Mexico to remedy.
So far the Texians have made a very fair offer, namely, that if Mexico will recognize her as an independent nation she will take upon herself a portion of the debt due to England, to the amount of one Million Sterling to be paid by instalments a most exorbitant sum for a people just emerged out of the forest. But by all accounts the resources are being developed with a most surprising activity, and her population has increased within this five or six years from 4,000 to 300,000, 106 and is continuing to augment in the same ratio indeed even with the physical strength She now possesses, She may bid defiance to the Mexican Armies. It will therefore be good policy on the part of Mexico to accept the terms proposed, less a more disadvantageous state of things should arise, which might oblige [her] to make a still greater sacrifice for sooner or later Texas will, by force of Arms oblige her to come to terms, and instead of losing one Province, she may find herself sure of [losing] one or two more.
The totally disorganized state of the Government of Mexico is such, that she will in all probability fall to pieces even without any external aid; the whole body politic is corrupt, beyond what in Europe would be supposed.
I heard from good authority that Tampico, and the province to which it belongs were on the eve of seperating, the crisis will in all probability be hastened since the refusal on the part of Mexico, to receive either by word or deed, the advances made by the Texian Commissioners which I heard at the Havana, had been the case and that all communications had been refused
I expect that on their return, this circumstance will exasperate their Countrymen to the utmost, and unless England can keep them within bounds, they will make Mexico with every man that is capable of carrying a Rifle, taking into consideration their being well stocked with funds, having made a very successful loan in France, 107 and that they have already a large party in the Country in their favour, they will in all probability succeed for the Yucatanians will so combine their movements as to make a simultaneous attack on both extremities at the same moment.
I understand that these latter people have a strong party in their favour at Vera Cruz, as elsewhere along the Coast they have already the nuculus of an Army in the field, and their Cruizers have several times appeared of[f] the Castle of St. Juan d'Ulloa, to reconnoitre while we were lying at Sacrificios. 108
To give you some idea of the Gaspillage 109 going on even at Vera Cruz, I heard it repeated over and over again that the Battery erected against the Schooner San Bernard 110 was merely to draw Money out of the Treasury, the Sand Bags cost nearly 7,000 Dollars, and afterwards resold:—the Military and those employed pocketed nearly two thirds of the sum, it is in this manner the public Money is fritted away from one end of the Republic to the other.
General Vittoria, the Governor, has long been in a deplorable state of health, brought on, I understand, by intemperance: he was not expected to live when I left. I believe he knew little of what was going on, at the period just mentioned.
With this state of things there appears a most perfect apathy of the Republic at large, or more particularly in the interior; All the bigoted old Spanish prejudices against foreigners appear to be again reviving, and the present rulers have come to the mild decision, that as they have every thing they want in their own Territory, they can do without Foreign Commerce: thus the heavy duties on every Article of Manufacture. Every one appears to be aware of the unfitness of the present Men to govern them, and they are now groaning under a complete Military Despotism
I mention these circumstances, thinking it adviseable for the public Service that one British Man of War at least should be permanently stationed at Vera Cruz. The French have always two, and others, I understand are expected. The Americans have also two, these Squadrons have their rendezvous at Pensacola The Spaniards have one Vessel.
I am etc. Evan Nepan. Commander. Commander P. T. Douglas. Senior Officer. etc. etc. etc. Jamaica [Endorsed] In letter from Admy. of Octr. 21. 1841.
PALMERSTON TO ELLIOT 111
Draft to Captain Elliot. F. O. August 4, 1841. Sir,
I have to acquaint you that The Queen has been graciously pleased to select you to be Her Majesty's Consul General to the Republick of Texas. Your Commission in that Character, under the Royal Sign Manual and Signet, will be forthwith prepared, and on your arrival in England, you will be furnished with the Instructions of H. M's Government for your guidance in the Post to which Her Majesty has appointed you
I have at the same time to state to you that Her Majesty has also been graciously pleased to signify Her intention of causing you to be accredited to the Government of Texas in the further Character of Her Chargé d'Affaires, so soon as the Ratification of the Treaty of Amity, Commerce, and Navigation which has been concluded between Her Majesty and the Republick of Texas, shall have been exchanged.
P.
KENNEDY TO ABERDEEN 112
Private. 31 Surrey St. Strand. October 12th. 1841. My Lord,
At the interview with which I was honored yesterday, I took leave to suggest the expediency of having an Agent (unaccredited as he must necessarily be) to visit the Capital of Texas, and report to Your Lordship of the progress of Affairs there, and such Matters as may have an important bearing on British interests, ere the consummation, of the Treaties with Texas by the Government of this Country.
Those Treaties will certainly be the Subject of debate in Parliament 113
The publication of the Correspondence between Lord Palmerston and General Hamilton on the Slave Trade Treaty, in the Times Newspaper of today, 114 strengthens my conviction of the expediency of sending a British Agent to Texas.—I cannot doubt that the arrival of that paper in the United States will be followed by instructions to the American Chargé d'Affaires in Texas to oppose the ratification of the Treaty in question.
Now, My Lord; as the Texain Congress will meet in November, it would be necessary, for the efficiency of an Agent, that he should leave England, at the latest, on the 4th of November.
As the Service of an unaccredited Agent at such a Season of the year, in a New Country, would be accompanied by toil and privation, without ostensible reward—and as I ventured to exhibit reasons in favour of the appointment—I beg to state that I shall be happy to undertake the duty Myself—in case Your Lordship should not have a more competent person in View—desiring merely the allowance of my reasonable expences—but relying on my efficient discharge of the delicate trust devolved upon Me as the basis of my future claims to consideration at Your Lordship's hands.
I am not without hope that My presence as an Englishman possessing some popularity in Texas, would be useful in counteracting French influence—promoting the Ratification of the Slave Trade Treaty, and, perhaps, in opening the way to the mitigation or abolition of domestic Slavery.
I shall be in London on Thursday, to await the favour of Your Lordship's reply.
I have the Honor to be, My Lord, Your Lordship's Most Obedient Humble Servant William Kennedy. The Earl of Aberdeen. Etc. etc. etc.
KENNEDY TO ABERDEEN 115
Private 31 Surrey St. Strand. October 20th. 1841. My Lord,
I have been in London since the evening of Thursday last, for the purpose of awaiting the favor of Your Lordship's reply to my Communication of the 12th Inst. On Saturday next my affairs constrain me to return to the Country.
Before my departure I beg to inform Your Lordship that I have reason to believe that General Houston, who has heretofore appeared as the leading advocate of French interests in Texas, has been elected President of that Republic. The reintroduction of the Franco-Texan Bill, 116 under his Presidency, may naturally be expected
A new revolution has broken out in Mexico—Military Associations, 117 for the purpose of overthrowing British rule and influence in North America, have been formed, from Maine to Missouri—the planters of Cuba are growing impatient of British interference in the Slave Trade=these matters—which necessarily fall under Your Lordship's Cognizance—may, I humbly conceive, be referred to in support of my opinion that the interests of this Country require the early presence of an Agent in Texas.
I believe there are few among the great party leaders in the United States who do not look to the speedy extension of the Federal Union from Hudson's Bay to the Rio Grande and the Gulf of California with the Island of Cuba as an insular appendage.
I beg to enclose to Your Lordship some remarks on the North-Western Boundary question, published in the Times Newspaper of the 9th Inst. which I wrote for the purpose of awakening attention to the subject of American encroachment in that quarter, being thoroughly convinced that, unless English influence be employed in raising up a stable independent power on the South-Western and North Western frontiers of the Union, a very few years will suffice to place the whole of the territory they covet under the Sovereignty of the United States. There lies the danger to the Maritime and Commercial supremacy of Great Britain.
I Have the Honor to be, My Lord, Your Lordship's Most obedient Humble Servant William Kennedy. The Earl of Aberdeen. Etc. etc. etc.
