BRITISH CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING TEXAS
EPHRAIM DOUGLASS ADAMS
Foreign Office.
No. 1.
January 23. 1845.
Your Despatches to No. 15 have been received and laid before
the Queen.
Since the date of my last Despatches, the course which events
have taken, both in the United States and in Mexico, has been
such as, in the opinion of Her Majesty's Government, to call
for a fresh and more explicit declaration, of the views entertained
by Great Britain of the relations between Texas and those Re-
publicks.
The Annual Message of the President of the United States,
2
as well as the Resolutions which have been proposed to Con-
gress with the intention of engaging a vote of the Legislature
in favour of the Annexation of Texas to the Union will have
been received at Galveston long before this Despatch reaches you.
You will also have learnt the communication by President Tyler
of a further Message directed exclusively to that object.
What may be the result in the United States of these re-
doubled exertions on the part of the Advocates of Annexation,
it is impossible with certainty to foresee. Her Majesty's Gov-
ernment hope that the honesty and good sense of a large and
influential portion of the Publick in that Country will resist
the impolicy and danger of committing the conduct of the State,
in a matter of such delicacy, to the direction of Men so violent
and unscrupulous as those who have come forward as the leaders
in this cause. Yet it canot be denied that, under the present
state of excitement, the Legislature might be pledged by a rash
vote, and thereby force the Executive Government, and perhaps
not altogether against their will, into a course of action from
which the National Pride, if once engaged in it, would not easily
allow of a retreat.
The external relations too of the Country, is illustrated by the
Papers lately laid before Congress, and so far as they bear upon
the question of Annexation, are not without danger.
The Correspondence which has passed between Mr Calhoun
and the American Envoy at Paris
3 sufficiently shows the jealousy
with which the partizans of Annexation are ready to take up any
sign of interference, or even of interest expressed by a Foreign
State against the cause in which they are engaged; and, should
any incident appear to confirm that jealousy, there can be no
doubt of the use which would be made to precipitate active
measures in the United States whilst the abrupt termination of
friendly relations between the American Representative and the
Government of Mexico, stopping as it did little short of an open
rupture, might but too easily lead to hostilities of which Texas
would not be suffered to remain a neutral Spectator; and from
which, whatever might be the result to the principal parties con-
cerned, She could not hope to escape with her Independence.
This is a state of things, which to those who feel an interest
in that Independence cannot be otherwise than alarming, and
which calls upon them to furnish every aid they can honourably
and safely offer for its support.
The Government of Texas are already aware of the light in
which Great Britain views the question of Annexation as it
affects the interest of Texas. Her Majesty's Government are
firmly convinced that the dignity and prosperity of that Country
are more secure in its own keeping than under the institutions
of any other Government, however powerful, and it would not be
difficult to show that, under a Government composed as that of
the United States, and having so many and such opposite inter-
ests to serve, it must be long before a newly settled and com-
paratively thinly peopled Country would command the attention
and the weight which would make up for an abandonment of the
privilege of self-government,--if indeed such a result should ever
be attainable. Again, as affecting other States, Her Majesty's
Government are of opinion that the continuance of Texas as
an Independent Power, under its own Laws and institutions,
must conduce to a more even, and therefore a more permanent,
balance of interests in the North American Continent, and that
its interposition between the United States and Mexico offers the
best chance of a preservation of friendly relations between those
two Governments.
That there are other inducements, in which British feelings
and interests are more directly concerned, for wishing to see
Texas securely established as an Independent State, Her Majesty's
Government do not deny, but these are all strictly compatible
with a sincere desire to promote the dignity, welfare, and pros-
perity of Texas.
Apart from all selfish or exclusive considerations, Her Majesty s
Government would wish to urge upon the Government of Texas
and to exhort them to abstain from any act on their own part,
or from encouraging any measure on the part of the Congress
of Texas, which might be construed into a desire to surrender
the Independence of their Country into the hands of a Foreign
Power.
Whilst circumstances which I have already detailed to you
seem to Her Majesty's Government to call for a renewal of this
representation, an event has recently taken place in another quar-
ter, which I trust will induce the Government of Texas to pause
before they reject the counsel which, in perfect sincerity, and
with a firm conviction of its being most in accordance with the
interests of Texas herself, Her Majesty's Government have again
offered to them.
A few days ago I received from Her Majesty's Minister in
Mexico a Despatch dated the 29th of November last of which
I send you a Copy.
You will see by that Despatch and its inclosure that the views
of the President of Mexico on the subject of Texas have under-
gone a remarkable change, that he has now, for the first time,
deliberately entertained the question of Texian Independence,
and, in short, has made a step toward its recognition. This re-
sult of the exertions which you are aware Her Majesty's Gov-
ernment have not ceased to use with Mexico, is most satisfactory.
The conditions which General Santa Anna would annex to the
recognition are certainly, in some respects, such as Her Majesty's
Government could neither support on their own part nor recom-
mend for the acceptance of Texas. Still, a first step of this
nature, implying as it does a willingness to enter upon a tem-
perate consideration of the subject with a view to its amicable
settlement, is one of great importance and value at the present
moment.
That the Government of Texas, to whom you will communi-
cate verbally the substance of Mr Bankhead's Despatch and of its
Inclosure, will so consider it, Her Majesty's Government cannot
doubt, or that they will hesitate to avail themselves of the good
offices of Great Britain and France with a view of the modifi-
cation of the terms now offered by General Santa Anna and to
rendering them such as Texas can honourably and advantageously
accept.
General Houston in his last Annual Message, a Copy of which
I have just received from you, is entirely justified in stating to
Congress that the late agitation of international questions be-
tween Texas and the United States has not in any degree abated
the desire of the Governments of Great Britain and France for
the continued prosperity and independence of his Country, or
caused them to relax their good offices to bring about the speedy
and honourable adjustment of its difficulties with Mexico. And
he does those Governments no more than justice in expressing
his confidence that they will never require of Texas any sacrifice
of honour or interest.
If these are indeed the sentiments of the Texican Govern-
ment, it may be confidently expected that they will act upon the
advice which Her Majesty's Government now offer them upon
this subject, and accept the united good offices of England and
France with the Government of Mexico.
As to the modifications which Her Majesty's Government would
require in the terms proposed by Mexico, it is unnecessary to
enter into details on that point until Texas shall have signified
her readiness to accept such friendly intervention. At the same
time it is right that you should at once declare that Her Majesty's
Government would not consent to propose to Texas any condi-
tion so unreasonable as the acceptance of the Colorado River as
the Boundary of the State. You may also add that, although
Her Majesty's Government would not be disposed to undertake
their share of the responsibility, which, for the security of the
possessions of Mexico, General Santa Anna, would impose upon
England and France, yet, that, under certain circumstances, those
Powers would not refuse to take part in an arrangement by which
Texas and Mexico should be bound each to respect the Territory
of the other.
You will gather from what I have now stated, that, although,
in alluding before to the correspondence which has appeared
between Mr Calhoun and the United States Envoy in Paris, I
did not think it necessary to notice it, that the difference of
opinion which that Correspondence affects to establish between
the Governments of England and France on the subject of Texas
has no existence;--and such in truth is the fact; whether as
relating to the Annexation of Texas to the United States, or
to the general position and other interests of that Country. The
best and most practical proof of this which can be given to
the Texian Government will be the cordiality with which you
and your Colleague will join in pressing the same views and
arguments upon their consideration.
Upon the receipt of this Despatch therefore you will imme-
diately confer unreservedly with the French Chargé d' Affaires
(who will by the same opportunity be furnished with Instruc-
tions to a similar purpose); and you will lose no time in bring-
ing the subject jointly before the Texian Government.
You will read this Despatch to the Texian Minister, and you
will state that it will be necessary that you should receive from
him a full and frank explanation of the views of his Govern-
ment as regards the Annexation of Texas to the United States.
When that shall have been given, you will inform Her Majesty's
Government of the result with the least possible delay.
I should add that both in your Communications with the Texian
Government, and in your general conversation, you will do well
to avoid all unnecessary mention of the Government of the United
States, and all comment upon their Policy
Aberdeen.
Captain Elliot, R. N.
[Enclosure.].
Copy.
Confidential
No. 102.
Mexico.
Novr. 29. 1844.
My Lord,
Genl. Santa Anna passed a few days lately in the immediate
Neighbourhood of Mexico, on his way to join the division of the
Army destined to act against Genl Paredes.
5
I was desirous for many reasons to see him during his So-
journ, and I accordingly went to Guadalupe, and was most cour-
teously received by His Excellency.
In another despatch I have informed Your Lordship that I
was anxious to understand what the President intended to do,
with respect to the different pecuniary arrangements existing be-
tween this Eepublic and British Subjects, at this particular Crisis.
