THE
SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL
QUARTERLY
Vol. XX October, 1916 No. 2
The publication committee and the editors disclaim responsibility for views expressed by
contributors to The Quarterly
THE POSTAL SYSTEM OF THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS
An account of the establishment and operation of the postal
system of the Republic of Texas will necessarily date from Octo-
ber, 1835. This paper is not concerned with the system of mail
transportation in operation during the period of Mexican rule,
nor has the system of communication of the committees of safety
and correspondence preceding the revolution been included. The
records are fragmentary and incomplete, and this account is as
full as has been possible in the face of this condition.
On October 20, 1835, Mr. A. Thomson made a motion in the
Permanent Council that a committee be appointed to look after
mail routes. The President appointed J. S. Hood, Joseph Bryan,
and A. Houston. This is the first record of any action to estab-
lish a mail system in the Republic of Texas. On October 23,
the Council went into a committee of the whole on the subject
of mails, and, "after due deliberation, appointed John Rice Jones
postmaster-general to take charge of the affairs and put them
into operation." He was to do this as soon as possible.
This committee on mail routes also presented on the 30th an
outline plan for carrying out the organization of a post-office de-
partment. It set forth the need of communication between the
different parts of the country, and recommended that weekly
service be put into operation from San Felipe to San Augustine,
from San Felipe to Velasco, from San Augustine to Bevil's Mill,
from San Felipe to the Sabine River, and, as soon as it could be
clone with safety, from San Felipe to Bexar. It recommended
that the postmaster-general be authorized to open subscriptions to
obtain contributions or loans to aid in putting the project into
immediate operation. And it resolved further, that the post-
master-general be empowered to ask and demand and receive
fixed rates of postage for all letters and packets transported by
mail.
On November 3, 1835, the Permanent Council reported to the
Consultation that it had ordered to be carried into effect, by
subscription and under certain regulations, a mail service from
San Felipe de Austin to Cantonment Jessup in the United States,
to the headquarters of the army, or to Bexar, and to Velasco. It
recommended that the Consultation take up the subject at a suit-
able time and that branch routes be ordered.
Governor Henry Smith made reference to the post-office depart-
ment in his message to the General Council on November 16,
1835. He commended the action of the previous council and urged
an extension of the work and its continuation during the war. He
also recommended the appointment of a postmaster-general.
The Council accordingly referred this portion of the message to
the committee on state and judiciary, which was composed of
D. C. Barrett, Daniel Parker, and J. A. Padilla. On November
27 this committee reported. They reviewed the partial organization
of the post-office department by the Permanent Council; spoke of
Jones, the temporary postmaster-general, in high terms, calling
attention to the governor's endorsement of him, and urged that
he be made permanent postmaster-general; and offered an ordi-
nance creating a permanent general post-office department. This
report was adopted, and on December 7 the ordinance creating
the general, post-office department was passed. It was approved
by the governor December 13, 1835. The ordinance embraces
thirty-five sections and sets forth in detail the postal laws and
regulations. For a clear understanding of the foundation of the
system, the first section, establishing the system, is quoted:
Sec. 1. ... There shall be, and there is hereby created
and established a General Post-Office, to be under the charge and
direction of a Postmaster-General to be appointed by the Gen-
eral Council, who shall give bond with approved security, in a
sum not less than five thousand dollars, payable to the Governor
for the time being, and his successor in office. The Postmaster-
General shall have power to appoint the necessary assistants and
clerks for doing the business of his office; he shall establish Post-
Offices and appoint postmasters at such places as he shall deem
expedient, on the Post-Roads that are or may be established by
Ordinances and Decrees of the Provisional Government; he shall
give instructions to the postmasters and all other persons he
shall employ, or who may be employed in any of the departments
of the General Post-Office, relative to their several duties; he
shall provide for the carriage of the Mail on all post-roads that
are or may be established by the Ordinances and Decrees of the
Government aforesaid, as often as he shall think proper, having
regard to the productiveness thereof; he shall obtain from the
several postmasters their accounts and vouchers for the receipts
and expenditures of their several offices once in every three months,
or oftener if he think proper, showing the balance thereon in
favor or against the General Post-Office; he shall pay all neces-
sary expenses incident to the General Post-Office in consequence
of mails, collection of the revenue, and in the general manage-
ment thereof, from the incomes of the General Post-Office De-
partment, if the receipts thereof be sufficient, otherwise he shall
report the deficiency to the Governor of the Provisional Govern-
ment, who shall submit the same to the legislative power for
providing ways and means for such deficiency; he shall prose-
cute, or cause to be prosecuted, all offences against the General
Post-Office establishment; he shall render an account, current,
to the Provisional Government of Texas once in every three
months, of all the receipts and expenditures in the said Depart-
ment, to be adjudicated and settled as other public accounts, at
the same time stating generally the condition of the Depart-
ment, suggesting such improvements as, in his opinion, may be
useful and necessary, and he shall render his first quarterly ac-
counts on the first day of March, eighteen hundred and thirty-
six; he shall have a general superintendence of the business of
the said Department in all the duties that are or may be as-
signed to it; provided, that in case of death, resignation, or re-
moval from office of the Postmaster-General, all the duties of
the Department shall be performed by his assistant, or chief clerk,
until a successor shall be appointed to take charge of the General
Post-Office Department.
When the First Congress of the Republic assembled, the matter
of the post-office department was brought before that body, and
on December 20, 1836, Congress passed and President Houston
approved an act creating a general post-office department and
making provisions for carrying it into effect. This was almost
identical with the law of December 7, 1835, having only the fol-
lowing variations: that the postmaster-general should be nomi-
nated by the president, subject to approval or rejection by the
senate; that he should hold office for a term of three years; and
that he should render his first quarterly account on the first day
of April, 1837.
This act was in operation, with a few amendments, until Feb-
ruary 5, 1840, when the Fourth Congress passed an act "to amend
and reduce into one, the several laws regulating the post-office
department." This provided that the postmaster-general should
make a report every three months to the secretary of the treasury
of all receipts and disbursements, that the bond of the postmaster-
general should be increased to twenty-five thousand dollars, and
that a number of new mail routes should be established.
This law was in operation until the Republic of Texas became
a State and the mail service was absorbed by the Government of
the United States. A few amendments were made, however, of
which one may be noted. On January 18, 1841, an act was passed
by the Fifth Congress abolishing the office of postmaster-general,
and creating in the state department a bureau styled "The General
Post-office." A clerk was to be appointed by the secretary of state
to perform the duties of the postmaster-general.
This gives briefly an account of the establishment of the post-
office department in the Republic of Texas and of the main acts
governing its operation.
We have seen that the Permanent Council appointed John Rice
Jones to act as postmaster-general, and that when the Consulta-
tion met in November Governor Smith recommended that Jones
be confirmed, which was done. Jones continued in office until
1836, when he was succeeded by Robert Barr. Barr held the
office until his death in October, 1839, when E. S. C. Robertson
became acting postmaster-general and served until December, 1839,
when John Rice Jones was again appointed. This time Jones
kept the office until it was abolished in January, 1841. During
the operation of the general post-office as a bureau of the state
department, the following served as chief clerks: George W.