KENNEDY TO ABERDEEN 118
Private. Gregory's Hotel. Arundel St. Haymarket.Novr. 6th. 1841 My Lord,
When I was last in London, I submitted to Your Lordship's consideration a copy of an Act of incorporation which, in 1840, nearly passed the Congress of Texas—and which aimed at securing to a French Company commercial and territorial advantages pregnant with mischief to British interests both in Mexico and Texas. I remarked, with reference, to this Act, that its reintroduction into the Texain Legislature, during the present year, was contemplated, and that I had strong grounds for believing that its principal advocate, General Houston, would, in the meantime be chosen President of the Republic.
It now appears, My Lord, by Texan Newspapers recently received, that General Houston has been elected President, and by such large Majorities as warrant the inference that his popularity has not been materially affected by his advocacy of the Franco-Texan Company's mischievous bill.
It will be in Your Lordship's recollection that I volunteered my services, in the capacity of an unaccredited Agent, to proceed to Texas, in the beginning of the present Month; for the purpose of Watching events, and exercising whatever influence I might possess for the benefit of my Country—I took leave especially to advert to the subject of domestic Slavery, which the Slave holding people of the South will not even discuss except with those in whose fair dealing and friendly intentions they repose full confidence. The trust of the Texans in me, as the disinterested chronicler of their social rise and progress, is admitted to be considerable and, were I in a suitable position to give strength to my opinions, I indulge the hope that I might succeed in effecting some mitigation of the system, as inducing them to assent to its early abandonment. A leading member of the Anti-Slavery Society 119—(a body whose mode of operating upon Foreign States is perhaps more zealous than judicious) admitted, when discussing the matter with me, that any representations I might make were likely to have peculiar weight with the planters of Texas.
It is my thorough Conviction that it is essentially the interest of Texas to link herself closely with England, and, as a natural incident of the connexion, to substitute free for compulsory labour. The arguments I should offer for the relinquishment of domestic Slavery would be based on this Conviction
On my return from Texas in 1839, I had some reason to look forward to such an Appointment in the Republic as would have enabled me to promote directly the general policy of England in that quarter. But Lord Durham who had conveyed to me in a manner the most gratifying to my feelings his approval of my Canadian Services and his desire to advance my public fortunes, stood aloof from the Ministry of the day, and I restricted my application to the Office of Consul at Galveston, as a Situation which, if affording fewer opportunities of active usefulness, promised to be more attainable by a Man whose personal pretensions derived but little support from Parliamentary influence, or family connexion.
From the Considerations which are known to govern Your Lordship in the discharge of your official duties, I am encouraged to believe that these details will not be deemed irrelevant to the application which I have the honor to submit to Your Lordship, and for the courteous and considerate acknowledgment of which I shall always esteem myself Your debtor.
I have the Honor to be. My Lord. Your Lordship's Most Obedient Humble Servant William Kennedy. The Earl of Aberdeen. Etc. etc. etc.
KENNEDY TO ABERDEEN 120
Private. Gregory's Hotel, Arundel St. Haymarket.Novr. 9th. 1841. My Lord,
I have the honor to acknowledge Your Lordship's Note of Yesterday, and, in accordance with the intimation it conveys, shall do myself the pleasure of waiting upon Your Lordship, at the Foreign Office, on Thursday next, at two o'clock.
I have just been assured that the United States are actively intriguing to effect the Annexation of Texas, and that the newlyelected President, General Houston, (the friend and protegé of General Jackson) is not unfavourable to their object.
I Have the Honor to be. My Lord. Your Lordship's Most Obedient Humble Servant William Kennedy. The Earl of Aberdeen. Etc. etc. etc.
KENNEDY TO ABERDEEN 121
Private. Gregory's Hotel. Arundel St. Haymarket.Novr. 12th /41. My Lord,
I leave town today, and shall not return previous to my Voyage, unless Your Lordship should entrust me with despatches for Washington, and require my presence to receive them. In requesting despatches it is under the impression that the travelling expences of the bearer are allowed by the Government.
In order that the safe and speedy transmission of my correspondence be secured, it will be requisite, that I should have a letter to the British Consul at New Orleans, instructing him to aid in forwarding my Communications
May I beg the favour of such a letter addressed to me under cover at 3 King's Road Bedford Row (London) whence it will be transmitted by my Agent Mr. Pringle. I shall be also glad to receive, through the same channel, any special instructions which Your Lordship may be pleased to give, and to learn, after the arrival of the Halifax Steam Ship, whether or not I shall be entrusted with despatches, and on what day I shall be in London to receive them.
I shall be rather pressed for time, in consequence of remaining in London for the purpose of having the interview of yesterday with Your Lordship.
I Have the Honor to be. My Lord, Your Lordship's Most Obedient Faithful Servant William Kennedy. The Earl of Aberdeen. Etc. etc. etc. P. S. I have taken my passage by the Halifax Steamer of the 19th. Inst.
KENNEDY TO ABERDEEN 122
Private. Marine Villa, Hornsea, East Riding of YorkshireNovember 13th. 1841. My Lord,
I beg respectfully to submit to Your Lordship the following points in reference to my contemplated Communication on the Affairs of Texas.
Leaving Liverpool by Steam on the 19th. Inst. I cannot calculate on reaching the Republic, at this season of the Year, in less than five weeks. It is of importance that I should arrive at Austin, the Capital of Texas, before the Congress has closed its Session. To effect this object, I shall travel onward with all possible despatch
So far as present circumstances enable me to form an opinion, I think the best course I can adopt is to draw up a short Report on the political and economic condition of Texas, and transmit it to Your Lordship, through the British Consul at New Orleans. Allowing me a Month or six weeks for local observation, the Report can hardly be placed in Your Lordship's hands before the close of next March, or the beginning of April
In the absence of instructions to the contrary from Your Lordship, I propose to draw up a short Report and forward it to the Foreign Office through the Consul at New Orleans.
My confidential Agent Mr. Wm. Pringle, 3 King's Road, Bedford Row (London) will take care that I receive any Communication addressed under cover to him previous to the day of my departure.
I Have the Honor to be, My Lord, Your Lordship's Most Obedient Humble Servant. William Kennedy. The Earl of Aberdeen. Etc. etc. etc.
KENNEDY TO ABERDEEN 123
Marine Villa, Hornsea. Est. Ridg. of York.Nov. 16th. 1841 My Lord,
I have the honor to acknowledge Your Lordship's Communication of the 15th Inst. enclosing a letter to the British Consul at New Orleans.
On the presumption that the letter to Mr. Crawford [can] only refer to the Subject of my request, I shall, probably delay its presentation to that gentleman until I have occasion to require his services
I Have the Honor to be, My Lord. Your Lordship's Most Obedient Humble Servant. William Kennedy. The Earl of Aberdeen. Etc. etc. etc.
ELLIOT TO ABERDEEN 124
53 Cadogan Place. Decr. 6. 1841. My Lord,
I have the honor to acknowledge Lord Palmerston's duplicate Despatch dated August 4, 1841, signifying my appointment as Her Majesty's Consul General to the Republic of Texas.
With my thanks, I beg to express my readiness to proceed to my post when ever it may suit the convenience of Her Majesty's Government that I should do so. But if there be no necessity for my immediate departure I would request Your Lordship to grant me leave to remain in England for one Month from this date.
I have the Honor to remain. My Lord. Your Lordship's Most Obedient Humble Servant. Charles Elliot. The Right Honorable. The Earl of Aberdeen. K. T. etc. etc. etc.
CANNING TO ELLIOT 125
Dft. Capt. Elliot. F. O.Decr. 14. 1841. Sir.