I afterwards entered into a long discussion with Genl Santa
Anna upon the state of Texas, and I was enabled to place the
views of H. M's Govt upon that Subject before the President
more distinctly by recapitulating the Contents of Your Lord-
ship's Despatch No 30 of the 30th of Sepr last,
6 which I had
the same morning communicated to the Minr for Foreign Affairs,
as I knew that the latter would submit what I said to the Presi-
dent.
Genl Santa Anna desired me in the most earnest manner to
assure Your Lordship of his unalterable wish to preserve the ex-
isting relations between Mexico and Gt Britain, and of his readi-
ness to receive any Counsel which Yr Lordship might think fit
to offer for the benefit of this Country.
H. E. then entered at considerable length into the difficulties
of his present position, both with reference to the recent com-
munications from the U. States respecting Texas, and the neces-
sity there was at the same time of putting clown the Insurrec-
tion which has broken out in Guadalajara. This I knew as well
as he did; I was therefore prepared for a declaration he made
to me that, out of deference to the British Govt., he would forego
any intention he might have previously entertained of invading
Texas, and he desired me to state that to Your Lordship.
We now come to that part of the Question which relates to
the Recognition of the Independence of Texas by Mexico, I have
already had the honour of mentioning to your Lordship, that I
have lately observed several indications of a desire to settle this
point, without compromising the Amour propre of Mexico
I can now present to Your Lordship the Consent of Genl Santa
Anna to the Measure in question.
While discussing this point the Minr of Finance came in and
took part in the conversation. The President mentioned to him
the substance of what he intended to submit for Your Lordship's
consideration, and accordingly Señor Haro, drew up, from H.
E's dictation, in Mr Doyle's and my presence, the conditions upon
which Mexico would consent to acknowledge the Independence
of Texas. I have the honour to transmit a Copy and translation
of this Paper.
With respect to the 1st point--The Boundary of Texas has
never, I believe, been accurately described. The Texans Claim
to the Rio Bravo, while the Mexicans consider that the proper
Boundary would be the Rio Colorado. The Town of Matamoros
is situated immediately on the Mexican side of the former River,
which, no doubt, is one of the reasons which induces this Govt
to place the frontier at a distance. As to the question of com-
pensation, I think on a former occasion an offer was made
by the Govt of Texas, through Genl. Hamilton, to purchase the
good will of Mexico by making over to the holders of Mexican
Bonds in England the Sum which the People of Texas were will-
ing to pay to Mexico for the Recognition of their Independence.
This Offer was reported to the Foreign Office in Mr Pakenham's
Despatches Nos 97 of Deer 12—1839, and No 2
of Jany. 3. 1841
With reference to the Guarantee of Gt Britain and France
that Texas ([if she] be acknowledged) shall not be allowed to
pass whatever Boundary may be agreed upon between Her
and Mexico, and that the Californias, New Mexico, and other
parts of the Northern Frontier shall equally be guaranteed to
Mexico [these], are, of course, entirely for Your Lordship and
H. M's Govt. to deliberate upon, as also that part of the Second
proposition which relates to the Assistance of the two Great Pow-
ers, in case the U. States should endeavor to carry into effect
the Scheme of Annexation.
The 3d Point relates to the promise of the President to sus-
pend all operations against Texas.
With respect to the 4th proposition, I think it agrees in some
measure with the intentions of H. M's Govt. and was probably
suggested to the President by some observations in the Memo-
randum given by Your Lordship in my last to Mr Murphy.
7
In receiving these proposals from Genl Santa Anna, I assured
H. E. that I would lose no time in forwarding them to Your
Lordship, but did not, in the most remote manner, compromise
H. M's Govt. by any observation with reference to them. I
merely took them ad referendum.
Some of the Conditions may appear to Your Lordship difficult
of execution, and rather at variance with the acknowledged weak-
ness of this Govt., but with due allowance for their usual Self
confidence, I think we may receive them as yielding at first as
much as we could expect, and I doubt not that Modifications
may be afterwards obtained.
I ventured to press upon the President the absolute necessity
of keeping this preliminary arrangement secret. H. E. promised
fully to accede to my request, and I have not heard of its being
divulged to any of the Persons who unfortunately surround him,
and who have no other interest in proffering advice, than their
own base and sordid personal advantage.
Charles Bankhead.
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
[Endorsed.] Copy. 1844. Mexico,
Novr.
29.
Mr. Bankhead.
No. 102. Confidential
1
Indo.
Reed.
Jam;.
6.
Interview with
President Sta Anna respecting Acknowledgt of Independence of
Texas.
[Enclosure to Aberdeen's No l of Jan 23, 1845. Translation.]
8
Copy.
Points on the Settlement of which the Mexican Govt might
agree to grant the Independence of Texas, in compliance with
the wish indicated by H. M's Govt.
1st. Mexico would yield the Territory which is now occupied
by the so-called Republic of Texas, that is from the Rio Colo-
rado to the Sabina, and would at the same time mark out the
Boundaries of the Interior part of the Country.
2d. Mexico by way of Compensation demands an Indemnity
for the Territory so yielded.—The Guarantee of England and
France united, that under no pretext whatever shall the Texans
ever pass the Boundaries marked out. The same Nations shall
also guarantee to Mexico the Californias, New Mexico, and the
other points of the Northern Frontier bordering on the U.
States, according to a Treaty to be drawn up for that purpose
If the U. States carry into effect the Annexation of Texas to
the N. American Union, England and France will assist Mexico
in the Contest which may be thereby brought on, always under
the supposition that Mexico shall have carried into effect the
recognition mentioned in Article 1.
3d. Until an answer shall be received from England, which
is requested may be sent with the least possible delay, Mexico
will suspend all hostilities against Texas.
4th. The English Cabinet can either give her Minister here,
or send a Commissioner charged with full Powers to treat upon
the above Points, and conclude the Negotiation.
[Endorsed] Copy. Translation
In Mr. Bankhead's No 102 "Confidl"
of 1844
Foreign Office
February 3d. 1845
No. 2.
Confidential
Sir,
With reference to my Despatch No 1, of the 23d Ultimo, I
transmit to You herewith, for your Information a copy of the
Instruction therein referred to, which the French Government
have addressed to M. Dubois de Saligny,
10 and which the Count
de St Aulaire has communicated to me confidentially, by direc-
tion of his Government.
I take this opportunity to direct you to communicate with
Mr Bankhead, Her Majesty's Minister in Mexico, upon any mat-
ter arising out of my Instructions of the 23d Ultimo, on which
you may judge it necessary that Mr Bankhead should be in-
formed. Mr Bankhead has, in like mariner, been directed to
communicate to you any matters of importance which may arise
in Mexico affecting the position of Affairs in Texas.
Aberdeen.
Captain Elliot, R. N.
No 3
Foreign Office.
February 3d 1845.
Sir,
My Despatches to you, of this clay's date will be forwarded by
the West India Mail to Jamaica, whence they will be carried
to Galveston under cover to Mr Consul Kennedy, by one of Her
Majesty's Steamers, or by some other Ship of War. The Com-
mander of such Ship will be instructed to wait at Galveston until
Mr Kennedy shall have transmitted those Despatches to you at
the Seat of Government, and received your answer, and to wait
still further at Galveston, if you should express a wish to that
effect; and he will eventually take back to Jamaica any De-
patches for Her Majesty's Government, with which he may be
entrusted by you or by Mr Consul Kennedy.
It is presumed that the detention of the Ship at Galveston
for ten days, or at most a fortnight, will be sufficient to give
you time to communicate with the Texian Government, and en-
able you to give to Her Majesty's Government, some idea of the
probable course which events may take in Texas with reference
to the matters treated of in my Despatches. Nevertheless, if
you should deem it essential for the publick Service to detain
the Ship still longer, you will consider yourself authorized to
so do, but you will of course, in any case, not keep her longer
than may be really necessary.
Aberdeen.
Captain Elliot, R. N.
No. 4.
13
Galveston.
February 8th. 1845.
My Lord,
I have the honour to acquaint Your Lordship that Congress
in this Country adjourned on the 3d Instant till their next reg-
ular Session in December of this year.
A Bill to reduce the tariff to a uniform rate of 10 per Cent
ad valorum has failed, but from frequent conversation with the
President on the subject, and in view of the improving finance
of the Country I believe there is every prospect of a modifica-
tion to that extent during the next Session of Congress It
should be mentioned in connexion with this point that the en-
creased amount of revenue has enabled Congress to repeal the
Act authorising the issue of Exchequer paper, and all the pay-
ments of the Government are now practically made in specie.
I believe that nothing direct has been done in Congress re-
specting Annexation, but incidentally there has been evidence
of the continued prevalence of feeling in support of the Measure
from different parts of the Country, and still more decisively by
the fate of certain resolutions against
it,
presented in the House
of Representatives on the 15th Ultimo The resolutions and a
brief sketch of the debate upon the occasion of their presenta-
tion is herewith transmitted for Your Lordship's perusal, from
which it will be observed that their reception was rejected by a
Vote of 19 to 18.