Sinks, A. C. Hyde, W. D. Miller, John Hall, Dan T. Toler, and
Joseph Daniels.
The acts described in the preceding part of this paper show
that the duties of the postmaster-general were many and arduous.
The establishment of post-offices,, appointment of postmasters, and
the making of contracts for carrying the mails in a country sparsely
settled and having bad roads, and with no money provided for
carrying on all this business, called for the activities of a master
mind. The whole plan, as established and put into operation by
the first postmaster-general, John Rice Jones, was modeled after
the system of the United States. Forms and blanks were sent to
the governor and Council from the United States for that pur-
pose by Edward Hall in 1835.
The duties and salary of the postmaster-general remained prac-
tically the same as under the Provisional government. The salary
was two thousand dollars a year. The act of 1840 increased the
bond of the postmaster-general to twenty-five thousand dollars.
After the abolition of the office the clerk in the state department
received from six hundred dollars to nine hundred dollars a year.
When the Permanent Council proposed the first mail route from
San Felipe de Austin to Cantonment Jessup, to the headquarters
of the Army, or to Bexar, and to Velasco, the expense was to be
met by subscription supplemented by the income from the postage
rates as fixed by the Council. This was the beginning of the mail
service in Texas before the Republic was organized. The Gen-
eral Council made no appropriations for the post-office department,
but instructed the postmaster-general to report the deficiency and
this would be met by the ways and means committee of the legis-
lature.
The First Congress appropriated on December 20, 1836, one
thousand dollars "for the purpose of facilitating the transportation
of the mail, the same to be paid out of any money not otherwise
appropriated." The next day Congress passed an act providing
that any one, who had accounts against the post-office department
for transporting the mail any time during the year 1837, might
take the same in land at fifty cents per acre by paying the fees for
recording and surveying; provided, that the land should be located
in tracts of not less than three hundred and twenty acres in the
form of a square. The certificate of the postmaster-general should
be sufficient evidence of any such claims in any land office in the
Republic. It was further provided that the lands could not be
located until six months after the land office had opened.
In November, 1837, Congress passed an act appropriating ten
thousand dollars for the use of the post-office department. This
was to supplement the income from postage fees, which were used
to support the system.
On December 13, 1838, an act was approved by President Lamar
appropriating twenty-five thousand dollars for the use of the de-
partment; fifteen thousand dollars additional was appropriated
January 26, 1839. This was done because the duties of the de-
partment had greatly increased, many new routes had been estab-
lished, and weekly mails were substituted for the semi-monthly
mails on many routes.
In the general appropriation bill for 1840, approved February
3, 1840, the following items were appropriated for the post-office
department: For compensation of the postmaster-general, $3,000;
for compensating the clerks of the bureau, $4,700; for contingent
expenses of the post-office department, $1,400; for transportation
of the mails under orders and direction of the postmaster-general,
for the year 1840, $100,000. By act of January 28, 1841, $50,000
in promissory notes and all the moneys arising from the receipts
of the department during the year were appropriated for the year
1841.
than ten dollars a mile per annum shall be paid to Highsmith
and Jones for carrying the mail on Route 30, between Austin and
Houston." A supplementary act on February 3, 1842, appropri-
ated: For salary of chief clerk, $600; for probable deficiencies,
under contracts for carrying mails, etc., $5,000; for amount due
mail carriers for 1841, $4,258.81, to be apportioned to each ac-
cording to the sum due him, this appropriation being only one-
half the whole amount due.
The general appropriation bill, approved January 6, 1843, set
aside the following for the post-office bureau: For contingent
expenses, $500; for transporting the mails, $12,000, and all the
moneys arising from receipts of the department during the year
1843.
On January 14, 1843, Congress passed an act authorizing an
audit of the residue of claims against the government for carrying
the mails during 1841 and 1842, and appropriated $600 to pay
mail contracts for 1839. This act provided that when the claims
should be audited, they should be receivable in payment of direct
taxes, at the same rate as exchequer bills were received for the
same dues.
The next year, on January 6, 1844, Congress appropriated
$3,742.36 for the purpose of continuing the mails until March 1,
1844; and the general appropriation bill, approved February 5,
1844, carried the following items for the post-office bureau: For
contingent expenses (printing, fuel, mail bags, mail locks, etc.),
$500; for transporting mails for 1844 and part of 1845, $12,000,
and all the moneys arising from receipts of the bureau and salary
for two clerks, amount to be taken out of $11,600, appropriated
for payment of sixteen government clerks.
An act approved February 1, 1845, making appropriations for
the support of the government, set aside the following for the post-
office: For contingent expenses, $1,360; for transporting the mails,
$15,000, and all the moneys arising from receipts of the bureau
and salary of two clerks, amount to be taken from $13,250 appro-
priated for payment of government clerks in different departments.
April 22, 1846, the First Legislature passed a joint resolution
asking relief for mail contractors who had continued to carry the
mails after February 16, 1846, the date when annexation became
effective. This called attention to the fact that after February 16,
1846, the transportation of the mails was chargeable to the United
Statets government, and that Texas had so notified her contractors,
but had suggested to them, to continue to carry the mails and to
open accounts with the Federal Government after that date. The
contractors, with a few exceptions, relying on the justice of the gov-
ernment, continued to carry the mails until superseded by other
contractors. In view of these facts, the legislature instructed the
United States senators from Texas to urge the passage of a law
authorizing the postmaster-general of the United States to pay
these contractors.
In his annual report for the year ending June 30, 1846, the
first assistant postmaster-general of the United States, S. R. Hob-
bin, said that $9,189 had been paid out for the operation of the
mail service from February 16, 1846, to June 30, 1846. He
stated that other expenditures incident to transportation, such as
amounts paid for ship, steamboat, and way letters, etc., was not
included in this amount, because these accounts were paid from
a separate appropriation. According to this report, there were
3,786 miles of mail routes in operation in Texas at that time.
Continuing, Mr. Hobbin made the following statement concern-
ing the operation of the mail service in Texas at this time:
The service in Texas has not been satisfactorily performed.
Upon the passage of the act of May 29, 1846, establishing post-
routes in Texas, the late Postmaster-General of Texas, Daniel J.
Toler, was appointed the special agent of the department, and
despatched with proper instructions to put the routes in opera-
tion, and superintend the service generally. A contract was made
with Charles Morgan, to transport the mails from New Orleans
to Galveston and back, once in every five days, in ocean steamers.
The Galveston
and New
York
were engaged in the performance
of this service, when the New
York
was lost in a storm, on the
gulf. The agent, Toler, was on board, and reported the loss of
his papers connected with the service, which had been prepared
for the department. The other vessel, the Galveston,
it is under-
stood, has been much engaged in the transportation of troops and
supplies to the Rio Grande. Irregularity in the delivery of the
mails to Galveston ensued. Independently of this, great derange-
ment of the mail service existed in other parts of Texas, and was
justly the cause of much complaint. So soon as the department
was informed of this state of things, which information was
greatly delayed from some unknown cause, a second agent was
despatched to Texas, with proper instructions for the regulation
of the service; and the postmaster at New Orleans was directed
to forward the mails to Galveston whenever opportunity occurred,
under the provisions of the 17th and 18th sections of the act of
1825. The facts of the case did not seem to warrant an annul-
ment of so favorable a contract as the one with Mr. Morgan, who,
it is expected, will, at no distant day, supply the place of the
New York, and cause the service to be again regularly performed.