I am directed by the Earl of Aberdeen to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 6 inst—expressing your readiness to proceed to Texas as H. M's Consul General whenever it may suit the convenience of Her Majesty's Government that you should do so, but if there be no necessity for your immediate departure you request leave to remain in England for one Month; and I am to state to you in reply, that Lord Aberdeen accedes to your request to remain in London for the time specified
Canning.
KENNEDY TO ABERDEEN 126
Galveston. Texas. Jany 10th. 1842. My Lord.
I had the honor to address a Communication to Your Lordship from New York on the 10th Ultmo. 127 which I left in the hands of Mr. Chas. Edwards 128 (an Englishman occasionally employed as a legal adviser by Mr. Fox) 129 to be by him forwarded by the Acadia, Halifax Mail Steam Packet
On the 28th of last Month I reached New Orleans, which I left on the 5th Inst. for Galveston, where I arrived on Sunday the 9th. I proceed by Steam today to Houston, about eighty Miles from this place, and from Houston I shall go on direct to Austin, the Capital of the Republic, in the hope of arriving there before Congress breaks up. My course will be through a wild Country, where rivers are to be crossed without the aid of bridges or boats, and Indians to be avoided. The rainy season has set in, and if I can get over thirty Miles a day I shall consider Myself fortunate.
Writing as I do, upon the wing, I can only touch briefly and generally upon such Matters as have fallen under my observation.
During my short stay in the United States I had good opportunities of ascertaining the state of Commercial and Monetary affairs It is deplorable—and if the lately passed Bankrupt Law goes into operation at the specified time (next February) the last remains of an unwholesome System of Credit and overtrading will be swept away. In New Orleans, the banks (which were chiefly created by British Capital) are sustained in a course of virtual insolvency by the apprehensions of the traders and planters, who are anxious to procrastinate the evil day. My own experience supplies a curious illustration of banking management in New Orleans: When I reached that City, the Bank of Louisiana and one or two kindred establishments (capable of paying their Notes, but incapable of repaying the Shareholders) evinced a determination to resume speice payments and to discredit the Notes of such Banks as did not follow their example. Having a letter of credit on the Correspondent of Messers Baring &Co., I received from him a cheque on the Bank of Louisiana for a certain sum, the said Bank having, with its partners, in policy, agreed to defer the resumption of speice payments for some Months, to afford time for the weaker establishments to strengthen themselves or arrange for liquidation. On presenting the cheque at the Bank of Louisiana, I was not only unable to obtain speice—but the Notes of the Bank itself and was obliged to accept the Notes of the weaker institutions which had been to a material extent discredited by the directors of the Bank on which the Cheque was drawn,—I was obliged to call upon a friend to effect an exchange of the Notes I received for others of a less unstable character.
In furnishing information, at the instance of Mr. Fox, early in the Spring of 1839, I expressed the opinion that the United States was on the Verge of bankruptcy.—The justice of that opinion is manifested by the existing state of the Country which, abounding in the Means of Material prosperity, presents a lamentable appearance of exhaustion and demoralization. Before its energies are recruited and confidence restored, England will, I fear, be yet a greater sufferer than She has been.
The condition of the United States is both favourable and unfavourable for Texas, favourable, inasmuch as distress has induced many of the planters to emigrate to her rich lands and unfavourable as it deprives her of pecuniary aid under the financial embarrassment of her Government. These embarrassments are extreme—in fact, the local currency issued by the Government is, for circulation, useless, and almost unmarketable at any price.
Planters and farmers with some Capital are the only Settlers at present suitable to Texas, the population of which, I have reason to believe, has been over rated. This class of persons is succeeding very well, notwithstanding the prostration of public credit. A better class of emigrants has entered Texas during the last year than at any preceeding period. I still consider the successful invasion of the Country by Mexico as wholly impracticable—Nor am I disposed—(so far as I have recently observed)—to think that the Texans would seek annexation to the United States unless constrained by financial exigency and inability to defray the cost of Government, which has been greatly augmentated by the unsettled state of their relations with Mexico. The President of the United States being a Virginian, and anxious to strengthen the Southern interest in Congress, is understood to be desirous of annexation. It is alleged in the Texan Newspapers that the question will be raised on the proposition to admit the Territories of Wisconsin and Iowa as free States into the Union,—the Southern delegation opposing their admission, unless they are allowed, as an equivalent, to receive Texas into the Confederacy. I see, by an Austin Journal of a late date, that a resolution for empowering President Houston to treat for the Annexation of Texas to the United States has been submitted to the Senate.
I beg to enclose to Your Lordship the Inaugural Message of President Houston, delivered at Austin on the 20th of last Month. 130 It is a vague and uninstructive document, and its Author is charged with exaggerating the debt and difficulties of the Country, with a view to depreciate the character of the preceeding administration. The administrative Machinery of the Republic has, however, been worked under the most discouraging circumstances, and to me the marvel is how they have contrived to keep it in operation at all, in a thinly populated territory, unsustained by Capital, harrassed by border inroads and threats of invasion. Whether the continued pressure upon a young and struggling Country has not created, or may not create, a general desire to seek relief in the arms of the neighbouring Confederacy remains to be seen.
Houston.Wednesday, Jany 12th.
I arrived here this Morning from Galveston and start tomorrow Morning on horseback for Austin.
The France-Texan Bill to which I invited Your Lordship's attention in London, has been again brought before Congress in a modified form. The nature of the modifications and the reception given to the Bill I have not yet learned. I believe its [sic] will fall to the ground.
The Slave Trade Treaty between Great Britain and Texas remains unratified. 131 Not, I am informed—from any hostility to its provisions, but in accordance with the wish of General Hamilton to be present at its discussion. General Hamilton who has been expected for some time, has not yet arrived here. It is anticipated that his powers as a Commissioner to negociate a Loan, will be with drawn. Should Congress be in Session when I reach Austin, I shall inquire whether the Slave Trade Treaty may not be ratified at once and the necessary instrument transmitted to England.
The late President Lamar, without the requisite Authority from the Legislature, fitted out an expedition of two hundred and eighty men, for the purpose of diverting the Santa Fé trade, hitherto in the hands of the Mexicans, to Texas. Goods was sent with the expedition, and it was supposed that the people of Santa Fé would give it a friendly reception. The expedition has however been captured by the Mexicans, whether by force or treachery the statements at present made public do not enable me to say. Much excitement on the Subject prevails in New Orleans, where, it is said, funds have been subscribed and associations organized for raising Volunteers against Mexico. In the meantime, this petty achievement seems to have awakened a war spirit among the Mexicans, and it is rumoured that Santa Ana is preparing to attack Texas by land and Sea. There is another report that he is willing to cede it as a Mexican Department to the United States, in liquidation of certain indemnity Claims. Under every aspect of its affairs, the tendency of Texas is towards annexation with the Mexican [American] Union, unless she is sustained by the friendly offices of England. A few years of quiet would render her prosperous and populous supplying to British Emigrants a new field for their industry, and to our Manufacturers a profitable Market for their goods. But she will require for some time a superintending eye and prudent Counsels.
My tour in the Western Settlements will probably occupy me for four or five weeks. Until I return to Galveston I shall be unable to transmit letters to Europe.
Requesting Your Lordship's indulgence for the defects of a hasty Correspondence, and sincerely anxious to forward such information as may advance the interests of my Country.
I have the Honor to be, My Lord. Your Lordship's Most Obedient Humble Servant William Kennedy. The Right Honorable. The Earl of Aberdeen.
KENNEDY TO ABERDEEN 132
Austin. Texas.Jany. 28th. 1842. My Lord,
I arrived at Austin on the 17th of this Month, and fortunately found Congress still in Session, and both the Government and the people well disposed to listen to my representations
In consideration of my work in [on?] Texas, I received a vote of thanks from both Houses of Congress, and was invited to a Seat within the bar of the Senate and Chamber of Representatives.