By another extract
14 from the Galveston Civilian of the 5th
Instant, and that paper is one of the best conducted and most
influential in the Country, Your Lordship will remark that these
proceedings have given general satisfaction Upon the whole I
incline to the opinion that there is a growing disposition here-
to believe that Annexation will be very difficult in the United
States; a state of feeling which of course encourages the party
in favour of Independence, and if the present effort in the United
States is defeated, it is possible that there will be a considerable
manifestation in Texas against any further entertainment of the
subject.
Several leading men in the Country are only waiting for an
opportunity, and will probably declare themselves against it de-
cisively and energetically as soon as they think they can do so
without mischief to their popularity.
Another indication of the spirit of Congress is the rejection
by the Senate of Mr. Terrell and Colonel Riley as their repre-
sentatives in Great Britain and the United States, and I also
learn that no appropriation has been made for the support of
any persons in those Stations. The pretext for these proceed-
ings is economy, but the improved state of the finance is the
sufficient answer to that plea and their real motive no doubt, is
the dislike of those Gentlemen to the Annexation project, with
perhaps some feeling that this Government would avail itself of
the presence of a representative in Europe to facilitate combina-
tions adverse to Annexation.
Without under valuing any inference deducible from these
proceedings of Congress, I would take the liberty to remind
Your Lordship that the House of Representatives is elected an-
nually by the way of universal suffrage, and it would be unsound
and unjust to consider that the decisions of such a Body afford
a fair average method of estimating the feeling of the respectable
prudent and intelligent portions of the public. Generally speak-
ing in these Countries the persons best suited in point of char-
acter and ability to the office of representatives do not offer
themselves as Candidates, or would certainly be defeated if they
did, and so far as I can observe it is almost a rule that the least
eligible of those who do present themselves will be chosen.
This condition of things has the unfortunate result of con-
stantly lowering the standard of the Legislative Bodies to the
level of the masses of the Electors, who in their turn are as con-
stantly tending downwards politically considered, both from the
large immigration of ignorant persons, and still more so from the
want of motive to fit and improve themselves as safe depositaries of
political power, a deficiency chiefly attributable to the absence of
some required qualifications, however moderate, in point of ca-
pacity, pursuit, character, or property.
Judging from a near point of view I venture to say that uni-
versal suffrage seems to me to be mere accidental privilege in
respect of origin, with none of the securities, and guarantees,
and advantages by which that kind of power is accompanied
under other modifications of it. For the most part they who
have nothing to win or to lose neither preconsider nor reflect,
but exercise their political right in the spirit of the very hour,
be it what it may, ignorant or heedless of the lessons of the past,
and probably incited rather than deterred, as respects conse-
quences, by the warnings of the wise and the just.
The course of Congress in Texas affords evidence no doubt of
the actual state of popular impression at any given moment, but
Your Lordship will readily conceive how suddenly that may be
fashioned into any other shape by hands and voices accustomed
to that task; and if it will not always be quite accurate to esti-
mate the feeling of the more prudent part of the public from
the proceedings in Congress, by an inverse process, it only re-
mains to observe that those proceedings afford no means of judg-
ing at all of the opinions or wishes of thoughtful persons, any
more than of the constancy of the prevailing popular humour.
Such is the state of the case as respects the conclusions to be
drawn from, the late Measures of Congress in Texas, and I be-
lieve that the view I have in other places had the honour to
submit to Your Lordship is sound, that is, that the course of
the people of Texas will depend in a great degree upon the pro-
ceedings in the United States,
If they are disappointed of their hopes in that quarter during
the present Session of Congress in the United States, there may
come a moment of dissatisfaction and excitement in which it
would be practicable to arrange definitely upon a sounder basis
Charles Elliot.
The Right Honourable.
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
P. S.
Galveston Feby--. 8th. 1845.
Since the above was written, an account of the latest pro-
ceedings in Congress before it's adjournment has reached us,
from which I find that the Senate had succeeded in carrying
an amendment of the Appropriation Bill, to some extent, respect-
ing the support of Diplomatic Agents: A sum of $9,000 was
voted for the service of the year under that head, which would
enable the Government to sustain two representatives, probably,
one in the United States and one in Europe. I also learn from
a Member that a Bill reducing the tariff by a gradual process,
to a uniform rate of 15 per Cent ad valorum had passed, but I
have reason to think that it will not be approved by the Presi-
dent, who is unwilling to touch the Duties till the experience of
another year has enabled them to
judge how far that can be done
with security to the necessities of the Government, on a specie
basis.
Charles Elliot
No. 5.
Galveston.
February 8th. 1845.
My Lord,
Herewith I have the honour to transmit to Your Lordship the
Copy of certain resolutions
16 reported by the Committee on the
State of the Republic in the House of Representatives on the
29th Ultimo. The report of the Committee was accepted, but
the resolutions were rejected by a considerable Majority, in the
feeling, as I am told, that they seemed to be drawn up in some
disposition to constrain the action of Congress in the United
States.
I also avail myself of the opportunity to forward a letter
written by the Representatives of this County in Congress, and
published in a newspaper here,
17 upon the subject of the late
difficulty between the President and General Green which I think
Your Lordship will wish to peruse.
Like everything else that has transpired upon that subject,
it is deserving of attention.
I should mention that General Green has some time since taken
the Oaths as a Citizen of Texas, and has I believe gone down to
Corpus Christi on business connexion with a Gentleman of the
name of Kinney, engaged in trade with the Mexicans across the
frontier
Charles Elliot
To The Right Honourable.
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
Separate.
Galveston
February 8th 1845.
My Lord,
Congress having now separated in Texas till December 1845,
and Congress in the United States being about to do so on the
4th. Proximo, I take the liberty of requesting Your Lordship's
attention to some considerations connected with my own posi-
tion in this Country
It appears to me that in the present unsettled state of the
question of Annexation there is not merely no use in my con-
stant presence in Texas during the recess of those Bodies, but
on the contrary, certain and inexpedient exposure to a contin-
uance of those rumours of undue influence on the part of Her
Majesty's Government, got up for purposes of mischievous ex-
citement here and in the United States, of which one remark-
able instance has recently been reported to Your Lordship. This
Government is still only temporarily situated at Washington,
where there is neither lodging nor convenience of any kind, nor
steady communication with the Coast, and from whence the
President and most of the Members of his Cabinet are absent
as much as possible during the recess.
Beyond these considerations it should be mentioned that it
is one of the most unhealthy situations of which I have any
knowledge in my 30 years experience of the bad climates of the
World, and therefore till this Government is permanently fixed
somewhere it is not to be expected that any of the foreign
Agents accredited to it, should establish themselves at such a
point.
They have none of them done so, merely going there when
they had any business with the Government. By a law passed
in the late Session of Congress it has been determined that the
situation of a permanent seat for the Government should be
settled by a Majority of the Votes of the people in the Elections
of 1847. And in the present state of all the circumstances of
the case I would, submit to Your Lordship that I should be
allowed to reside in the United States during the recess of Con-
gress in Texas, (unless I may at any time have business with
the Government requiring my presence here) of course at some
point where I should be in the line of my correspondence with
Your Lordship, and with Her Majesty's Ministers at Washington
and Mexico.
If this arrangement is sanctioned I shall proceed to join
my family in Philadelphia as soon as I have had the honour to
receive Your Lordship's reply and remain to the Northward till
the Autumn, unless I should receive any Instructions in the in-
terval requiring me to return here before that time, which I
could do almost as soon as any Despatch could reach me in
Texas; And indeed during the Summer Months owing to the
frequent interruptions of the Mail communications between New
Orleans and Galveston, probably sooner, unless the Despatches
were forwarded by Special Messenger authorized to charter a ves-
sel from New Orleans. On my return to New Orleans in the
Autumn I should fix my family there or in the nighbourhood
and come on myself to Texas for the meeting of Congress.
and considerable private distress, for my health is not good, and
owing to the severe sickness of my child I have been compelled
to leave my family amongst strangers in a hotel at Philadelphia
But I felt that this was not the moment to suffer myself to
be influenced by personal considerations, and I hope I am not
mistaken in the confidence that Your Lordship will deem it safe
to the public interests to confide the point of my residence in,
or absence from Texas, to my own sense of the necessity. I
may remark that my American Colleague has the authority of
his Government to go to the United States, whenever he con-
siders that he can absent himself, and the French Chargé d'
Affaires tells me that he thinks himself at liberty in the present
unsettled state of this Government, only to come here when he
has business or during the meeting of Congress. In fact whether
we are at Galveston or New Orleans is a matter of indifference,
with some advantage in point of easy receipt of intelligence in
favour of the latter place.