Recent reports from the agents in Texas induce the belief that
the whole service in Texas will soon be in operation, as author-
ized by the act of Congress.
In the decree creating a general post-office department, passed at
San Felipe, December 12, 1835, the following rates of postage
were adopted: Letters containing a single sheet of paper and
conveyed any distance not exceeding twenty miles, six and one-
fourth cents; over twenty miles and not exceeding fifty miles,
twelve and one-half cents; over fifty miles and not exceeding one
hundred miles, eighteen and three-fourth cents; over one hundred
miles, and not exceeding two hundred miles, twenty-five cents;
all distances exceeding two hundred miles, thirty-seven and one-
half cents; on all ship letters, six and one-fourth cents additional
to be charged. On all letters containing two pieces of paper,
double these rates was to be paid; on all containing three pieces
of paper, treble these rates; and for any packet containing four
or more pieces of paper or other things, and everything of one
ounce, quadruple these rates; and in that proportion for all greater
weights. On all letters and newspapers going out of Texas the
postage must be prepaid. The act of December 20, 1836, recom-
mended practically the same rates as those fixed by the Permanent
Council in October 30, 1835, which were not materially different
from those just listed.
On December 18, 1837, Congress changed the rates as follows:
For every letter composed of a single sheet of paper and conveyed
any distance not exceeding forty miles, twelve and one-half cents;
over forty miles and not exceeding one hundred miles, twenty-five
cents; over one hundred miles and not exceeding one hundred and
fifty miles, fifty cents; upon all ship letters, six and one-fourth
cents additional was to be charged. For every package composed
of four or more pieces of paper and weighing one ounce,
quadruple those rates; and in that proportion for all greater
weights. Newspapers carried not over one hundred miles, one
cent each; over one hundred miles, two cents. Pamphlets carried
not over one hundred miles, one and one-half cents per sheet;
over one hundred miles, two and one-half cents. On all mail
matter going out of Texas postage must be prepaid.
The act of February 5, 1840, did not change the rates of postage
on letters and newspapers, but fixed the following rates on pam-
phlets: Pamphlets carried not over fifty miles, per sheet, one
cent; not over one hundred miles, per sheet, one and one-half cents;
over one hundred miles, per sheet, two and one-half cents.
By an act of the Fifth Congress, approved January 28, 1841,
the rates of postage as provided by previous laws were doubled.
And on all letters intended to be conveyed by any ship or vessel
beyond the sea, or received from any place beyond sea, there was
to be paid an extra fee of fifty cents at the time of its reception.
A law of February 1, 1842, provided that all postage should be
paid in gold, silver, or exchequer bills authorized to be issued by
the act of the Sixth Congress. The following rates were to go into
effect after March 31, 1842: For each letter composed of a single
sheet of paper and conveyed not to exceed fifty miles, twelve and
one-half cents; over fifty miles and not exceeding one hundred
miles, eighteen and three-fourths cents; over one hundred miles
and not exceeding two hundred miles, thirty-one and three-fourths
cents; on all ship letters, six and one-fourth cents additional was
to be charged; on all double letters, double the above rates; on
each newspaper conveyed not exceeding one hundred miles, one
cent; over one hundred miles, two cents; on all pamphlets or
books for each sheet the same as newspapers. For all free letters
received and distributed, postmasters were entitled to receive one
cent and should retain this amount out of the quarterly returns.
Postmasters were required to pay the master of any foreign vessel
two cents for each letter delivered within twenty-four hours after
their arrival.
On January 16, 1843, the Seventh Congress reduced the postage.
For letters the rates were to be again the same as those fixed by
the law of December 18, 1837. For letters or packages made up
and sealed in letter form, weighing one ounce and less than two
ounces, conveyed not to exceed fifty miles, quadruple the rate of
a letter for that distance; over fifty miles and not to exceed one
hundred miles, or over one hundred miles and not to exceed two
hundred miles, quadruple the rate for single letters for these dis-
tances; for packages of two ounces, six times the amount of single
letters, and so on in like proportion. Ship letters were to be
charged twelve cents additional; letters lodged for delivery were
to be charged twelve and one-half cents additional; way letters
were to have on them a postage of twelve and one-half cents
additional. Each newspaper, conveyed not exceeding one hundred
and fifty miles, two cents, over one hundred and fifty miles, three
cents. Books and pamphlets were to have the same rates as news-
papers per sheet.
January 27, 1844, the Eighth Congress again modified the rates
of postage: On each single letter, conveyed less than one hundred
miles twelve and one-half cents; over one hundred miles, twenty-
five cents; double letters, double this amount; treble letters, treble
this amount; packages of one ounce, quadruple the above rates;
and so on in like proportion. On ship letters the extra fee was
to be six and one-fourth cents; on way letters, six and one-fourth
cents. Newspapers conveyed one hundred miles or less, one cent;
over one hundred miles, two cents; foreign papers, one cent addi-
tional to the regular rates. Books and pamphlets were to be
charged the same rates as newspapers. The postage was to be
paid in gold, silver, or exchequer bills.
The rates were lowered by the Ninth Congress, on January 30,
1845, to the following: Each single letter, conveyed less than one
hundred miles, ten cents; over one hundred miles, twenty cents;
double letters, double this rate; treble letters, treble this rate, and
so on; each package quadruple this rate, if it weighed one ounce
or less; ship letters five cents extra; way letters, five cents; news-
papers, conveyed one hundred miles or less, one cent; over one
hundred miles, two cents; foreign papers, one cent additional;
books and pamphlets the same rates as papers.
In the changes pointed out in the above paragraphs, two im-
portant facts appear: (1) The high rates charged as compared
with the present day rates; (2) the frequent changes made in the
rates. The high rates may be accounted for by remembering the
sparse settlements, the bad roads, the dangers encountered in
transporting the mails, and the depreciated currency in which the
postage was paid. The frequent changes are due to the fact that
the government was handicapped financially and endeavored to
meet the deficiencies in the department by changing the rates to
gain more funds.
By the first decree creating a general post-office department,
franking privileges were allowed the following officers: Each post-
master, provided the package did not exceed half an ounce in
weight; the president and members of the General Council of the
Provisional Government; secretary of the General Council, during
actual attendance upon a session of the Council and for thirty
days thereafter; the governor of the Provisional Government,
treasurer, and postmaster-general; officers of the army and navy,
officers of the revenue, when communicating on subjects connected
with public service. These persons must all write their names and
offices on the outside of letters and manuscripts they wished to
frank; and the officers of army, navy, and revenue must add, "On
Public Service." This provision allowed letters or packages going
either to or from these persons to be carried free of charge.
All publishers of newspapers in Texas could send free of post-
age one copy to each of the other publishers in the State. Pub-
lishers were allowed to send out or receive from out of the State
as many as fifty copies post free under such regulations as the
postmaster-general might provide.