On inquiring respecting the Slave Trade Treaty, I was informed that, at the Special request of General Hamilton its presentation to the Senate had been delayed until his arrival in Texas, where he has not yet appeared. Apprehending nothing but Mischief from another twelve Month's delay, I urged the immediate ratification of the Treaty upon the President and Senators, and am happy to say that on the 22d Inst. it passed the Senate by a unanimous vote 133
I have the honor to enclose the copy of a Note from the President, which I beg respectfully to submit for Your Lordship's consideration. It strikingly indicates the financial embarrassments of the Government.
The popular feeling is undoubtedly swaying strongly towards annexation to the United States. And if this feeling is to be allayed, Great Britain must interpose her Mediation with effect for an early Settlement of the differences between Mexico and Texas. To a young Country the threat of invasion is hardly less injurious than invasion itself. Mexico can never reconquer Texas, and the sooner the present dubious condition of affairs is terminated the better for both
General Hamilton's popularity here is gone; his powers as a Loan Commissioner have been revoked and he will no longer be authorized to act as a diplomatic agent of the Republic
Although the Government suffers from an exhausted Treasury, the Settlements are extending and prospering, and such are the natural resources of this magnificent Country, that three years of peace and wise administration would suffice to relieve it from all its difficulties.
At the request of General Houston (the President) I have volunteered a communication to Mr. Pakenham at Mexico respecting the Santa Fe prisoners of whom between forty and fifty are, I understand, British Subjects. I have ascertained the names of fourteen (four of whom are Natives of Scotland) and have transmitted them to Mr. Pakenham, whose interposition on behalf of those prisoners who may be Citizens of Texas would be a grateful and opportune act
Congress is to rise on Monday, 134 and I shall proceed immediately after farther West; then return by the Coast to Galveston and thence to New Orleans, where I shall embark for England which I hope to reach in April.
Having only received recent intimation of the departure of a Government Messenger with Despatches for Galveston, I have been obliged to use all despatch in writing this Communication
I have the Honor to be. My Lord, Your Lordship's Most Obedient Humble Servant William Kennedy The Right Honble. The Earl of Aberdeen. Etc. etc. etc.
HOUSTON TO KENNEDY 135
Copy. City of Austin Texas. 28 Jany. 1842. My Dear Sir.
Before your departure from this place, I must be permitted to make a request of you
Should you find it within your control, you will much oblige me by informing the British Government of the particulars touching the delay, and subsequent ratification of the Treaty on the subject of the “Slave Trade” by this Government
For the consummation of this business, I cannot but feel that the Executive is under many obligations to you for the lights afforded him upon this subject by yourself. Owing to the representations of our agent at London, had you not been here, I am inclined to believe, or rather I am satisfied, that it would not have been ratified at the present session of Congress.
In making this request of you, I claim the right of an apology, on the ground that our agent at London, Gen. Hamilton, has been recalled under a resolution of Congress. And with a perfect knowledge of our situation you will not suppose that an agent, such as would be desirable for us, will be sent to England, owing to the condition of our finances.
Should I not have the pleasure of meeting you again, previous to your departure for England, I will anticipate the happiness of again meeting you in Texas; as I sincerely hope Her Majesty's Government may think proper to send you to Texas in some relation which may be agreeable to you, as your return will be to the people, and particularly to your very sincere friend
Sam Houston. [Endorsed] In Mr. Kennedy's Letter of Jan 28/42
HAMILTON TO ABERDEEN 136
(Duplicate) Galveston Texas.Feby. 20th. 1842 My Lord,
I desire to revoke the recommendation which I made in behalf of Mr. Kennedy, for the Consulate of Her B. M. at Galveston, Texas, as I deem that individual as utterly unworthy of Your Lordship's confidence.
I have transmitted Mr. Kennedy a Copy of this letter.
I remain very respectfully
Your Lordship's, Yr. Most Obet. Sert. J. Hamilton. The Right Hon. Lord Aberdeen. Her Majesty's P. Sec. of Foreign Affairs.
HAMILTON TO KENNEDY 137
(Copy) New Orleans,March 4th. 1842 Sir,
I beg leave to enclose you a letter 138 I addressed to Lord Aberdeen, which not following the course you pursued towards myself at Austin, I think it both frank and honourable to communicate to yourself.
Gen Johnson will receive any Communication you may have for me. I beg leave to inform you that you will find me on your way through the States to [at?] Charleston until the 1st. July—In this as in all other Cases responsible for my own acts and seeking neither shelter or concealment
I remain Your Most Obt. Sert. J. Hamilton Wm. Kennedy, Esq.
KENNEDY TO ABERDEEN 139
New Orleans,March 8th. 1842 My Lord,
I arrived here yesterday from Galveston in Texas, and having just learned that letters are about to be forwarded by the Solway, West India Mail Steamer, I hasten to apprize Your Lordship that I intend proceeding direct for England in a day or two, and on my arrival in London shall be happy to submit to Your Lordship information which I have obtained during my recent visit to the neighbouring Republic
I have the Honor to be, My Lord Your Lordship's Most Obedient Humble Servant William Kennedy. The Right Honorable. The Earl of Aberdeen. etc. etc. etc.
HAMILTON TO ABERDEEN 140
(Private and Confidential). Per Halifax Steamer. Charleston,March 25th. 1842 My Dear Lord,
I enclose You duplicates of a dispatch addressed you from New Orleans by the Royal Mail West India Steamer, for fear of the apparent, irregularity which seems to attend that mode of conveyance
Mr. Kennedy has behaved with such perfidy and ingratitude towards myself that I am convinced he is totally destitute of all principle.
He reached Texas before me, and finding from the Jealousy of the present President of Texas, Gen. Houston to myself, (lest I should supplant him in influence with the people of Texas) that he would obtain favour by joining in the current of prejudice which thro' the instrumentality of the President was running against me, and strange to say (he an Englishman and I a Slave Holder) one of the grounds of his assault was, that I was confederating with an association at Exeter Hall 141 to abolish slavery in Texas.
His flattery of President Houston (who to say the best of him, is one of the least respectable persons in Texas) has secured to him a large Empesari or Grant of Land, 142 and the understanding that Mr. Kennedy is to write Gen. Houston's Life, has perhaps been equally influential in procuring for him the Consul Generalship to Great Britain. 143
In relation to this last Appointment Your Lordship must allow me to make a remark or two. In the first place the Appointment is unknown to the Laws of Texas, but this of course is not a question for Her Majesty's Govt., if President Houston, thinks proper to be guilty of an act without the authority of Law. But there is one ground upon which I think Her Majesty's Govt. might deny him an Exequatur, and that is, his assertion that by not appointing him to the Consulate at Galveston, 144 you have been guilty of an implied breach of faith and injustice.—If you think proper to take this ground you are quite at liberty to give me as your authority. He not only said this to me, but to other Gentlemen of respectability.
Lord Palmerston will give you some items of intelligence respecting Kennedy, which will let you not the less understandingly into his character. If you were to refuse to recognise him as Consul Genl. you would gratify a great many of the most influential and respectable of the people of Texas, who have regarded his ingratitude to me and sycophency to Houston with unspeakable disgust.
He will undoubtedly lay claim to having done many things of inestimatable value to Her Majesty's Govt., in Texas. His acts of value were to himself, if they turn out such?—to evil in defeating a measure for the Sale of the Public Lands on Government account 145 and getting grants for a French Company 146 and himself—by which I am sure not a few Air-bubbles will be blown, to take in the unwary.
The Treaties will go over for Exchange by the next Steamer, about which I trust there will be no difficulty.
I shall be in London in July ready to offer to your Govt.—a Contract for Live Oak, in conformity with the advices, I gave Your Lordship last Autumn, and about which I shall write Sir Robt. Peel, by this opportunity, with whom I shall be gratified if Your Lordship will confer and lend your co-operation.
