The Life of Andrew Jackson. By John Spencer Bassett, Ph. D., Professor of History, Smith College. In two volumes. (New York: Doubleday, Page, and Company. 1911. Pp. xiii, 371; 375-766.)

This is a comprehensive study of Andrew Jackson in relation to the history of his period. Naturally, where Parton and Sumner and Brown, and Von Holst, McMaster, MacDonald, and Catterall have reaped before there must be much winnowing of old straw. But the book is abundantly justified by the contribution which it makes to our appreciation of Jackson's influence upon his age and of its influence upon him.

Sixteen chapters, covering three hundred and twenty pages, are devoted to Jackson's life prior to the presidential campaign of 1824; three additional chapters are needed to bring him to the presidency in 1829; and only fourteen remain—less than three hundred and fifty pages—for the important work of his two administrations and the interesting years from 1837 to 1845. Of these one is devoted to the inauguration and the choice of the first cabinet, one to an excellent discussion of the spoils system, one—somewhat unnecessarily, it seems,—to Jackson's championship of Mrs. Eaton, one each to his policy toward internal improvements, his quarrel with Calhoun, the reorganization of the cabinet in 1831, and to his attitude toward nullification, three to the war on the United States Bank, one to foreign policy, one to minor problems of the administration—the Cherokees in Georgia, the distribution of the surplus, and the specie circular—and one each to “Personal Characteristics” and “Closing Years.” Notwithstanding the fact that to the earlier years belong the Creek War, the battle of New Orleans, the Seminole War, and the governorship of Florida, it is questionable whether a truer proportion would not have given less space to the period before Jackson became the exponent, and to some extent the creator, of a great national party. And, considering the importance of our foreign relations under Jackson and the still too common misapprehension of his policy toward Mexico and Texas, more attention might profitably have been devoted to this phase of the subject. In regard to the charge that Jackson aided the revolutionists in Texas, Professor Bassett thinks that the evidence shows “pretty clearly that he proposed to preserve neutrality, at least outwardly, which, in view of American feeling, was about all that could be expected.” And he thinks that Jackson was really lukewarm on the subject of Texan recognition during the winter of 1836-1837, though his attitude in this particular may have been influenced in some degree by his desire to avoid embarrassing Van Buren, many of whose partisans were opposed to recognition.

Professor Bassett offers on page 249 a plausible solution for the puzzle of the Rhea letter, in which, as Jackson always contended, Monroe authorized the invasion of Florida in 1818. It saves the veracity of both Jackson and Monroe, and is perhaps as near the truth as we are likely to come. He mildly defends Jackson's execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister (pages 254-260). And he shows (pages 369-371) that Jackson had reasonable ground for suspecting that there was an understanding between Adams and Clay in 1825 when the former through the help of the latter won the election in the house of representatives. This is not to say, however, that the understanding was a corrupt one. Van Buren fares better than one is wont to expect, appearing as a sincere and devoted friend of Jackson, who frequently advanced his policies by frankness and their own worth and not by the craft of the sycophant. Calhoun appears less favorably.

Of Jackson a few brief characterizations and summaries will show the writer's estimate: “There is no record that Jackson ever changed an opinion once formed, whatever the proof offered him.” His nature was “frank to the point of rashness.” “He was apt to speak his mind clearly, although he could on occasion . . . be as diplomatic as a delicate case demanded.” In his use of the patronage he but reflected “the forces which ruled public life at the time. Any man who could have been an exponent of the democratic movement would probably have believed as Jackson believed in regard to appointments.” He was “probably stronger through his forceful personality than any other American since Washington. He was no economist, no financier, no intelligent seeker after wise and just ideals, and his temper and judgment were bad; but his will was the coherent force of a party organization more complicated, and yet better adjusted, than existed before that time in our government. Courage, knowledge of the people, simplicity of manner, the common man's ideal of honesty and patriotism, and a willingness to discipline his subordinates when necessary were the qualities which kept the party organization effective.” “The secret of his power was his adjustment to the period in which he lived. Other men excelled him in experience, wisdom, and balanced judgment; but the American Democrats of the day admired neither of these qualities. They honored courage, strength, and directness. They could tolerate ignorance but not hesitancy. Jackson was the best embodiment of their desires from the beginning of the national government to his own day.”

The book is based chiefly on the Jackson and the Van Buren Manuscripts in the Library of Congress, and is documented with numerous extracts from Jackson's letters which have not before been printed.

Eugene C. Barker.