The act of the First Congress, approved December 20, 1836,
continued franking privileges to the same persons, and in the
same way. In January, 1839, it was discovered that the franking
privilege was not extended to the vice-president of the Republic,
so by a special act, approved January 23, 1839, this privilege was
accorded to him and to other officers of the Republic. The frank-
ing privilege continued, with a few minor changes, until the end
of the Republic. The act of 1840 provided that publishers of
the newspapers could receive or send out of the State only thirty
papers free of charge, instead of fifty.
The ordinance passed by the General Council in 1835 empow-
ered the postmaster-general to appoint postmasters at such places
as he deemed expedient. It provided also that he should allow
to postmasters such commissions on the money arising from
postage on letters as should be adequate for their respective
services and expenses. But it further provided that the said com-
mission should not exceed thirty per cent, of the first hundred
dollars each quarter, twenty-five per cent, on a sum over one hun-
dred and not exceeding three hundred dollars, twenty per cent.
on any sum over four hundred dollars and not exceeding two
thousand dollars, and eight per cent, on all sums exceeding two
thousand dollars. Postmasters employed in receiving and de-
spatching foreign mails were allowed a sum not to exceed twenty-
five dollars a quarter over and above the regular commission.
Those who were required to keep a register of the arrival and
departure of the mails were allowed ten per cent. for each monthly
return thereof to the postmaster-general.
The First Congress in 1836 made a few unimportant changes
in these rates. It empowered the postmaster-general to appoint
postmasters at such places as he should see fit, authorized him to
allow postmasters such commissions on money arising from post-
age as should be adequate to their duties and expenses, and pro-
vided that these commissions should not exceed twenty-five per cent.
on the first hundred dollars, twenty per cent. on amounts over one
hundred and not exceeding three hundred dollars, ten per cent.
on any sum over three hundred and not exceeding two thousand
dollars, and five per cent. on any sum collected over twenty-four
hundred dollars. Postmasters employed in receiving and despatch-
ing foreign mail were allowed twenty-five dollars extra per quarter;
fifty per cent. was allowed on all postage arising from newspapers,
magazines, and pamphlets; and two dollars per month for each
register showing the arrival and departure of mails. So far as
can be ascertained this same method and rate of compensation re-
mained in operation until the postal system of Texas was trans-
ferred to the United States in 1846.
No record is available as to the exact date the first route went
into operation in Texas, but it was about 1835. We have already
noticed the recommendations of the Permanent Council that mail
routes be established by subscription, under certain regulations,
"from San Felipe de Austin to Cantonment Jessup in the United
States, to headquarters of the Army or to Bexar, and to Velasco,
and that branch routes be established at suitable times."
In section 34 of the ordinance passed by the General Council
on December 12, 1835, a mail or post route was established from
the General Post-office to the principal town of each municipality
of Texas. These routes were to go into operation as soon as con-
tracts could be made by the postmaster-general for transporting
the mails, the postmaster-general being authorized to regulate and
determine the post-roads on which said mails were to be carried,
and how often they were to be carried, etc.
office to the headquarters of the Army; also to Gaines's Ferry on
the Sabine River, via Washington, Nacogdoches, and San Augus-
tine; also from Velasco, via Brazoria, Columbia, and Washington,
to Viesca; from Liberty, via Jasper and San Augustine to Nash-
ville in Shelby County. These routes went into effect as soon as
the postmaster-general could make the proper contracts. In
June, 1837, he was authorized to extend mail routes via Ballou's
and Gaines's Ferries, so as to communicate with the United States
mail, and to pay for any services already rendered to effect that
object. In December, 1837, he was instructed to establish as
soon as practicable a mail route from Nacogdoches, via Epperson's
Ferry on the Sulphur Fork, to the county seat of Red River
County, Jonesborough, to the county seat of Fannin County,
and to look to it that the mail was carried over said route once
every two weeks. Such post-offices were to be established along
this route as the postmaster-general should deem necessary and
proper. In May, 1838, bi-weekly service was ordered from Gal-
veston to Matagorda and Texana via Velasco and Quintana. At
the same time the following routes were ordered into operation:
From the town of Bastrop to the residence of Reuben Hornsby
on the Colorado River; from Anahuac, Liberty County, to the
house of Thomas Stubblefield on Trinity River, in Liberty County;
from Shelbyville, in Shelby County, to the town of Milam, in
Sabine County, via Hamilton on the Sabine River.
In December, 1838, the route from Houston to Nacogdoches
via Cincinnati was changed so that after leaving Cincinnati it
passed by Mustang Prairie Post-office, thence to Crockett, in
Houston County, thence to intersect the existing route at Wil-
liams's on the Neches River. Another route authorized at this
time, proceeded from Houston to San Augustine via Captain
Hiram's on the Trinity River, Belt's on the Neches River, B. W.
Harvey's on the Angelina River, and Nathaniel Hunt's on Ayish
Bayou. Mail was transported weekly over this route. A bi-
weekly route was also established from Jasper to Belgrade.
In January, 1839, weekly routes were established: From Texana
to San Antonio, and from Victoria to Live Oak Point; the mail
leaving Texana immediately after the arrival of the mail from
Houston. About the same time a bi-weekly mail was inaugurated
from Clarksville to Shelton on Sulphur Fork; a weekly route from
Crockett to [Fort] Houston via Brownville; from Myrtle Springs,
in Red River County, to Fulton on Red River; from San Augus-
tine to Port Caddo, via Shelbyville and Shelton's store, with post-
offices at Shelton's store, at Bristow's Ferry, at Thomas Timmons's,
and at Port Caddo. This route was extended from Port Caddo
to Coffee's Station in Fannin County.
The act of February 6, 1840, which reduced into one the vari-
ous laws relating to the post-office department, abolished all routes
except the following thirty-six:
No. 1. From Houston to Galveston, via Harrisburg, Lynch-
burg, Spilman's Island, and New Washington.
No. 2. From Houston to Cincinnati, via Spring Creek, Mount
Vernon, and Huntsville.
No. 3. From Cincinnati to Nacogdoches, via Neches, Mustang
Prairie, Crockett, and Mount Sterling.
No. 4. Nacogdoches to McClannahan's Post-office, Louisiana,
via San Augustine, Milam, Gaines's Ferry, and Sabine Town.
No. 5. From Nacogdoches to Epperson's Ferry.
No. 6. From Epperson's Ferry to Jonesboro, via Myrtle Springs,
Dekalb, and Clarksville.
No. 7. From Jonesboro to the seat of Justice of Fannin County,
via Franklin, Johnson, Raleigh, and Lexington, Fannin County.
No. 8. From the seat of Justice of Fannin County to Coffee's
Station, via Warren.
No. 9. From Clarksville to the seat of Justice of Fannin
County, via Lexington, Red River County, and Shelton's and
English's.
No. 10. From San Augustine to Port Caddo, via Shelbyville,
Shelton's, and Elysian Fields.
No. 11. From Houston to Swartwout, on Trinity River.
No. 12. From Liberty to Lyons' Post-office, Louisiana, via Pine
Island, Patillo's, Richland, Jefferson, and Beaumont.