Till the affairs of this Country are settled; too, the immigra-
tion of persons of respectability is out of the question, and con-
stituted as Society is at present, I can neither consent to expose
my family to the total unsuitableness of a residence here, or
afford to keep them part in England, part in the United States,
and myself in Texas.
I am aware that Your Lordship is not called upon to weigh
such considerations, but I permit myself to state them for they
must of course influence my own proceedings
Your Lordship will scarcely need to be informed that if the
half of my salary is to be stopped whilst I am in the United
States, I cannot avail myself of the sanction to reside there, for
I have no private fortune, and my actual allowances barely en-
able me to maintain my family. Indeed I will frankly state
that I have only been prevented from applying for a higher rate
of allowance in a post where the expences are regulated by the
scale of prices at New Orleans (the dearest place in the United
States) and let me add, in a post where the duties, and risks,
and indeed the painfulness of employment are probably equal to
those of any similar station in the Service of the Crown, by a
feeling of extreme repugnance to ask for any thing for myself.
Neither have I been without the hope that Your Lordship may
be disposed to remove me to some better position whenever that
can be done with convenience to the public interest.
Till then it must be unnecessary to say that my services are
at the disposal of Her Majesty's Government here or any where
else that Your Lordship may see fit to leave me, or to send me.
Charles Elliot.
To The Eight Honourable.
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
Downing Street
Galveston
February 15th. 1845.
No. 6.
My Lord,
Since I last had the honour of addressing Your Lordship the
Annexation resolutions adopted by the House of Representatives
in the United States have been received here.
20
I certainly have no belief that they will pass through the Sen-
ate ; But if they should, such is the humour here that it is prob-
able even these hard conditions would be accepted by a Majority
of the people of Texas. At the same time it is certain that the
tenour of the resolutions, is much below the expectations of the
friends of the Measure, and occasioning considerable disappoint-
ment in that quarter, they have naturally had the effect of en-
couraging the hopes of the party, favourable to Independence,
small as yet in point of numbers, but I think upon the whole
gaining strength and confidence.
It is beginning to be insisted both in the press, and amongst
the people with more of openness than I have hitherto remarked,
that it is more manifest than [that] Annexation cannot be
achieved on any terms that this Country ought to accept; that
the conditions of these resolutions are entirely one sided as to
advantage, and little short of insulting to Texas in point of lan-
guage; that the charge of a State Government would be as heavy
to this people as their present Establishments, that brought un-
der the more burdensome fiscal system of the United States,
and with the amount of the duties going to the Treasury of the
United States, they would be at once living more chargeably,
and trading less advantageously, and therefore even less able
than they are now to meet their expenditure by direct taxa-
tion; that if they are to sacrifice all their present means of de-
fraying their expence, and to be left with no other fund for
the discharge of their debts than the proceeds of land sales, it
was at least just that the Government of the United States
should have guaranteed to them the peaceful and full possession
of the territory which they claim to be Texas, that the United
States can no doubt very well afford to be liberal to Mexico in
respect of limits, being perfectly free of liabilities for the debts
of Texas, that they are by no means satisfied with the vague
expression that Congress is to take over the territory properly
"included within, and rightfully belonging to the Republic of
Texas"; and that they hold it to be out of the question under
the circumstances of being left with the burden of their debts
and expences, to concede to the United States the right of nego-
tiating away their territory, or ever to enter into any Annexa-
tion arrangement with that Country unless the integrity of their
present limits is effectually guaranteed.
Great dislike is expressed to the admission of any conditions
respecting the Institution of Slavery within the limits of Texas;
and beyond these and a variety of other considerations, it is in-
sisted that it is impossible in any fair construction of the Con-
stitution of Texas to take the sense of the people upon this
momentous subject, and to have adopted a new Constitution as
a State of the American Union for presentation to Congress in
the United States, on or before the 1st January 1846, the period
allowed for that purpose by the Resolutions of the House of Rep-
resentatives. I enclose for Your Lordship's perusal the provi-
sions of the Constitution in that particular,
21 from which it
would certainly appear to be scarcely practicable to accomplish
this object within the specified time.
The first necessary step would be a call of the present Con-
gress (in existence till the first Monday in next September) by
a majority of which the proposed change must be agreed to,
and referred by them to the Congress next to be chosen, which
could not assemble again at the very earliest before the middle
of October.
If that Congress should pass the proposed measure it would
have to be submitted again to the people and making every
allowance for the readiness with which they would enter into
schemes to accelerate this matter, I think it could hardly come
back to Congress, and have been adopted in time to reach Wash-
ington in the United States by the 1st January 1846.
My own impression is that although these resolutions may
fail in the Senate, it is probable enough that some Measure will
pass that body, intended to maintain a state of expectation in
this Government and people; perhaps proposals to renew the
Negotiations for settlement by treaty, and in that case I should
consider it fortunate rather than otherwise that these resolu-
tions have passed the House, for they will indicate to the people
of Texas the kind of terms which can be carried through the
Legislature of the United States; and the more these terms are
examined the less acceptable must they be in this quarter. If
the affair should take the turn of Negotiation again, there is
reason to think that accommodation will be more difficult than
it would have been before the appearance and passage of these
Resolutions; though after all Her Majesty's Government must
be sensible that objections in Texas must always be liable to give
way before the representations and management of the Govern-
ment of the United States.
Your Lordship will I believe hear with satisfaction that Mr
Ashbell Smith has been appointed Secretary of State, and I am
expecting to have the pleasure of seeing him here in the course
of a few days.
Charles Elliot,
The Eight Honourable.
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
Secret.
Galveston,
February 17th 1845
My Lord,
Herewith I have the honour to transmit to Your Lordship
the Copy of an Act entitled, "An Act to incorporate the Texas
Trading Mining and Emigrating Company,"
23 passed on the 30th
January 1841. which has laid a dead letter in the Statute Book
till the last Session, during which I observe that an Act supplemen-
tary to it has been passed. I have not seen that Act but I believe
it is merely to authorize the opening of Books for the sale of
Stocks etc. etc. I think it right however to forward the funda-
mental Act without, loss of time because I perceive that certain
parties forming part of the Body Corporate, are resident in Lon-
don (Messrs. Jonathan and Arthur Ikin). I learn from good
authority that General Duff Green has constituted himself Presi-
dent of the Board of Resident Directors, and I have reason to
think it is intended to raise money in London as well as the
United States in furtherance of the project.
Believing that nothing but loss and serious mischief can ac-
crue from such speculations under such management I take the
liberty to suggest to Your Lordship that it may be desirable to
cause some prudent and experienced persons in the City of Lon-
don to be confidentially advertised of the possibility of the at-
tempt to raise funds on these pretences, and of the very high
probability that the result will be a dead loss. Her Majesty's
Government too, will I am aware, be wishful to do whatever
may be in their power to prevent the involvement of British
Subjects and Capital in that web of political and Commercial
speculation against Mexico which there is reason to think has
not wanted some countenance from persons in high stations in
the United States.
General Green does not appear to have carried any of his
devices through the Legislature during it's last Session owing to
circumstances known to Your Lordship; but in that disappoint-
ment this Act seems to have presented itself to his attention,
and in truth it is very capable of being turned to account by
persons versed in the art of managing such baits upon public
credulity.
Charles Elliot
To The Eight Honourable.
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
Galveston
February 22d. 1845
No 8.
25
My Lord,
Thinking it probable that Your Lordship may desire to see
something of the opinions of the press in this Country at the
present Crisis, leaning against Annexation, I have taken the
liberty to cut out the accompanying articles from one or two
leading papers,
26 in preference to forwarding the Journals them-
selves, not otherwise worth the heavy charge of postage through
the United States.
The articles from the "Texas National Register" are prob-
ably inserted with the knowledge and approbation of the Govern-
ment
Charles Elliot.
To The Right Honourable.
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
Galveston.
February 24th. 1845
No 9
My Lord,
I have had the honour to receive Your Lordship's despatches
to No 14 inclusive, of last year, and it is gratifying to me to
reflect that I have been acting in such close accordance with the
Instructions and policy of Her Majesty's Government since my
return here.
Mr Ashbell Smith arrived at Galveston last Evening and I
shall take an early opportunity of reporting the substance of my
communications with him, but so far as I can judge from what
he has yet said to me Your Lordship has nothing further to
learn respecting the policy and wishes of this Government.
I shall avail myself of some early and safe occasion to press
upon Mr Bankhead the readiness of this Government to enter
into Negotiation with Mexico, and the importance of inducing
them to respond to those dispositions as soon after the separa-
tion of Congress in the United States as possible
Charles Elliot
To The Right Honourable.
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
No. 4.
Her Majesty's Consulate
Galveston February 25th 1845
My Lord.