You will have seen Santa Anna's Letter 147 to myself—which has since been confirmed by an actual invasion of the Country by Genl. Aristo 148 at the head of 14,000 Men. I have no doubt Aristo will be crushed before he reaches the Colorado. If he is not I shall claim my privileges of citizenship in Texas, and strike as hard and as heavy as I can
The Star of Empire will travel West, and no Man can tell where we shall stop
Nothing can exceed the infatuation of this people, apparently doomed, or the Union and enthusiasm of the People of Texas—In any event be assured we will take care of English interest.
I remain my Dear Lord with sincere respect and esteem your Most Obt. Servt. J. Hamilton The Right Hon. the Earl of Aberdeen Her B. M. P. S. for Foreign Affairs. P. S. If the Republic of Texas had passed the Act providing for the international Guarantee of its Loan, 149 I should have offered the Commercial privileges to G. Britain or Belgium, which ever Govt. would have accepted them. But President Houston found it, a cheaper policy to recommend repudiation, than to Contract a new Loan
KENNEDY TO ABERDEEN 150
Private. On board the Roseins, Liverpool.April 20th. 1842. My Lord,
I take the earliest Moment of informing Your Lordship of my arrival in the port of Liverpool, by the packet ship Roseins, from New York. In a day or two,—after the arrangement of some private affairs—I shall be in London, and wait upon Your Lordship's leisure for an interview.
Since my departure from England, in November last, I have addressed four Communications to Your Lordship, from the following places in succession—New York—Houston (Texas), Austin (Texas) and New Orleans. The letter from Austin announced the Ratification of the Slave Trade Convention by the Senate of Texas, and enclosed the copy of a Note upon the subject, addressed to me by the President, General Houston
In reference to my Communication from New York, I beg to state that no Belgian Loan Commissioner, visited Texas during my sojourn there; but Captain Pirson (late Secty of Legation at Constantinople) arrived on a Mission of inquiry into the condition and resources of the Republic, and prosecuted his researches with great assiduity. 151 I left M. Pirson at Galveston and the bearer of despatches from him to M. van de Weger (Belgian Minister in London) and the Minister of Foreign Affairs at Brussels.
There is reason to believe that the story of the Belgian “Loan Commissioner” originated with General Hamilton, who may have deemed such a report not unfavourable to his financial operations and his friendly reception in Texas. If this were the calculation, General Hamilton must have been signally disappointed
I intimated to Your Lordship that a formal resolution for the Annexation of Texas to the United States had been submitted to the Texan Senate, during the late Session of Congress. This resolution was permitted to drop, at the suggestion of the Secty of State, who correctly stated that all action on the Matter must commence with the Executive;—the Confirmation of whose policy must rest with the people, in a Convention of the whole
I do not think I arrogate too much to myself in saying that the Confidence reposed in me by the Government and people of Texas materially contributed to allay the excitement in favour of immediate annexation to the United States, which prevailed at the period of my arrival in the Country. I obtained, at all events, a suspension of the question until the dispositions of Great Britain could be known. The position of that question is now materially altered by the Mexican invasion. Unacquainted, as I am, with the views of Her Majesty's Government, and the information in their possession, I am reluctant to hazard an opinion as to the probable result of the invasion, but I greatly fear that it will eventually prove as injurious to English interests, as it will be temporily detrimental to Texas, and permanently injurious to Mexico. A few Months will determine every thing. Affairs are complicated and the times critical.
I have the Honor to be, My Lord, Your Lordship's Most Obedient Humble Servant William Kennedy. The Right Honorable. The Earl of Aberdeen. etc. etc. etc.
NOTES AND FRAGMENTS
Mr. Jesse Sumpter died at Eagle Pass on November 20, 1910. He was born February 21, 1827, in Owen county, Indiana, but for more than sixty years was a resident of Eagle Pass, where he was inspector of customs.
Philip Lindsley, an attorney and distinguished citizen of Dallas, died at his home December 4, 1911. Judge Lindsley removed from Nashville to Dallas in 1875. After practicing law for twelve years he became an investment banker and real estate broker. He was a writer of rare wit and the choicest diction, and contributed many articles to periodical literature. His The Humor of the Court Room appeared in booklet form (Dallas, 1899).
Littleton W. Moore, Judge of the Twenty-second Judicial District, died at his home in La Grange, October 30, 1911. Judge Moore was born March 25, 1835, in Alabama, was reared and educated in Mississippi, and came to Texas in 1857. He served in the Confederate army through the war, was a delegate to the constitutional convention of 1875, and was three times elected to Congress—1886-1892.
Portraits of the late Judges Hans Teichmueller and Littleton W. Moore have been placed in the courthouse at La Grange.
A Confederate monument was unveiled at Kaufman, November 23, by the Judah P. Benjamin Camp, U. D. C.
Designs were approved on December 7, 1911, for the monuments to be erected by the State over the graves of Mrs. Elizabeth Crockett and Governor George T. Wood. The monument over the grave of Mrs. Crockett is to be in Italian marble and to represent the pioneer woman. The monument over the grave of former Governor Wood is to be a marble slab and is to show on one side a map of Texas in relief.
2. Journals of the Consultation, 7, 9. Austin's memorandum (a copy), with a letter accompanying it, is in the archives of the State Department of Texas, Records, Vol. 3, pp. 24-25. It is summarized below, pages 178-179. The importance of the document lies in the fact that it shaped Archer's inaugural speech, to which the Consultation in all its work adhered very closely. The italies in the above sentence are the writer's.
3. Journals of the Consultation, 12. The committee consisted of John A. Wharton of the jurisdiction of Columbia, William Menefee of San Felipe, R. R. Royall of Matagorda, Lorenzo de Zavala of Harrisburg, Asa Mitchell of Washington, W. S. Fisher of Gonzales, R. M. Williamson of Mina, Sam Houston of Nacogdoches, A. Houston of San Augustine, Wyatt Hanks of Bevil, Henry Millard of Liberty, and S. T. Allen of Viesca.
4. A fragment of the minutes of the Consultation (MS. in the State Library of Texas) says that the committee reported on the 4th “that they had had said subject under consideration and that the committee were divided and therefore referred the subject to the consideration of the whole house.” ... The printed journal merely says (p. 16) that the committee made a report.
5. MS. fragment. That they spoke in favor of independence is indicated by the letter “i” after their names. Speakers for the constitution were indicated by a “c.” The printed journal makes no mention of these speeches.
6. MS. fragment. The printed journal, under date of the 5th, says only (p. 17) that “Mr. Parker obtained the floor and addressed the house on the subject before it.” The 4th, as given in the manuscript, seems to be the correct date.
7. MS. fragment. The printed journal does not mention this.
8. The manuscript calls him Palmer.
9. MS. fragment.
10. Ibid.
11. Austin Papers.
12. For this day's proceedings see Journals of the Consultation, 16-17.
13. For this day's proceedings see Ibid., 18-19.
14. Copy. Archives of the State Department of Texas, Records, Vol. 3, pp. 24-25.
15. It is interesting to compare with this enumeration of abuses the “Facts” “submitted to a candid world” by the American Declaration of Independence.
16. Copy. Archives of the State Department of Texas, Records, Vol. 3, pp. 16-17.
17. Consultation MS. Texas State Library. This document is signed “Williamson,” and is endorsed. “Referred to Comt of 12.”
18. Although the constitution of 1824 did deliberately establish a federal system, the historically fallacious character of the social contract as a theory of government has probably never been more obvious than in the government of Mexico from Cortes to the present.
19. Consultation MS. Texas State Library.
20. Journals of the Consultation, 20-21.
21. With this preamble compare the first paragraph of the fourth document mentioned above: “Whereas, That form of government known and acknowledged by and subscribed to by the people of Texas has been overthrown by the military; and Whereas the social compact creating the confederacy of Mexican States is virtually dissolved the people of Tejas declare that they assume the exercise of their natural right and upon the great principle of self-preservation they assert to the world that they will sustain acquired rights in Mexico.”