No. 13. From Jefferson to Hamilton, on Sabine River, via
Jasper, Zavala, San Augustine, and Shelbyville.
No. 14. From Jasper to Salem.
No. 16. From Matagorda to Egypt, via Preston's and Peach
Creek.
No. 18. From Egypt to La Grange, via Columbus.
No. 19. From Velaseo to San Felipe, via Crosby's, Brazoria,
Marion, Orozimbo, and Big Creek.
No, 20. From San Felipe, to La Grange, via Dr. Punchard's,
Centre Hill, Cedar Creek, Washington, Independence, Gay Hill,
Oak Grove, and Rutersville.
No. 21. From Independence to Franklin, via Mound Prairie,
Fort Oldham, Tenoxtitlan, and Nashville.
No. 22. From Montgomery to Washington, via Rusk, and Fan-
thorpe's.
No. 23. From Brazoria to Matagorda, via Williams's at Caney
Crossing.
No. 24. From Huntsville to Swartwout, via Carolina.
No. 25. From Houston to Washington, via Myrtle Turf, and
Groce's Retreat.
No. 26. From Crockett to Fort Houston, via Bennett's Post-
office, and San Pacero.
No. 27. From Victoria to Live Oak Point, via Lamar.
No. 28. From Quintana to Galveston, via San Luis.
No. 29. From City Sabine to Beaumont.
No. 30. From Austin to Crockett, via Nashville, Franklin,
Dunn's Post-office, Tinnen's, Robins's Ferry, on Trinity River, and
Mustang Prairie.
No. 31. From Austin to San Antonio, via Gonzales, and Seguin.
No. 32. From Gonzales to Victoria.
No. 33. From Austin to Houston, via Comanche, Bastrop,
Primm's, La Grange, and San Felipe.
No. 34. From Texana to La Grange, via Stapp's, Zumwalts',
Chadoins', and Lyons'.
No. 35. From Quintana to Texana, via Matagorda.
No. 36. From Swartwout to Jasper, via Barclay's.
The postmaster-general was to inaugurate service on each of
the above routes, not already in operation, and to regulate and
determine the roads upon which the mail was to be transported.
These routes were to continue in operation during the year 1840.
On December 21, 1841, the secretary of state was authorized
to establish a weekly route from Port Lavaca to Victoria, pro-
vided, service did not exceed the average cost per mile on other
routes. In January, 1842, he was authorized to establish a weekly
route from Fanthorp's post-office, in Montgomery County, by Boon-
ville, in Navasota County, to Dunn's, in Robertson County.
A law of January 6, 1843, amending the several laws relating
to the post-office, established the following twenty-one routes, and
no others, on which public mails should be transported:
No. 1. From Galveston to Matagorda, via San Luis, and
Velasco.
No. 2.
From Galveston to Houston.
No. 5. From Houston to Egypt, via Richmond.
No. 6. From Egypt to Victoria, via Menefee's.
No. 7.
From San Antonio to Rutersville, via Obarr's and
La Grange.
No. 8. From Rutersville to Cincinnati, via Mount Vernon, In-
dependence, Washington, Montgomery, and Huntsville.
No. 9. From Cincinnati to San Augustine, via Crockett, and
Nacogdoches.
No. 10. From San Augustine to Sabine Town, via Milam.
No. 11. From San Augustine to Daingerfield, via Shelbyville,
and Marshall.
No. 12. From Daingerfield to Fort English, via Boston, De-
Kalb, Savannah, and Clarksville.
No. 13. From Jasper to Sabine Town.
No. 14. From Velasco to Washington, via Brazoria, Columbia,
Richmond, San Felipe, and Burleigh.
No. 15. From Matagorda to La Grange, via Egypt, and Co-
lumbus.
No. 16. From La Grange to Austin, via Bastrop.
No. 17. From Victoria to Gonzales, via Cuero.
No. 18. From Independence to Nashville, via Caldwell.
No. 19. From Washington to Franklin, via Booneville.
No. 20. From Huntsville to Swartwout
No, 21. From Swartwout to Jasper, via Town Bluff.
On January 30, 1845, a route was established from Galveston
to Point Bolivar and attached to the route leading from Point
Bolivar to Patillo. At the same time all routes were revised and
weekly service provided as follows:
La Grange to Fanthorpe's, via Rutersville, Shelby's, Sieper's,
Buster's, Brenham, Independence, and Washington.
Fanthorpe's to Crockett, via McGuffin's, Huntsville, and Cin-
cinnati.
Fanthorpe's to Huntsville, via. Rusk, Jacob Shannon's, Mont-
gomery, Lone Oak, and Collard's.
Crockett to San Augustine, via Masters', Mount Airy, Douglass,
Nacogdoches, Melrose, and Flournoy's.
San Augustine to Sabine Town, via Milam.
Nacogdoches to Marshall, via Wm. Wooten's, and Henderson and
Hiram Walker's.
San Augustine to Marshall, via Shelbyville, Hilliard's, Mount
Mourn, and Parry's.
Marshall to Boston, via Daingerfield, and Weaver's.
Boston to Bonham, via DeKalb, Savannah, Clarksville, Blossom
Prairie, Paris, and Honey Grove.
Austin to Columbus, via Smithwick's, Bastrop, Mount Pleasant,
Cunningham's, Miller's, La Grange, and Frail's [Frels'] on Cum-
mings' Creek.
Columbus to Matagorda, via Egypt, Peach Creek, Preston, and
Caney.
Columbia to Galveston, via Hines', Brown's, Liverpool, and Vir-
ginia Point.
Velasco to San Felipe, via Brazoria, Columbia, Orozimbo, Big
Creek, and Richmond.
San Felipe to Franklin, via Bostwick's Crossing, Travis, Cedar
Creek, Washington, Boonville, and Wheelock's.
Franklin to Dallas, via Alta Springs, Parker's Point, Melton's,
and Chambers' Creek.
Dallas to Bonham, via M'Garrah's.
Fanthorpe's to Crockett, via Mitchell's, Leona Mills, Alabama,
and Mustang Prairie.
Crockett to Fort Houston, via Pettett's.
Washington to Houston, via Arnold's.
Houston to Galveston, via Lynchburg.
Houston to Egypt, via Hodge's Bend, Richmond, and Damon's
Mill.
Egypt to Victoria, via Texana.
Independence to Franklin, via Mound Prairie, Caldwell, Dil-
lard's, and Nashville.
Galveston to Swartwout, via Chambersia, and Liberty.
Huntsville to Jasper, via Rankin's, Swartwout, Criswell's
Hooker's, Eatcliff's, and Town Bluff.
Jasper to Sabine Town, via Williams' on Cow Creek.
Point Bolivar to Patillo's, via David Garner's, and Beaumont.
Matagorda to Port Caballo, via Matagorda Bay.
Port Lavaca to Gonzales, via Victoria and Cuero.
Clarksville to Fort Towson, U. S.
Boston to Fulton, U. S., via Moorsville.
Montgomery to Houston, via Jacob Croft's on Spring Creek.
Marshall to Greenwood, U. S., via Port Caddo.
Sabine Town to McClannahan's, U. S.