Her Majesty's Chargé d' Affaires to this Republic would
doubtless have apprized Your Lordship, by the Mail from Bos-
ton on the 1st of next Month, that, a short time previous to the
adjournment of the Texan Congress on the 3rd Instant the Sen-
ate rejected the nomination of Mr Terrell, as the accredited rep-
resentative of the Government to Great Britain and France.
It was generally understood at the period when the rejection
took place, that this Measure was prompted by Mr Terrell's
avowed hostility to the project of Annexation. From all that
has since transpired, it is manifest that it was attributable to
no other cause. In whatever quarter the Matter has been dis-
cussed, not a Syllable has been uttered, depreciatory of Mr Ter-
rell's character, or capacity.
In a communication marked "Private," and dated "Washing-
ton, February 13th, (but not posted until the 20th), which
President Jones has addressed to me, he adverts to Mr Terrell's
rejection, and states that--"he will return home so soon as let-
ters can reach him."--I take leave to copy for Your Lordship's
perusal, the observations of the President in relation to the re-
call of Mr Terrell, and Colonel Dangerfield, the Chargé d' Affaires
of the Republic in Holland.
"Colonel Dangerfield will also return early in the Spring. It
is probable that I will send over some one in their place, but
as yet have not fixed upon the individual. In the meantime, I
feel anxious that any important Negotiations we may have with
England and France should be conducted in Texas, and that
their representatives here should be fully empowered for that
purpose. In this way we can act much more efficiently and
promptly as circumstances may arise, than if these Negotiations
were to be carried on in London, as Lord Aberdeen has hereto-
fore desired."
I may remark that the late Congress of Texas refused to re-
ceive the petition of certain Citizens deprecating the Annexation
of this Country to the United States, but received, and with
especial notice, similar documents containing opinions and dec-
larations favourable to that Measure.
William Kennedy
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
No 5
Her Majesty's Consulate
Galveston, Febraury 26th 1845.
My Lord,
On the 17th of December last, a paragraph appeared in a
Newspaper published in Charleston, South Carolina,, stating that
the British Consul in that City had intimated by Circular, that
Sugar produced in the United States would thereafter pay in
"the British Dominions" (United Kingdom) a duty of £1-14-0
per Cwt.
Towards the close of last Month, this pragraph was brought
under my notice in a Communication from the Treasury De-
partment of the Texan Government, and I was requested, for the
information of a Congressional Committee on the State of the
Republic to signify whether the allegation in the Newspaper para-
graph was correct, and whether "there were" a discriminating
duty of £3-3-0 per Cwt on the Sugars of Cuba and Brazil, when
imported into the United Kingdom, and also what amount of
duty was at present paid on Colonial Sugars there introduced.--
The Communication referred to closed with these words:
"If the aforesaid discrimination really exist, the Sugars of
Texas being entitled by Treaty to equality in Great Britain with
those of the most favoured Nation, ought to become a profitable
product of this Country for the British Market.
Immediately on receipt of this Communication, I forwarded,
for the information of the Congressional Committee, copies of
a London daily Newspaper, containing ample reports of the Par-
liamentary debate on the Sugar Duties Bill, of last year. In a
letter of reply dated 35th January, I stated that I had "no
official knowledge of any steps taken by Her Majesty's Consul
at Charleston, in relation to the Law lately passed, regulating
the import of Sugars into the United Kingdom."--I then ad-
verted to the Act itself (7 and 8 Victoria, cap. 28) and pro-
ceed to copy, for the consideration of the Committee, those of
its provisions that were apposite to the Matters of inquiry, in-
timating that I had but recently received my official copy of the
Act, which had, not been accompanied by any Instructions from
Her Majesty's Government.
From my knowledge of the Soil and Climate of Texas, and
the evidence afforded, by specimens of Sugar grown in the Coun-
try, I feel fully warranted in expressing the opinion that Sugar, as
well as Cotton, will form an important article of export from
the Republic, when its political independence has ceased to be
a Matter of uncertainty,--provided a profitable Market can be
found.--I have reason to believe that the expectation of find-
ing such a Market in the United States has been one induce-
ment to the Texan planters to desire incorporation into the
Union. At present, they do not hope, under the burthen of a
discriminating duty, to compete advantageously with the Sugar-
growers of Louisiana, although they enjoy a superiority of cli-
mate, if not of Soil.--Persons of experience think that Sugar
as the surer crop, is destined to supersede Cotton on the rich
alluvion of the low lying lands of Middle Texas. It is antici-
pated that the capital requisite for its cultivation would soon be
forthcoming, were Annexation to the United States consum-
mated; A market for the product would then be found at home,
while lands now waste, or subjected to a very imperfect tillage,
would, command a price calculated to raise the owners from the
condition of a barren proprietorship to a state of comparative
opulence
The Committee of Congress on the state of the Republic, when
instituting their inquiries respecting the British Sugar Market,
were doubtless desirous to ascertain whether, in the event of
Texas retaining her independence, an equivalent for the advan-
tages secured to the home grown under the American System
of protection, might be found elsewhere.
William Kennedy.
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
No 10.
Galveston
March 6th. 1845.
My Lord,
I have recently had several communications with Mr Ashbell
Smith respecting the policy and dispositions of this Govern-
ment. He believes, with the President, that the temper of this
people is changing, and that if terms of Independence are speed-
ily offered by Mexico they will be very generally acceptable and
steadfastly maintained.
But he dwells a good deal (as the President had done,) on
the increasing strength of a rising Sugar growing interest in
Texas, as the party most favorable to Annexation, and expresses
much hope that Her Majesty's Government will be willing to
make some proposals in that respect calculated to weaken these
dispositions.
I observed that he could have hardly failed to remark during
his late residence in England firstly that the principle of dis-
criminating duties was not favourably regarded there, and
secondly with respect to the sugar duties, that owing to a variety
of causes and the union of a great body of political opinion,
otherwise of various shades, upon one consideration connected
with that branch, of the public revenue; it might be very diffi-
cult for Her Majesty's Government to propose any discrimina-
tion in favour of the sugar produced in Texas, under it's present
circumstance.
31 At the same time I would say, speaking with-
out authority and entirely as a matter of private opinion that
it seemed to me that the rate of duty to he charged upon Texas
sugar (considered apart from the general hearing of any relaxa-
tion in that respect) was a matter of no consequence:
For I had a conviction that Texas grown Sugar could never
come into consumption in any large way in that Market, even
supposing for a moment that it was admitted at a mere nominal
higher rate than our own Colonial produce.
Mr Smith must he aware that it could never he laid down
in England at such a price as would enable it to compete with
the Sugar of Countries better suited to that kind of production
under any amount of differential duty that there was the least
reason to suppose could ever exist between the Sugar even of
our own Colonies, and of those Countries. I had had a long
experience in Sugar producing Countries in all parts of the
World, and it was plain to me that if there should ever be
any attempt to grow Sugar on an extensive scale in Texas, the
result would be disastrous to the parties concerned, and ex-
tremely unfortunate for the well understood interests of the Re-
public.
He admitted that this might be the case, but still he had no
doubt that any evidence of the favourable disposition of Her
Majesty's Government in that particular would be attended with
excellent effects here at the present moment, and he sincerely
hoped that something would be done in that sense.
I said I certainly believed Your Lordship would be well dis-
posed to recommend a general and liberal relaxation in favour
of the produce of Texas if the Legislature of this Republic; by
the modification of their own tariff would afford some proper
grounds for sustaining such a policy in Parliament. The fact
that the tariffs of the United States and Mexico were both very
burdensome to British Commerce would naturally place a differ-
ent policy on the part of Texas in a strong and favourable light,
and speaking for myself, I did hope and believe that it would
be in the power of Her Majesty's Government, as I am sure it
would be at all events their wish, to meet such arrangements
on the part of Texas, in the most friendly and liberal spirit.
Mr. Smith had fully collected that impression from Your Lord-
ship's Conversations with him, and the President reposed im-
plicit Confidence in the just and kind feelings of Her Majesty's
Government.
Mr Smith made a brief summary of the points which he
wished to be drawn under Your Lordship's particular attention
as best conducive in his mind, to a safe and final adjustment
of this question, due regard being had to the certain renewal
of the subject in the United States by the Administration of
Mr Polk, the temper of the people of Texas, and the situation
of this Government.
1st That Mexico should at once propose the acknowledgment
of the complete Independence of Texas.
2nd That Texas upon her part would in that case stipulate
in the treaty never to annex herself, or to become subject to
any country whatever.
3rd. That the question of limits, and indemnity for any por-
tion of the territory should be the subject of Negotiation, and
if disputes or difficulties should arise in the Negotiations Mr
Smith thinks that there would be no objection on the part of
Texas to adjustment by the arbitration of umpires. He re-
marked with regard to indemnity for any portion of the terri-
tory that he certainly believed the people of Texas would con-
sent to pay it, but it was only just to admit that he saw no
means of making the payment within any period of time, that
it would be safe to indicate now. The liability, however, would
remain, and the Country would discharge it, as soon as they
could.