22. This word was inserted by amendment.
23. With this compare the third paragraph of Barrett's draft: “The violation of this constitution and laws, and the attempt to subvert them by a military dictator, and the consequent determination to subject our citizens against their will or consent to another form of government, are the reasons for our resistance and for resorting to arms.”
24. Compare the second paragraph of number four: “The people of Tejas declare that they are no longer bound to adhere to a people that have changed that form of Government created by the compact of 1824 of which Tejas formed an integral part.”
25. Compare the ninth section of Williamson's plan: “They declare that they are separate from, and Independent of That form of Government that at present exists in Mexico.”
26. Compare Barrett's: “We declare and resolve that we will never while a free American can raise a weapon in Texas, suffer its soil to be polluted by the usurper or his myrmidons, and that we will trust to our arms, a just cause—the sympathy and justice of Nations, and our omnipotent God, for certain success in all we claim.”
27. The last three resolutions seem to have been suggested by the President's inaugural address. See Journals of the Consultation, 7-8.
28. Journals of the Consultation, 21-22.
29. Journals of the Consultation, 22-23.
30. Original draft of a letter from Austin to the Provisional Government in the Austin Papers. This is not dated, but there is a copy in the archives of the State Department of Texas, Records, Vol. 3, pp. 157-159, dated December 3. The original so well illustrates the characteristic cautiousness of Austin, and at the same time suggests the sensitive nature of the subject, that two paragraphs are quoted with their erasures and interlineations inserted in brackets:
. . . “Should the Govt. succeed in giving to this war a national character, as they are attempting, Texas will have to contend against the whole nation united against her. That such a character will be given to it is probable—in fact it is almost certain, for the reason that the declaration made by the Genl Consultation [admits of] tends [more] fully as much to independence [than to] as to adhesion to the constitution of 1824—[and whether fortunately or some most]—some of the subsequent measures [especially the imp] have the same tendency. The manner [that] in which Govr Viesca and Col Gonzales [etc were recd. at have been were] have been recd. [at Goliad etc] will also have its effect [in short the debates and opinions expressed in favor of independence and the general impression that has gone abroad that independence was the object] the organization of a local Govt. without a clear and positive declaration that it was done as a member of the Mexican confederation under the constitution of 1824 and law of 7 May of that year will be perverted by our enemies [to mean that] to mean a different thing from what was intended. In short the impression has gone abroad that independence is the object, and the only object of Texas—This being the case [the] there is at least every probability [is great] that the Texas war will assume [a natio] the character which the Govt of Mexico are endeavoring to give to it, and that all parties will unite against us.
It is perhaps [out of place] too late now to inquire whether a different course and a more rigid adherence to the constitution of 1824, [and to the] and organization as a member of the Mexican confederation without any ambiguity, would or would not have [been more promoted comported much] been the true and [only] proper course for Texas—I believe it would, but the time [Here Austin stopped abruptly, and deleted the whole of this paragraph.]
31. See Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789 (Ford Ed.), II, 128-157.
32. The remainder of this section is a summary of my article on “Apache Relations in Texas, 1718-1750,” in The Quarterly, XIV, 199-274.
33. Autos of Urrutia, November 28, 1749, in “Memorias de Nueva España,” XXVIII, ff. 122-213. Domingo Cabello fixes the date of the release as August 18, but subsequent investigations have shown that this was a mistake, and that the prisoners did not receive their freedom until November 28. (See The Quarterly, XIV, 261-262.)
34. The documents on which this paper is based are in the private collection of Dr. Herbert E. Bolton.
35. Escrito of Fray Mariano de los Dolores, in “Memorias de Nueva España,” XXVIII, ff. 115-117.
36. Escrito of Fray Mariano de los Dolores, November 29, 1749, in “Memorias de Nueva España,” XXVIII, ff. 118-121.
37. Urrutia to the viceroy, December 1, 1749, Ibid., ff. 123-125.
38. Auditor's parecer, January 31, 1750, Ibid., ff. 125-130.
39. Viceroy's decree, Ibid., f. 130.
40. Auditor's parecer, February 17, 1750, Ibid., f. 134.
41. Santa Ana to the viceroy, in “Memorias de Nueva España,” XXVIII, ff. 131-133. The date is probably February 13, 1750. Bonilla (Breve Compendio, 23) says that Father Dolores proposed the Pedernales plan and later the Guadalupe plan. He has the chronology reversed and his account is very inaccurate.
42. Auditor's parecer, February 13, 1750, in “Memorias de Nueva España,” XXVIII, ff. 133-135.
43. This phrase, “well paid,” can hardly be accepted unless taken in a comparative sense.
44. Santa Ana to the viceroy, in “Memorias de Nueva España,” XXVIII, ff. 142-146.
45. Auditor's parecer, February 27, 1750, Ibid., ff. 147-148.
46. Razon, Ibid., f. 149.
47. Urrutia to Dolores, Exorto del Capn, 1-2.
48. Tanto de lo que se presentó, 1.
49. Dolores to Urrutia, Exorto del Capn, 2-4.
50. Ibid., 2-14.
51. Memorial presentado por el R. P. Presidte., Sept. 17, 1750, 1-2.
52. Memorial presentado por el R. P. Presidte., Sept. 17, 1750, 2-5.
53. In 1750 a chief named Pastellano had applied at San Juan Bautista for a mission. A site was chosen and missionaries assigned, but the Indians deserted the first night, before it was really put into operation (Informe de los prelados, Rodríguez to the viceroy, November 12, 1772).
54. The guardian to Terreros, February 18, 1752 (B. MS.).
55. The sketch which follows is drawn from a manuscript summary made by Dr. Bolton from the original records of the founding of the mission, discovered by him in Saltillo, Mexico. But for it, this incident in the missionary history of the Texas Apaches would be almost entirely unknown.
56. Rodriguez to Bustillo, March 18, 1755, in Bolton, “Summary of the Founding of the Mission of San Lorenzo,” 6.
57. San Fernando de Austria had been founded the year before, and was about twenty leagues from San Juan Bautista, south of the Rio Grande.
58. Bolton, “Summary of the Founding of the Mission of San Lorenzo,” 1-2.
59. Fiscal's reply, September 6, 1754, Bolton, “Summary of the Founding of the Mission of San Lorenzo,” 2.
60. Auditor's parecer, September 16, Ibid., 2-3.
61. Viceroy's decree, Ibid., 3.
62. Obediencia, Ibid., 3.
63. Notificacion, Ibid., 3.
64. Examination, Bolton, “Summary of the Founding of the Mission San Lorenzo,” 3.
65. Ibid., 4.
66. Letters of Rodríguez and of Bustillo, February and March respectively, Ibid., 4.
67. Rodríguez to Bustillo, March 18, 1755, Ibid., 4-5.
68. Ibid., 6.
69. Certificación de Vicente Rodríguez, Oct. 12, 1755, 2 pp.; Consulta del Sor Fiscal respta. de los Padres, August 25, 1756, 1 p.
70. F. O., Mexico, vol. 110.
71. F. O., Mexico, vol. 110.
72. F. O., Mexico, vol. 110.
73. F. O., Mexico, Vol. 110.
74. The correct date of arrival at the Brazos River is April 12th; see Crawford to Pakenham, May 26, 1837.
75. Some of these modifications of the tariff were embodied in an act approved June 12, 1837. (Gammel, Laws of Texas, I, 1313-1319.)
76. F. O., Mexico, vol. 110. Sir Richard Pakenham, British Minister at Mexico, 1835-1843; at Washington, 1844-1847.
77. Columbia had been the seat of government since August, 1836, but during the first session of the first congress Houston was selected as the seat of government until 1840. The adjourned session of the first congress would meet there on May 1st. The delay in completing the necessary buildings caused the president and officers of the government to tarry at Columbia until April 13th. They set out within a few days, and Mr. Crawford spent the greater portion of his month's visit at Houston.—Editors of The Quarterly.