Contracts on these routes were to hold from April 1, 1845, to-
April 1, 1846. This same law provided for the appointment of
an agent in New Orleans to assort and forward all letters addressed
to Texas. He was to be paid $150 a year for his trouble and
expense.
water (when an opportunity occurred) all mail for Corpus Christi,
and to collect five cents extra on letters so forwarded. A route
was also established from Galveston to Matagorda, via San Luis
and Velasco, and contracts let as for the other routes.
In June, 1845, a route was established from San Antonio to
Laredo; and another from Corpus Christi to Point Isabel. At
the same time, the secretary of state was empowered to establish
a route from Galveston to New Orleans and to contract with any
Texan vessel plying between these ports to carry the mail, pro-
vided the cost did not exceed one-half the tonnage duties on the
vessel.
The above routes were in operation when annexation was com-
pleted and the postmaster-general at Washington, D. C., assumed
control of the postal system of Texas.
From the reports submitted by the postmasters at the different
offices and from the reports of the postmaster-general, some esti-
mate can be formed of the volume of business transacted. The
reports for all years, however, are not available, and many of
those that are available are so incomplete that it is difficult to
get a clear conception of the system with its workings and income.
Hence, no attempt is made to give all the reports, but some rep-
resentative ones are used to show the volume of postal business.
On October 29, 1840, the postmaster-general filed a report with
President Lamar showing the receipts of the post-office depart-
ment, and offered a number of suggestions for the improvement
of the service. The income for the year 1839 is given in this
report as $12,512.84. The income for the first three quarters of
1840 was $11,640.31. During this period a number of outstand-
ing accounts were collected, making the total cash received
$16,810.54. The expenditures for the first three quarters of 1840
were $75,422.01. It is evident from this report that there was
much irregularity in reporting and remitting by the different post-
masters.
Judging from the recommendation made to President Lamar,
the entire system was in need of much improvement. Mr. Jones
states: (1) That there was great need of mail bags and mail
locks, that these had been ordered from New Orleans several
months before and the order not filled; (2) that a number of
routes had been consolidated because the carriers for different
routes traveled for long distances over the same road; (3) that
a number of offices had been discontinued because the income was
not sufficient to keep them in operation; (4) that legal proceed-
ings had been instituted against several postmasters in order to
collect outstanding accounts.
This report, with its suggestions and recommendations, was re-
ferred to the committee on post-offices and post-roads, and on
November 30, 1840, this committee made its report to Congress
approving the recommendations made by the postmaster-general.
The following are the most important recommendations: (1)
That the existing rates and charges of postage be doubled, which
increase owing to the depreciation of the currency would be but
slightly more than they were in reality a year ago, and would be
generally less than the rates now charged in the United States.
(2) That the commissions now allowed postmasters be reduced
one-half, excepting the postmasters at Austin, Houston, and Gal-
veston. (3) That any office yielding less than twenty dollars
per quarter after the first quarter be discontinued. (4) That no
offices be established or permitted within less than twelve miles
of each other. (5) That printers and publishers be required by
law to put up their papers and packages in substantial wrappers
or envelopes, left open at one end, and the whole securely tied
with strong twine. (6) That postmasters be required by law to
collect postage on newspapers for each quarter in advance. (7)
That the postmaster-general be authorized to prosecute persons
who made proposals for carrying the mail, and afterwards refused
to enter into contract under the bid accepted by the department,
for the difference between the bid so accepted and the sum for
which contracts shall afterwards be made in the same cases.
(8) That the postmaster-general be authorized to contract here-
after for payment of dues of the department in par money, or in
promissory notes at his option. (9) That no semi-weekly mails
be allowed in the Republic, except between Austin and Houston
and Galveston, during the session of Congress only. (10) That
provision be made to compel prompt delivery of all letters carried
by boats plying on the waters of the Republic and that the postage
on ship letters be increased.
The postmaster-general's report for the year ending March 31,
1841, gives the following receipts from postage:
The most complete report, and in fact the only one in which
the system of bookkeeping is clearly comprehensible, is that of
Dan T. Toler, chief clerk, to Anson Jones, secretary of state. This
report is dated December 2,1844, and it shows the following things:
(1) Quarterly returns from each post-office from October 1, 1843,
to September 30, 1844. (2) Appointments of postmasters. (3)
Cost of mail transportation, under contract from March 1, 1844,
to April 1, 1845. (4) Foreign mail transportation. (5) Com-
parative statement of revenue of various offices from October 1,
1843, to September 30, 1844.
Ninety-eight post-offices reported for the fourth quarter of 1843
and the first three quarters of 1844. A few of the larger ones are
given to show the volume of business transacted:
The total receipts from the ninety-eight post-offices reporting
were as follows:
The postmasters appointed and commissioned from October 1,
1843, to December 2, 1844, were:
The cost of transporting the mail from March 1, 1844, to April
1, 1845, thirteen months, was as follows:
The disbursements for incoming foreign mail paid by R. D.
Johnson, postmaster at Galveston, from October 1, 1843, to Sep-
tember 30, 1844, were:
This brief study of the postal system of Texas during the Re-
public shows a crude organization, but one that served a purpose
and laid the foundation for a better system. The country was
new, roads were poor, distances were great, and money was scarce.
But all these difficulties were surmounted, for communication was
a necessity. The extension of the service is an index of the settle-
ment and development of the country.
Gammel, Laws
of
Texas,
Vols. I-II.
House Journals, Fifth to Ninth Congress, Republic of Texas,
1840-1845.
Kennedy, History of Texas, II.
Post-Office
Directories,
1838-1841, 1839-1842, and 1842-1844.
Vols. 68 to 70. MS. State Department of Texas.
Post-Office
Letter
Books,
1840-1842 and 1842-1846. Vols. 71
and 75. MS. State Department of Texas.
Post-Office
Ledger,
1840-1841. Vol. 72. MS. State Depart-
ment of Texas.
Post-Office
Journal,
1840-1841. Vol. 73. MS. State Depart-
ment of Texas.
Post-Office
Day
Book,
1840-1841. Vol. 74. MS. State De-
partment of Texas.
Post-Office Accounts Approved by the Secretary of State, 1839-
1841. Vol. 53. MS. State Department of Texas.
Reports of Postmaster-General John Rice Jones, 1840-1841.
MS. Texas State Library.
U. S. Senate Documents, 29 Cong., 2 Sess. I, 684, 697.
Thrall, Pictorial History of Texas.
Western Advocate, Austin.
National Register, Austin.
Daily Bulletin, Austin.
Austin City Gazette, 1839-1842.
Morning
Star,
Houston, 1839.
Telegraph and Texas Register, Houston, 1836-1838.
Colorado Gazette and Advertiser, Matagorda, 1839-1842.
Colorado Tribune, Matagorda.
Matagorda Bulletin, 1837-1839.
Journal and Advertiser, San Augustine, 1840.
Red
Lander,
San Augustine, 1841-1844.