He pressed upon the point of limits that the people of Texas
would certainly strongly insist upon going, at least Coast wise,
as far as the Mouth of the Rio Grande; and he urged that it
was for the safety and convenience of Mexico to consent to that,
for even if the people could be brought to take the line of the
"Nueces" for the present, he thought there was reason to ap-
prehend further troubles at no remote period arising out of these
claims to the line of the Rio Grande which they had so long
been accustomed to consider was their frontier.
I told Mr Smith I would of course communicate his views
to Your Lordship by the earliest opportunity, but whilst I was
without the means of forming any opinion upon the willingness
of Her Majesty's Government to press these territorial preten-
sions upon Mexico, for the subject never had been adverted to
in any Communication of Your Lordship to me, I could not but
state my own impression that there was very little reason to sup-
pose that they would ever be admitted by Mexico.
I may take the liberty however, in this place to state my own
opinion to Your Lordship that whilst it would certainly be for
the safety of Mexico to adhere to the line of the Nueces as the
Western frontier of Texas, by reason of the desert nature of
the Country between that river and the Rio Grande, it would
no doubt be a matter of general and considerable convenience
to the foreign trade with Texas, to endeavor to secure from Mex-
ico the cession of the Keys or Islands facing the Coast, as far
down as the Harbour of Brassos. Santiago, at the Mouth of
the Rio Grande. This despatch affords me a convenient occasion
to mention to Your Lordship that recent communications have
taken place between General Arista Commanding in the North
of Mexico, and by them no doubt made known to this Govern-
ment.
I am disposed to think from what I have learnt of that
Officer's character and opinions, and the general temper of the
Provinces contiguous to Texas, as well as from other Circum-
stances in Your Lordship's knowledge, that it is quite probable
there may be some reports of considerable importance in con-
templation, the further development of which may depend in
a great degree upon the course of the new Governments in Mex-
ico and the United States.
It seems to me forming my opinion partly from information
and partly from reflection that General Arista's schemes pro-
pose the junction of Texas with the Provinces contiguous to
this Country for the purpose of securing from the Central Gov-
ernment some such relaxation as was recently wrung from Santa
Anna at Yucatan, and it may be that failing in that object there
may be some renewed attempt to form what Your Lordship will
remember to have heard of as the "Republic of Rio Grande."
Her Majesty's Government will probably have better informa-
tion upon these points from Mexico than I can furnish from
here, but I make no doubt that some project of the kind, is in
contemplation, though it may be that circumstances will con-
spire to defeat it for the present. It should be mentioned in
connexion with this subject that the trade between Texas and
Mexico has been steadily improving since the Armistice of June
1843, and if nothing should occur to interrupt it (which is less
likely, since the mended finance of this Country has enabled the
Government to Station a small force on the frontier for the
maintainence of order, and the protection of the traders) I be-
lieve it will soon be of considerable political importance, as
well as Commercial.
Mr Smith observed, to me in the course of conversation a
day or two since, that if Mexico should require guarantees for
the faithful execution of the treaty respecting the abandonment
of any further Annexation projects, he thought it was possible
that the Governments of Her Majesty and The King of the
French might not be averse to offer them. I said I was with-
out any information upon that subject, and could form no opin-
ion upon it. But I venture here to state to Your Lordship my
own belief that the best guarantee for Mexico in that particu-
lar would be in the suitableness of the Scheme itself to the in-
terests of this people, and the certainty that the Country upon
an independent footing would rapidly fill up with a population
not at all disposed to connect themselves in that way with the
United States.
I think that it might be pressed with force, and I am sure
with great truth upon Mexico, that nothing could tend more to
keep alive the feeling of hostile eagerness in the United States
or here, in favour of Annexation, than the knowledge of the ex-
istence of any guarantees against it by the European Govern-
ments. The sounder policy in my humble judgment would be
that all parties should be left free to act according to circum-
stances in the event of any breach of this condition upon the
part of Texas.
With no confidence expressed in this respect by the European
Governments, either in the United States or in Texas, it would
probably be conjectured in both those quarters, that not much
was felt, and that consideration would have it's weight without
furnishing those overt means of exciting the population of these
two Countries, that the formal stipulation of guarantees would
certainly do.
Observation and reflection have satisfied me (let the Scheme
of Annexation to the United States upon it's present intention
and footing be pushed to extremities when it may, either be-
fore or after the acknowledgment of the Independence of Texas
by Mexico,) that Mexico has much more efficacious means of
confounding the project, and responding formidably to the ag-
gression, than seems to be generally contemplated either in the
United States or here.
I beg to mention to Your Lordship that I have taken the
liberty to shew my French Colleague Monsieur de Saligny the
communications which had passed between Her Majesty's and
His own Government forwarded to me in Your Lordship's De-
spatch No 13 of 1844, as he informed me that his own Instruc-
tions did not come down to so late a date as mine.
I need hardly say that I have always felt it particularly in-
cumbent on myself, in the suspicion, or the pretended suspicion,
respecting the undue exercise of British influence here, to cul-
tivate the best understanding with the Representative of the
French Government, and I add with pleasure that both He and
his predecessor have constantly extended to me similar proofs of
confidence and friendly feeling.
Charles Elliot.
To the Right Honourable
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
P. S. I shall forward a Copy of this despatch to Her Majesty's
Minister at Mexico.
Galveston
March 7th. 1845.
No. 11.
My Lord,
I have the honour to enclose an Article extracted from the
"Texas National Register"
33 understood to be the organ of the
Government upon the Scheme of Annexation proposed in the
Resolutions passed by the House of Representatives in the United
States
If the Government were in a situation to sustain this tone
by evidence that immediate settlement upon the basis of the
Independence of the Country (or at all events a state of peace
and security) was beyond a doubt, I think these Resolutions
would find little favour in this Country. But Her Majesty's
Government will conceive that in the absence of definite and
satisfactory assurances of a steady settlement as respects Mexico,
it will always be easy for the Government of the United States
to maintain a state of expectation in this Country.
Entertaining little doubt that some measure calculated to pro-
duce that effect will pass through the Legislature of the United
States, probably powerfully supported by a strong tone on the
part of the new President in his inaugural address, I certainly
see reason to question the readiness of this people at once gen-
erally and cordially to sustain the Government in the sense of
this Article
If however any overtures should be made by Mexico or from
their quarters of a conclusive nature, the people would no doubt
be more induced to abandon all further thought of Annexation
than they would have been if these resolutions had been less
hard and injurious than they certainly are.
Charles Elliot.
To The Right Honourable
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
P. S. March 9—1845
Since the above was written another Article has appeared in
the "Texas National Register" of the 1st. Inst., adverse to the
principles of Mr. Benton's proposed Bill for the removal of
Annexation Negotiations.
Charles Elliot.
Galveston.
March 22d. 1845.
No. 14.
35
My Lord,
The intelligence of the success of the Annexation Measures
in the United States arrived here two days since, and with the
language of the new President in his inaugural address have
certainly given some encouragement to the party favourable to
the Scheme; But upon the whole it seems to me that less satis-
faction and confidence are entertained by the more sagacious
and watchful of that way of thinking than they profess to feel.
Owing to some mischance either at New Orleans, or on the
Voyage, I have not yet received my despatches by the 4th Feb-
ruary Mail, or any of a latter date than I have already had the
honour to acknowledge, (No 14 of 1844); but I have fortu-
nately received one private letter from Mr. Pakenham dated 24th
Ultimo, informing me of the favourable dispositions of the Mex-
ican Government, and I have lost no time in privately commu-
nicating that intelligence to Mr Ashbell Smith; for Your Lord-
ship will conceive how important it is, particularly at the present
moment that this Government should have the certainty, that
settlement upon the basis of Independence is within their reach.
It is to be regretted that these tidings did not reach this
Country before the late news from the United States, but still
if the Mexican Government will adhere firmly to the determina-
tion only to conclude upon the condition that Texas is to re-
main an Independent Country, and stipulate for a prompt and
decisive answer from this quarter to that condition; I should
see little reason to doubt that this question might be speedily
and securely adjusted. Rapidity of action and liberality in point
of terms from Mexico, have now become of indispensable necessity.
But acting at once in that spirit with regard to Texas, it
may I think be depended upon that they have the power of
effectually averting the dangers by which they are menaced.
Charles Elliot.
To The Right Honourable.
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
Galveston,
March 24th 1845.
No. 15.
My Lord,
The accompanying Newspaper
37 contains the report of the
Committee on the State of the Republie in the House of Rep-
resentatives transmitted in my despatch No 5 of this year.