78. While in his official intercourse Mr. Crawford may have guarded his remarks very carefully, the Telegraph and Texas Register of May 2, 1837, interpreted his mission as follows: “On the morning of the 12th ult. Mr. Crawford arrived at Columbia, accompanied by several of the officers of H. B. M. Brig of War, Racer, Captain Hope. The object of this gentleman's visit to Texas, is we understand to investigate the civil and political condition of the country and report to the British government.”—Editors of The Quarterly.
79. Joel R. Poinsett was Secretary of War of the United States from March 14, 1837, to March 3, 1841.
80. The message was delivered May 5th, and is printed in the House Journal, 1 Cong., 2 Sess., p. 9-16.
81. A joint resolution, requesting the president to appoint an agent to the Court of Great Britain, was approved May 15, 1837 (Gammel, Laws of Texas, I, 1287). A secret joint resolution, authorizing the president to instruct this agent to visit the Court of St. Cloud, was approved June 7, 1837 (Secret Journals of the Senate, 315.) J. Pinckney Henderson was commissioned minister to Great Britain June 20, 1837; he arrived at London on October 9th.—Editors of The Quarterly.
82. For an account of the case of the Brig Pocket, see The Quarterly, XII, 276-295.
83. F. O., Texas, vol. 1. Sir Evan John Murray MacGregor, governor of the Windward Islands, in 1840 sent Commander Joseph Hamilton of the British Navy to Texas to reclaim certain negroes reported to have come into Texas as indentured servants, and then to have been made slaves. (Worley, “Diplomatic Relations of England and the Republic of Texas,” The Quarterly, IX, 9-10; Garrison, Diplomatic Correspondence of the Republic of Texas, III, 901-905 and 911-914, in Am. Hist. Assoc. Report, 1908, II. The Diplomatic correspondence of the Republic of Texas, edited by Dr. George P. Garrison, is published in two parts; part one appeared as volume two of the Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the year 1907, part two (in two volumes) appeared as volume two of the Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the year 1908.
84. Concluded at Paris, September 25, 1839, by J. Pinckney Henderson; ratified by Texas, January 13, 1840. (British and Foreign State Papers, XXX, 1227-1233.)
85. F. O. Texas, vol. 1. Francis C. Sheridan, Colonial Secretary under Governor MacGregor, Windward Islands, stationed at Barbados in 1840.
Joseph Garraway, Acting Private Secretary to Governor MacGregor, and also a Judge of Assistant Court of Appeals in Barbados. (Brit. Sess. Papers, 1840—Commons—vol. 35. Papers relative to the affairs of Barbados, pp. 41, 145, 149.)
86. This, of course, is an excessive estimate. There are no authentic figures available for this date, but as late as 1847 the white population was but a little more than a hundred thousand.—Editors of The Quarterly.
87. $2,164,000, in September, 1838 (Morphis, History of Texas, 399); but at the date of this letter, approximately $5,000,000.
88. Gammel, Laws of Texas, I, 1484-1486.
89. Application for recognition made by J. Pinckney Henderson, October 13, 1837; refused by Palmerston, January 27, 1838. (Garrison, Diplomatic Correspondence of the Republic of Texas, III, 812 and 839, in Am. Hist. Assoc. Report, 1908, II.)
90. Cost of transporting slaves to Texas (?).
91. Refused by the United States in August, 1837. Texan independence was recognized by the United States in March, 1837; by France, 1839; by Holland and by Belgium, 1840; and by Great Britain, 1842.
92. F. O., Mexico, vol. 142. Nicholas Doran Maillard, an English barrister at law, who came to Texas in 1840 in search of health and resided there six months. After the appearance of Kennedy's Texas (see note 1, p. 244), Maillard published a History of the Republic of Texas (London, 1842), in which he sought to refute Kennedy, to uphold the cause of Mexico, to prevent the ratification of British treaties with Texas, and to warn his countrymen against emigration to that state. (Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, II, 141.)
Palmerston, British Foreign Secretary in Melbourne's Government until August 30, 1841, when the Tories came into power under Peel, and Aberdeen succeeded Palmerston at the Foreign Office. The great English antislave trade movement had waned somewhat between 1835 and 1840, but in the latter year was revived. Maillard's letter evidently seeks to use this revival of public interest to the disadvantage of Texas. Great Britain had treaties with various European powers granting mutual right of search of vessels suspected of being engaged in the slave trade, but the United States had refused to make such a treaty. The position of Texas in the matter was therefore of importance. (Adams, British Interests and Activities in Texas, 55.)
93. Needless to say, this statement had no foundation in fact. For an account of the Republic of the Rio Grande see Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, II, 326-32.—Editors of The Quarterly.
94. F. O., Texas, vol. 2. Hook has not been positively identified. A James Hook was appointed in July, 1842, as “Commissioner of Arbitration in the mixed British and Foreign Courts for the Suppression of the Slave Trade,” at Sierra Leone, and arrived at that place, from England, on December 3, 1842. Whether or not he was the writer of this letter is uncertain. (British Sessional Papers, 1843—Commons—vol. LVIII. Correspondence on the Slave Trade, Class A, p. 1.)
95. Saligny.
96. Three treaties had been concluded also by Hamilton, for Texas, and Palmerston, for Great Britain; (a) a treaty of amity and commerce, involving recognition of Texas (November 13, 1840) ; (b) a treaty providing British mediation between Texas and Mexico (November 14, 1840) ; (c) a treaty giving mutual right of search of vessels engaged in the African slave-trade (November 16, 1840). The first and second of these treaties were transmitted to Texas on December 3, 1840, but the third was not sent until January 4, 1841, Hamilton writing that the delay was due to his anxiety that the slave-trade treaty should be carried to Texas by a confidential friend, A. T. Burnley, who could explain the necessity Hamilton was under of signing a treaty he had had no authority to negotiate. British agents suspected Hamilton of delaying the treaty in the hope that when Texan approval of the first and second treaties was received, Great Britain would ratify them without waiting for the third. The result was unfortunate. Texan sanction of the first and second treaties was transmitted to Hamilton on February 12, 1841. On February 21, Burnley, writing from Houston, sent the slave-trade treaty to the Texan government too late for approval by congress, which had adjourned. Great Britain insisted on exchanging ratifications of all three treaties at the same time, and thus all were unduly delayed until June 28, 1842. (Garrison, Diplomatic Correspondence of the Republic of Texas, III, 919-943, in Am. Hist. Assoc. Report, 1908, II; Worley, in The Quarterly, IX, 11-16; Adams, British Interests and Activities in Texas, 67-68.)
97. The independence of Texas was declared March 2, 1836; the constitution was adopted by the convention March 17.
98. Not found.
99. Concerning this excessive estimate of the population see note, page 220.
100. Not found.
101. The treaty with France was ratified January 13.
102. The writer, perhaps, had in mind the visit of M. Saligny to Texas in 1839. (Garrison, Diplomatic Correspondence of the Republic of Texas, III, 1271, in Am. Hist. Assoc. Report, II, 1908.)
103. F. O., Texas, vol. 2. Evan Nepean, Commander of the Comus from May 9, 1839, to March 4, 1842. Peter John Douglas, Commodore on the Magnificent from 1838 to November, 1841; and Commander-in-Chief of West Indian Squadron, June 21 to September 30, 1841. (Brit. Sess. Papers, 1852—Lords—vol. 17. Return of Naval Appointments, 1831 to 1851.)