FOOTNOTES:
Among the most important are the following: Journal of the Perma -
nent Council, October 11-27, 1835 (The Quarterly, VII, 249-278). The
Permanent Council was a sort of central committee composed of repre-
sentatives from several municipalities and was called by Stephen F. Aus-
tin to meet at San Felipe to look after the general administration at
the beginning of the Texas Revolution. Journal of the Consultation
(Houston, 1838). The Consultation assembled November 3, 1835. It was
composed of delegates elected by the several municipalities of Texas. It
provided for a provisional government consisting of a governor and a
legislative council, and adjourned November 14. Proceedings of the Gen -
eral Council (Houston, 1839). This was the legislative body created by
the Consultation and its sessions extended from the middle of Novem-
ber, 1835, till the middle of January, 1836. Ordinances and Decrees of
the Consultation and of the General Council (Houston, 1839). Gammel,
Laws of Texas, I and II (Austin, 1898). Post-Office Directory, 1836-1842;
Volumes 68-69, and Post-Office Letter Book, 1840-1842, Volume 71, MS.,
records in State Department of Texas. House Journals, Seventh to Ninth
Texas Congresses, and United States Senate Document No. 1, 29th Con-
gress, 2d Session. A more complete bibliography will be found at the end
of the article.
December, 1836, may be noted. In December, 1838, the Second Congress
passed an act changing the rates of postage, empowering the postmaster-
general to impose fines on mail contractors for a failure to comply with
the terms of their contracts, and making it the duty of every ferryman
or keeper of a ferry on any water course to allow to pass over free of
charge the driver or carrier of the mail and any carriage or horse carry-
ing the same.
official letters signed by these officers. For a brief sketch of John Rice
Jones, see The Quarterly, II, 100-2.
exact date when each clerk was appointed is not obtainable, but it may
be determined approximately from correspondence in this letter book.
George Sinks wrote his first official letter on January 29, 1841; A. C.
Hyde wrote his first official letter on December 21, 1841; W. D. Miller
wrote his, August 10, 1842; John Hall wrote his, December 28, 1842;
Dan. T. Toler wrote his, January 12, 1844; and Joseph Daniels wrote his
first official letter on March 5, 1844.
VII, 277.
gress recognized certain routes established by General T. J. Rusk, and
instructed the paymaster to audit accounts for said routes. No records
are found to indicate just what routes General Rusk established. (Gam-
mel, Laws of Texas, I, 1087.)
the mail from Houston to Galveston twice a week, provided it could be
done for $2,500 per year. (Gammel, Laws of Texas, II, 439.)
person's Ferry was changed November 7, 1841, so as to run from Nacog-
doches to Marshall, thence to Smithland, Daingerfield, and to the county
seat of Bowie County. (Ibid., II, 676.)
changed so as to commence at the county seat of Bowie County and
proceed thence to Dekalb, Clarksville, and Jonesboro. (Gammel, Laws of
Texas, II, 676.) The route from Myrtle Springs to Fulton, Arkansas, was
changed so as to commence at the county seat of Bowie County, and go
via, Colonel Charles Morris's and David Lane's to Fulton, Arkansas.
(Gammel, Laws of Texas, II, 676.)
Red River County, to the county seat of Fannin County with post-offices
at Merrell's and at Fort English. At this time the postmaster-general
also established post-offices at Ward's, Ballard's, Haman's, and H. L. Wil-
liams's on the route from Clarksville to Shelton, and let the coutract to
have the mail carried over this route once a week. The route from Port
Caddo to Coffee's Station, established January 26, 1839, was discontinued
on December 13, 1839. (Gammel, Laws of Texas, II, 421.)
run from San Augustine by Shelbyville, Pulaski, Elysian Fields, and
terminate at Marshall, Panola County. The route from Elysian Fields to
Greenwood, Louisiana, was changed so as to have a weekly mail. (Gam-
mel, Laws of Texas, II, 676.)
lish a route from Swartwout to San Augustine with convenient offices
along the route. Also in January, 1840, the following routes were abol-
ished by Congress: From Neches to Tenoxtitlan; from Houston to Stub-
blefleld; from Houston to San Augustine. (Gammel, Laws of Texas, II,
369.)
a weekly route from Austin to Crockett, via Nashville, Franklin, Tin-
nen's, Robins' Ferry, and Mustang Prairie. The route from Houston to
Nacogdoches was then altered so as to pass directly from Cincinnati to
Crockett, discontinuing that portion of the route from Independence to
Franklin. (Gammel, Laws of Texas, II, 416.)
the same day, and Gonzales was to be made a distributing office for
Victoria, and San Antonio. (Gammel, Laws of Texas, II, 369.) Janu-
ary 5, 1840, a route was established from Colonel Harvey Jones' to
Comanche, and the postmaster-general was authorized to contract for
carrying the mail over this route once a week, provided the expense was
not more than two hundred dollars per year, and that the income from
it would amount to at least fifty dollars per year. (Gammel, Laws of
Texas, II, 408.)
gomery County, to Huntsville was changed so as to pass along the Hunts-
ville road, through Joseph Lenley's settlement, and a post-office was es-
tablished at the house of B. F. Burke at Lone Oak on said road. (Gam-
mel, Laws of Texas, II, 972.)
Journal, Ninth Congress, Appendix, 35-46. All matters under the head
ing of Annual Reports are found on pages 35-43 of House Journals, 7-9
Congress, Appendix, State Library.
COLONEL JOHN MARSHALL
The following sketch is not written entirely from my personal
recollections of Colonel Marshall. When I knew him I was merely
a gawk of a boy, while he was a mature man. I was often in his
office and listened to his conversations with friends on the political
and other topics of the day, and I recognized that he was a very
entertaining talker, but I did not fully appreciate his scholarly
attainments, his erudition and his great mental endowments. I
obtained my data principally from various conversations that I
had in years gone by with three of his personal friends and polit-
ical associates, towit: James P. Henderson, of Houston, and
Francis R. Lubbock, and William M. Walton, of Austin. All
three were capable, reliable, prominent, intellectual gentlemen.
The first two were governors of the State; the third, Colonel
Walton, now living in Austin, was attorney general of the State
and has long been recognized as one of the most learned lawyers
and polished orators of Texas.--Author's note, Austin, Texas,
March 24, 1913.
Colonel John Marshall was born in Virginia, where he grew
to manhood, then he concluded to make his home in and grow up
with the young State of Mississippi. He married Miss Anna P.
Newman in 1850, daughter of a wealthy cotton planter of Jef-
ferson County, Mississippi. They had three children; two of them
survived their parents. The daughter, Clara, became the wife of
this writer in 1873. The son, Hudson B. Marshall, is now a
citizen of Austin, and has a picturesque mountain farm near the
city, and is a recognized authority on Angora goats and bee culture.
Little is known about Colonel Marshall's life prior to his mov-
ing to Mississippi. He was a silent man concerning matters which
touched him personally, and his private affairs or early life history
was known only to those who were his most intimate and con-
fidential friends.
Before coming to Texas he lived at Jackson, Mississippi, and
edited The
Mississippian.
He was the friend and compeer of
Jefferson Davis, John A. Quitman, the Yergers, Guions, Sharkies,
George and other noted men of that day and time.
Gazette. The father of the writer owned a half interest in that
paper from 1855 to 1858, but Colonel Marshall was the principal
editor, and an aggressive editor he made.