The debate upon the subject too is reported in this paper,
and I think the whole is worthy of Your Lordships attention at
the present moment.
I would also claim Your Lordship's notice to the Editorial
Articles in this paper, known to be the Government organ
Charles Elliot.
To The Right Honourable.
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
Washington on the Brazos.
31st March. 1845.
My Lord,
Having received certain information of a willingness on the
part of Mexico to treat with Texas on the basis of independ-
ence, it has been thought best in order to take advantage of
this favorable disposition on the part of the government of that
Country, that Capt Elliot should proceed without delay to the
City of Mexico to press this Matter to a conclusion with that
government.
Capt. Elliot has expressed the desire, that, as his proposed
visit to Mexico when communicated to me, seemed in my opin-
ion highly advisable and necessary I would communicate this
opinion of mine to Your Lordship directly.
I beg you will excuse the trouble I give you at this time, and
accept the assurance of the esteem and very high consideration
with which I have the honor to remain.
Anson Jones.
To, The Right Honorable.
The Earl of Aberdeen.
Galveston.
April 2d. 1845
Secret.
My Lord,
I had the honour to receive Your Lordship's despatches to
No 3 inclusive of this year by Her Majesty's Ship "Electra" on
the 24th Ultimo, and proceeded next morning with my Colleague
M. de Saligny to Washington where we arrived on the 27th.
Our chief desire was to reach that place with our instructions
before the official account from the United States announcing
the passage of the proposed Measure of Annexation through that
Congress (one Copy said to be coming by the way of the Red
river) for we are perfectly sensible that the difficulties of our
task would have been greatly increased, or it may be entirely
insuperable, if the representations and other means of action of
that Government upon this people, and through them, upon this
Government had preceded our own arrival at Washington. We
were also aware that Major Donnelson the American Chargé d'
Affaires might be expected every hour in the Steam Boat looked
for at Galveston when we left.
There could therefore be but little time for the hopeful dis-
patch of our own business before he would appear upon the
scene with all the means he could naturally have for engaging
this Government in an opposite direction, or at all events of
effectually preventing them from engaging themselves in any way
for the support of the independence of the Country.
We had the good fortune to arrive at Washington before any
official tidings from the United States, and we hope that the
Measure we wore able to complete before disturbing circum-
stances presented themselves will be satisfactory to our Govern-
ments; a brief space, for Major Donnalson was actually within
20 Miles of Washington when the Memorandum of Conference
was signed, as Your Lordship will learn in the sequel of this
report
In a careful examination of the Situation of our circumstances
during our voyage to Washington we could not fail to perceive
that if the Scheme adopted in the United States should be that
known as Mr Brown's resolutions the great immediate danger
was in the success of the strenuous efforts to induce the Presi-
dent forthwith to call a Session of Congress. The present Con-
gress, in existence till the first Monday in September next, par-
ticularly the House of Representatives, is by far the least re-
spectable or trustworthy that I have seen since my residence in
this Country, and, has already so deeply committed itself to the
Cause of Annexation that we felt every hope for the honourable
and safe adjustment of this grave question must be relinquished
unless the Assembly of that Body could be obviated. If the por-
tion of the plan selected by the Governt of the United States
should be Mr. Benton's resolution,
40 the danger indeed was of
another kind, but certainly not at all less serious. Such a Com-
mission from the United States sitting in Texas, as that Gen-
tleman's project contemplates, founded upon an appropriation of
$100,000, would at once over whelm the whole power and influ-
ence of the Constituted Authorities of the land. In the one case
the Nationality of the Country would be helped to destruction
by the Assembly of their own Congress; In the other by the As-
sembly of the Commissioners from the United States.
Fully concurring in these opinions, and in view of the ad-
vanced state of affairs we agreed that it was incumbent upon us
to use every effort consistent with the object of our instructions to
induce this Government neither to assemble Congress, nor to
entertain any Negotiation for Annexation, at all events for such
a length of time as might enable our Governments to determine
the Government of Mexico to acknowledge the independence of
this Country, or failing in those efforts to provide for the emer-
gency in any equally effectual manner by diplomatic Act in
Europe with the representatives of this Republic.
The President was not at Washington on the Evening of our
arrival, but we had the advantage of full and frank communi-
cation with Mr Ashbel Smith, and next morning with His Ex-
cellency himself. We read to him our Instructions, and urged
every argument that presented, itself to us, whether founded upon
the honour and advantage of the Country, or upon the ruinous
consequences of Annexation, and the ambiguity and doubtful
nature of the resolutions. They told, us so far as they were per-
sonally concerned it was unnecessary to insist upon these views.
The President, speaking for himself, was sincerely desirous of
maintaining the independence of the Country, but we were per-
fectly aware that the Government in this Scheme of things was
but the agent of the people.
He thought therefore we must be prepared to hear that un-
less he should be very speedily enabled to offer for the decision
of the Country a Measure founded upon the acknowledgment of
the Republic by Mexico, unaccompanied by any other than the
condition to maintain their independence, He should feel that
it was in vain to resist the tide, and that it was his duty to
carry out the wish of the people whatever it may be. He was
sensible however, of the risks and inconveniences of assembling
the present Congress, or of the Meeting in Texas of the Com-
mission of Negotiation from the United States, and was certainly
prepared to incur every proper responsibility to avoid either of
these alternatives. But it was not till the President had con-
sulted his Cabinet twice in the course of the 28th., and requested
us to meet them once, and urge our own views, that we were
enabled to dispose him to agree to the arrangement which Your
Lordship will find detailed in the Memorandum of Conference
herewith transmitted.
With the hope of facilitating that conclusion I offered after
consultation with my Colleague, to proceed myself with the ut-
most despatch and secrecy to Mexico in order to make a fresh
explanation to the Ministers of our Courts there of the extreme
difficulty of the President's situation, and the urgency of im-
mediate promptitude, and exact conformity to the preliminary
arrangement here submitted. On that condition the President
consented, hut he exacted from us a personal assurance that the
Memorandum of Conference, should only be confided to our
Courts, and to the Ministers at Washington and Mexico.
It must be admitted that His Excellency has not exaggerated
the serious responsibility he has incurred. But we confidently
hope that He may depend upon the early successful interven-
tion of the two Courts at Mexico, and that Confidence was forti-
fied by my own private information from Mr Pakenham, and
subsequently by a private letter from Mr Bankhead dated March
1st., also reporting the favourable dispositions of the new Gov-
ernment.
With these dispositions in that quarter we feel that it has
been a point of great moment to prevent any sudden action
here in an opposite direction and Your Lordship will judge
how little time was left to us when I mention that we met Major
Donnelson within 10 Miles of Washington scarcely six hours
from the time that we bad concluded, with eager requests to
know if Congress was already convoked, and speaking of that
Measure as one of course, and necessarily decisive of the whole
matter.
We told him that we supposed the Government were waiting
the tidings, and that nothing had transpired of their purposes.
But in spite of the earnest efforts of Major Donnelson and the
friends of Annexation, it is our opinion that the steadfastness
of the President to the present arrangement may be confidenti-
ally depended upon and we are equally satisfied that he will keep
his promise not to reassemble the present Congress.
We cannot but express the hope that withm the period of
90 days our Governments will have either succeeded in dispos-
ing Mexico to acknowledge the independence of Texas, or have
forwarded to this Country such a formal declaration of their
purpose to sustain it, and prevent further disturbance and com-
plication from Mexico as will enable the friends of independence
to defeat their opponents at the next election. The party on
the side of the first is naturally cautions, and unwilling to de-
clare itself openly against the connexion with the United States
whilst so much doubt exists. But it comprises a considerable
portion of the intelligence and respectability of the Country,
and I believe there is ground for the opinion that it is stronger
than it appears to be, and that its friends will rally round it
with courage and confidence as soon as they know authentically
that it is within their reach. Major Donnelson's anxiety to
learn where General Houston was (which we could not tell him
exactly) was another significant hint of the direction in which
he proposes to operate, and coming immediately from General
Jackson for whom General Houston has so much friendship, it
is not to be denied that his influence may be very powerful un
that quarter. General Houston however has other friends in this
Country who will endeavour to keep him in the way of his abid-
ing honour and duty and we have certainly heard nothing which
leads us to dismiss the hope of their success
In conformity with Your Lordship's directions I only com-
municated the substance of Mr Bankhead's despatch with its
inclosure, and indeed I must state that it would have been hope-
less to induce the President to pause if he had been officially
certified of the nature of some of the proposals made by Mexico.
Nothing that is so much mixed with securities and guarantees
upon the part of the European Powers, Great Britain in par-
ticular, can be offered to this people, with the least hope of
success, and the knowledge of these proposals of Mexico at the
present moment would be decisive against the possibility of main-
taining the Independence of the Country. They would light up
a flame from one end of the North American Confederacy to
the other.