104. Not identified.
105. Various overtures for peace had been made. In October, 1838, Palmerston instructed Pakenham to use his good offices toward peace; and, in 1839, the latter sounded the Mexican government but received little encouragement. In the same year, Bee, aided by Pakenham, began overtures to Mexico but with no result: while in December, 1839, Hamilton outlined to Pakenham the terms of the Texan offer, and a little later James Treat was officially commissioned to present these terms to Mexico. Thus Pakenham had been active before the treaty of November 14, 1840, providing British mediation was negotiated; but did practically nothing after that date until June, 1841, when he supported unsuccessfully the proposals of Texas made through Judge Webb. (Adams, British Interests and Activities in Texas, 27-62. Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas, II, 340; Garrison, Diplomatic Correspondence of the Republic of Texas, II, 470, in Am. Hist. Assoc. Report, 1908, II.)
106. See note, page 220.
107. The negotiations for a loan in France were not successful.
108. Sacrificios, a small island south of Vera Cruz. “Vessels of war of other nations anchor about three miles below [San Juan de Ulloa], near the island of Sacrificios.” (Thompson, Recollections of Mexico, 2.)
109. That is, wastefulness.
110. This incident is also referred to by James Webb. (Garrison, Diplomatic Correspondence of the Republic of Texas, II, 751, in Am. Hist. Assoc. Report, 1908, II.)
111. F. O., Texas, vol. 3. Sir Charles Elliot (1801-1875), entered the British navy in 1815, and saw active service until 1828, when he virtually retired, being thereafter employed in the service of the foreign or colonial office. In 1834 he went to China as secretary to the trade commissioners, and in 1837 became chief superintendent, thus being the British official in authority at Canton at the time of the Opium War of 1840. The war was checked by a preliminary treaty arranged by Elliot; but the treaty was disavowed by both British and Chinese governments, and the war was revived, while Elliot was superseded. On his return home, he was for a time unemployed, but was subsequently sent to Texas, where he held the position of British chargé d'affaires until Texas was annexed to the United States. He later was governor of Bermuda, 1846-54; of Trinidad, 1854-56, and of St. Helena, 1863-69. (Stephen and Lee, Dictionary of National Biography.)
112. F. O., Texas, vol. 2. William Kennedy, born 1799 and educated in Ireland; early took up journalism and literature as a profession. He came to London in 1830, where acquaintance with The Earl of Durham resulted in Kennedy's accompanying the latter to Canada in 1838. On Durham's retirement, Kennedy traveled during 1839 in the United States and resided some months in Texas gathering material for a book, which was published in London in 1841 under the title The Rise, Progress, and Prospects of the Republic of Texas (2 vols.), in which the cause of Texan independence of Mexico was maintained and great prosperity prophesied for the new state. Kennedy's subsequent career in Texas will be clearly brought out in the correspondence. This letter marks the beginning of a special mission he undertook to Texas in 1841. On his return to England in 1842, he acted for a short time as Texan consul in London, but later in that year was sent to Galveston as British consul, holding this position until the end of the Texan Republic. Broken in health he retired on a pension, and from 1849 until his death in 1871 resided in Paris. (Stephen and Lee, Dictionary of National Biography.)
Aberdeen succeeded Palmerston as British Foreign Secretary, August 30, 1841.
113. See note 3, p. 230, for a list of the treaties and a statement of the cause of delay in ratification.
114. Also printed in British and Foreign State Papers, (1840-1841), XXIX, 617-621.
115. F. O., Texas, vol. 2.
116. The Franco-Texan bill provided for the sestablishment of a French company, with authority to introduce 8,000 French colonists who were to settle near forts, at least twenty in number, erected and maintained for twenty years by the company along the northern and western frontier from Red River to the Rio Grande. The company was to receive for its services 3,000,000 acres of land, provided the colonists were introduced and located according to contract. Other concessions to be granted the company related to the working of mines and to trade and commerce. (Austin City Gazette, July 21, 1841.) The bill passed the house of representatives of the fifth congress but was defeated in the senate.—Editors of The Quarterly.
117. The reference is to the “Hunters' Lodges” and similar organizations along the northern border of the United States, formed to express sympathy with and give aid to Canadian rebels in the rebellion of 1837-1839.
118. F. O., Texas, vol. 2.
119. Meaning the British Society.
120. F. O., Texas, vol. 2.
121. F. O., Texas. vol. 2.
122. F. O., Texas, vol. 2.
123. F. O., Texas, vol. 2.
124. F. O., Texas, vol. 3.
125. F. O., Texas, vol. 3. Charles John Canning, Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, 1841-1846.
126. F. O., Texas, vol. 3.
127. Letter not found.
128. Charles Edwards, an English lawyer in New York City, and for twenty-five years counsel to the British consulate at that place. (Appleton, Cyclopedia of American Biography, II, 305.)
129. Henry Stephen Fox, British Minister at Washington, D. C.
130. Correct date, December 13.
131. See note 3, p. 230.
132. F. O., Texas, vol. 3.
133. While it is true that General Hamilton had requested that the senate's action on the treaty for the suppression of the African slave trade be delayed until his arrival in Texas, the prospect of an adjournment of congress before Hamilton could arrive prompted President Houston to submit the treaty by message dated January 12, 1842. The president made no comment whatever, but referred to “the letters of General Hamilton explanatory of the objects of the Treaty.” (Secret Journals of the Senate, Republic of Texas, 214, 215.) Kennedy arrived at Austin January 17th; Hamilton on January 31st. The Treaty was read the first time on January 14, and ratified on the 22d. Kennedy cannot be credited with having influenced the president's action in submitting the treaty to the senate; how much his advocacy during the interval from January 17 to 22 contributed toward the unanimous ratification of the treaty it is impossible to ascertain; that his advocacy was necessary to secure favorable action may well be doubted. But see Houston to Kennedy, below, page 259.—Editors of The Quarterly.
134. Monday, January 31, 1842; congress adjourned Saturday, February 5, 1842.
135. F. O., Texas, vol. 3. Enclosed in the preceding letter.
136. F. O., Texas, vol. 3.
137. F. O., Texas, vol. 3.
138. See preceding letter, Hamilton to Aberdeen, February 20, 1842.
139. F. O., Texas, vol. 3.
140. F. O., Texas, vol. 3.
141. A building on the Strand, London, used for religious and charitable assemblies, and long the customary meeting place of the British Anti-Slavery Society.
142. William Kennedy, William Pringle, and associates obtained a contract to introduce 600 families. A number of contracts similar to this one were made about this time.—Editors of The Quarterly.
143. Kennedy was nominated Texan consul-general in London and was confirmed by the senate February 3, 1842.—Editors of The Quarterly.
144. Kennedy was tendered the British consulate at Galveston in June, 1842.—Editors of The Quarterly.
145. For the details of this plan, see Secret Journals of the Senate, Republic of Texas, 221-224.
146. Henri Castro obtained a contract to introduce 600 colonists on the same date that Kennedy concluded his contract.—Editors of The Quarterly.
147. Presumably this refers to Hamilton's letter to Santa Anna, offering an indemnity of $5,000,000 to be paid by Texas in consideration of her recognition of independence by Mexico. Santa Anna's reply declared that an immediate reconquest of Texas was to be undertaken. (Niles' Register, LXII, 50.)
148. Arista. A force of 500 men under General Vasquez penetrated Texas as far as San Antonio, but after two days retreated quite as precipitately as it had come.
149. General Hamilton's reference is to a project of a commercial legislative compact between Belgium and the Republic of Texas. (Secret Journals of the Senate, Republic of Texas, 222, 223.)—Editors of The Quarterly.
150. F. O., Mexico, vol. 158.
151. In 1841, Hamilton had asked Belgium to guarantee a Texan loan for $7,000,000, in return for which Belgian imports to Texas were to be favored by discriminating duties. Pirson was sent to Texas to investigate, and was there regarded and addressed as “Belgian Commissioner.” (Garrison, Diplomatic Correspondence of the Republic of Texas, III, 946, 1528, in Am. Hist. Assoc. Report, 1908, II.)
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