Pressed by the advanced state of the circumstances and the
necessity of immediately meeting the danger of an Assembly of
Congress, or opening of Negotiation with the United States, it
ms been out of our power with any regard to the objects of
our instructions to confine ourselves to a report of the disposi-
tions of the Government. Good as those dispositions are, the
report we should have been compelled to make would virtually
have involved an account of the sacrifice of the independence of
the Country. But we have had the less hesitation in adopting
the proposals made by Mr Smith as the basis of our proceed-
ings, perceiving that they accord with the wish of our Govern-
ments that Mexico should merely acknowledge the independence
of Texas under a Stipulation that it should be maintained, leav-
ing all other terms and conditions to be matter of Negotiation.
I called the attention of the President and Mr Smith to the
absence of any stipulation respecting indemnity, which Mr Smith
had dclared their willingness to pay in the conversation reported
in my despatch No 10. They said that they faithfully adhered
to that offer, but they had avoided it's direct acknowledgment
in the condition because they desired they should go before the
people here on their return from Mexico in such a shape as
would secure support, and they forcibly felt that they could not
be altered in point of language without imminent danger to the
prospect of success, already sufficiently critical.
We availed ourselves of our late visit at Washington to press
upon the President the unsuitableness of leaving our Courts
without a representative of this Country at the present moment,
and we said that we both felt it would be taken to be a strik-
ing proof of the good dispositions of this Government at this
Crisis, if His Excellency would send back his present Secretary
of State. He was known and highly appreciated both in Lon-
don and in Paris, and he would be able to afford such a com-
plete explanation of the situation of circumstances here as would
be very desirable at this time.
We therefore trusted he would be reappointed, and desired to
proceed to his post with the utmost despatch with full powers
to conclude any engagement which might seem to the Govern-
ments and himself to be necessary for the safety of the Country.
What was done there might be sent out here to us, and acted
upon or not according to the result from Mexico. The Presi-
dent with his usual friendly confidence in us acceded to our
request, and Mr Smith will probably reach England by the Mid-
dle of May.
I would wish to say to Your Lordship privately, that it was
a point of importance with us in making this request that Mr
Smith would probably be succeeded by Mr Allen the present
Attorney General, a man of excellent sense, high character, and
the best dispositions in this matter; and we have satisfaction in
saying that such is to be the case. Whilst Mr Smith will be
of the highest use in Europe, it may be depended that Mr Allen
will adequately and safely replace him here. Mr Smith told
us that there had been great difficulty in inducing some of the
Cabinet to consent to refrain from any movement in the direc-
tion of the United States Negotiation, for so long a time, not
from any good will to the resolutions, but because they con-
scientiously felt that it would be almost impossible to keep the
people patient for such a considerable period, and we cannot but
admit that it will require the utmost degree of caution, firm-
ness, and address upon the part of this Government to manage
these affairs with success.
I do not offer Your Lordship, any excuse for the determina-
tion to proceed to Mexico, for I hope that none can be neces-
sary. Personally considered, if I may venture to intrude a per-
sonal consideration, it is distressing to me on several grounds;
but the President attached so much importance to it, and my
Colleague advocated it so strongly that I have thought it my
duty to go. I shall of course take every practicable precaution
to keep my visit there strictly secret and shall not remain one
day longer than may be necessary for purpose of full explana-
tion. With the intention of concealment I shall cause it to be
understood that the Electra has gone to Bermuda with despatches
to meet the homeward Mail, and that She will drop me at Charles-
town, to which place I have for some time been expecting that
Mrs Elliot would pay a visit.
I shall also ask the Commander not to anchor at Vera Cruz,
but to send me in to any English or French Man of War lying
there, as an officer charged with despatches for Her Majesty's
Minister at Mexico, and the ship will go away, and be reported
by another name. It is also my purpose not to return to this
place or New Orleans from Mexico, but if possible to land
somewhere in the United States where I am not known, and to
return to New Orleans in some unobserved manner. I hope to
be there by the 1st May in time to receive my despatches by the
April Mail.
The Ministers of the two Powers in Mexico will be best able
to judge of the mode of operating upon Mexico but I need hardly
say that it does not form part of our plan that these preliminary
conditions should be placed before the Mexican Government at
once, which they might perhaps offend, as having an appearance
of dictation, but only that they should be a sufficient Warrant
to the Ministers to answer for Texas to that extent. It will also
of course be necessary to take care that the Mexican Government
does not know the length of time during which Texas is bound
to abstain from any Negotiations with the United States. We
have also thought that if there should be any French Man of
War lying at Sacreficios and Monsieur Alleye de Cyprey will have
the goodness to send back the answer of the Mexican Govern-
ment by her (supposing it to be favourable) that such a circum-
stance would have a good effect here. The President wished that
it should be done in that way.
I must not close this despatch without expressing to Your
Lordship my cordial obligations to my Colleague Monsieur de
Saligny for his friendly, zealous and able co-operation in these
affairs. Weighty as the representations of His Government have
no doubt been with the President, I should be wanting indeed
if I omitted to say that Monsieur de Saligny's long acquaintance
with this Government, and their well founded confidence in his
good wishes and Judgment have contributed much to the turn
we have been able to give to this question at the present critical
moment.
These despatches will be conveyed to Washington by M. Saint
Martin an Attache of his Legation.
Charles Elliot.
To The Right Honourable.
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
Galveston April 3d, 1845.
P. S.
Since the above was written H. M. S. Eurydice has arrived
here from Vera Cruz bringing me a despatch and private letter
from Mr Bankhead dated 20th and 22d March
41 with the intelli-
gence that the new Mexican Government was in the same favour-
able disposition towards an amicable settlement with this Country
as General Santa Anna.
Government as soon as possible that I have requested Captain
Elliot to direct the Commander of the "Electra" to proceed with
the duplicate of my despatches to Bermuda without loss of time
in the hope that She may catch the homeward Mlail leaving that
Island on the 21st. Instant, and if She has sailed I trust that
the Commander in Chief will forward them to England by a
Ship of War.
Charles Elliot.
[Enclosure].
42
Memorandum of a Conference held at the State Department
at Washington on the Brazos on the 29th. March 1845. between
the Honourable Ashbel Smith Secretary of State of the Republic
of Texas and the Chargés d' Affaires of Their Majesties. The
Queen of Great Britain and The King of the French. Captain
Charles Elliot and M. de Saligny.
(Seal.)
After the communication to Mr. Ashbel Smith of the instruct
tions of their respective Governments dated 17th and 23d Janu-
ary last the representatives of the two Powers invited the Gov-
ernment of Texas to accept the good offices of England and
France for an early and honourable settlement of their diffi-
culties with Mexico upon the basis of the acknowledgment of
the independence of Texas by that Republic.
The Secretary of State was instructed by the President to
accept the invitation of the two Powers; But in view of the
much more advanced condition of circumstances connected with
the affairs of Texas, now existing, than could be known in Lon-
don and Paris at the dates of those despatches, and adverting
to the difficulties and risks to which this Government is exposed
from causes upon which he need not dwell, The Secretary of
State was desired by the President to press the urgent neces-
sity that this Government should be as speedily as possible en-
abled to present to the people of this Country for their consid-
eration and action decisive proofs that Mexico was at once ready
to acknowledge the independence of this Republic without other
condition than the Stipulation, to maintain the same.
The Government of Texas therefore with a sincere desire to
avail themselves of the proffered interposition of the Powers have
now authorized the Secretary of State to propose to their repre-
sentatives the following arrangement
1st. The Signature and seal of the Secretary of State or any
other Minister of the Republic of Mexico duly authorized by
the Government thereof to be procured to the preliminary con-
ditions now submitted to the Representatives of the two Powers,
and the Government of Texas pledges itself forthwith after the
same shall be placed in the hands of the President to issue a
Proclamation announcing the conclusion of the preliminaries of
peace with the Republic of Mexico.
2nd. Texas for a period of ninety days from the date of this
Memorandum agrees not to accept any proposals, nor to enter
into any Negotiations to annex Herself to any other Country.
The Representatives of the two Powers sensible of the peculiar
situation of the Government of Texas, to which the Secretary
of State has called their attention were ready on the part of
their respective Governments to accede to the proposals he had
now made, and pledged themselves forthwith to pursue their
accomplishment.
(L. S.) Ashbel Smith.
(L. S.) C. de Saligny.
(L. S.) Charles Elliot.
[Endorsed.]
Inclosure No 1 in Capt Elliot's Secret despatch to the Earl
of Aberdeen. April. 2d 1845
Enclosure.].
43
Conditions preliminary to a treaty of peace between Mexico
and Texas.
44
I. Mexico consents to acknowledge the Independence of
Texas.
II. Texas engages that She will Stipulate in the treaty not
to annex herself or become