I remember that he was rather an undersized man, about five
feet seven inches high, spare made, fair complexion, aquiline fea-
tures and an eye like an eagle's. He dressed always in black,
and his attire was as neat as that of a Bulwer-Lytton. He was of
quick, energetic motion and action; was very temperate in his
habits, both eating and drinking; he never touched liquor of any
kind. He always rose at daylight and made his way to the river,
where he took a plunge every morning, winter and summer. He
never indulged in the sport of fishing or hunting, but was strictly
business all the time. He was very cordial in his friendships, but
rather exclusive. He was a gentleman of courtesy even in his
maddest humor, and he did not master his temper like a Socrates.
He had one peculiarity that is common to many studious and
thoughtful men, that frequently caused him embarrassment and
his friends some amusement. He was very absent minded. When
engrossed in thought upon any question or subject matter, his
whole mind was concentrated on that subject and he was oblivious
of all surroundings. On one occasion, on a bright summer day,
he rose suddenly from his writing desk at his office and started
off in a brisk walk down to the city. He had proceeded the dis-
tance of a little more than a block when he met a friend who
asked him, "Where is your hat?" He reached up and discovered
that he was bare-headed. He was an excellent Latin scholar and
could read and write Spanish, though he did not speak the lan-
guage. After coming to Texas he read law and obtained his
license as an attorney from the supreme court, not, however, for
the purpose of practicing that profession, but, like Lord Macaulay,
he thought it was the duty of every gentleman to gain a knowledge
of the laws of his country. He was not religious, but was classed
as a moral man, yet when excited and wrought up, while express-
ing his feelings, he would at times italicize his remarks with very
emphatic cuss words.
I remember a favorite saddle horse he owned. That horse
seemed to be his greatest joy. It was the largest I ever saw, and
the fastest pacer and the ugliest brute. It would not be a great
exaggeration to say it was a perfect camel of a horse, and yet he
was as proud of that beast as a little tot of her first Christmas
doll. Another peculiarity of his I will mention, though some
may doubt the truthfulness of my statement. I have read letters
written by him to his wife when he was absent from home, and
the tender expressions and affectionate utterances therein con-
tained proved conclusively that though married he had not ceased
to be a devoted lover.
When Colonel Marshall commenced his career at Austin, he
did not climb by slow degrees the ladder that led to his enviable
position, but seemingly almost at a single bound he reached the
head and front of the Democratic party and held that place until
the war of 1861 commenced. It was his prerogative almost from
the beginning to ride upon the whirlwind and direct the storm
of political commotion, to sit in the high place of power, or rather
influence, and mould the destiny of Texas Democracy. His paper
was the organ, the monitor, of that party until the war began,
when he laid down his pen and took up his sword. It was Mar-
shall who caused the convening of the first State Democratic con-
vention in Texas. It met at Waco in 1857, and nominated as
its candidate for governor Hardin R. Runnels to oppose Sam
Houston, who was the leader and candidate of the Know Nothing
or American party. And the strenuous opposition, and the
crushing, blasting denunciations of the State
Gazette,
more than
any other cause or causes, procured the defeat of General Houston
on that occasion, and made the hero of San Jacinto ever after-
wards hate John Marshall with all the intensity with which the
"devil hates holy water."
Colonel Marshall was an accomplished man. His mind was a
vast magazine admirably arranged. Everything was there, and
everything was in its place. His judgment on men and on books
had been often and carefully tested and weighed, and had been
committed each to its proper receptacle in the most capacious and
accurately constructed memory. One could hardly ask for any-
thing in history, biography or general literature that could not
be found in that immense storehouse of knowledge. The article
which you required was not only there; it was ready; it was in
its own proper compartment; in a moment it was brought down,
unpacked and displayed. He was a charming conversationalist,
and he shone to best advantage when seated with only one or two
friends, with whom he would squander at times wit and pleas-
antry with the profusion of Rabelais. In his editorials reason
penetrated and, if I may venture on the expression, made the
subject matter red hot with passion. He was not an orator but
a writer; he let fall lightning strokes that blazed with fury, and
logic that fell all around a subject or individual, if an individual
was the object of attack. He knew how to illuminate what was
dark in a question by throwing upon it a condensed light, and he
seemed to be able to penetrate the human heart and to reveal the
secret motives which actuated the conduct of men and expose
them without mercy. In his editorials his witty epigrams were
flashing and bright; his ridicule was terrible. His sarcasm, like
that of John Randolph of Roanoak, was withering. He was a holy
terror to political demagogues and frauds. If, instead of living
in the far away sparsely settled State of Texas, his home had been
in one of the great cities of the Union, his fame as a writer would
have been rivaled only by such men as Horace Greeley of New
York, George D. Prentice of Louisville, and William L. Yancey
of Alabama.
During our present advanced day of enlightenment, you know,
if one feels that he has been libeled or outraged by a newspaper,
he calls upon the editor for an apology. Promptly in the next
issue of the paper the apology is printed in small type and placed
down in the southeast corner of an advertising page, and the
trouble is amicably settled. But in those days--as some would
say, semi-civilized days--those days that I am writing about,
editors did not confine their fighting to paper and lead pencils,
but they were often called upon to back their editorials with the
dueling pistol or revolver, and they generally cheerfully responded.
On one occasion Colonel Marshall and Judge A. B. Norton, who
edited the Southern
Intelligencer,
had reached the pistol stage
of their controversy. They could not fight a regular duel in
Texas, as that under the law would disfranchise them, but a duel
must be fought, honor demanded it; their friends expected it. So
they agreed to meet at Tallequah, in the Indian Territory. It
was a terrible trip in those days; no railroads, no automobiles, no
turnpike roads, and no bridges spanned the many streams. Colonel
Marshall reached the place where they agreed to argue their case
with dueling pistols, and spent one day on the intended battle-
ground, but Judge Norton was arrested at Bonham, Texas, on the
border of the State, and the duel prevented.
On another occasion Colonel Marshall and one Dr. Phillips, a
prominent citizen of Austin, appealed from the newspaper con-
troversy to the gage of battle. They had a street fight on Con-
gress Avenue, between Seventh and Eighth Streets. On that occa-
sion Marshall showed the gallantry and chivalry of a knight of
the Crusades—the politeness of a Chesterfield. With his pistol
pointed in the air, he received the first two shots from Dr. Phillips,
while he, Marshall, tipped his hat to a woman who was passing,
possibly in range, and waited until she passed to safety. Then
they advanced from opposite sides of the Avenue, firing as they
came. They emptied their revolvers; then shot their Derringers;
then like Homer's Trojan heroes they picked up rocks and hurled
them at each other until a huge, lone constable, a Mr. McAnally,
reached them, seized each combatant by the collar and held him
at arm's length until a crowd rushed up and separated them. For-
tunately neither gentleman was seriously injured; but they were
both very willing souls.
When the Civil War commenced, Colonel Marshall did not adopt
the course pursued by the majority of editors--remain at home and
with his "gray goose quill" stir up the patriotism of others and
urge them to the front--but he said, "He wished to defend with
the sword the principles he advocated with his pen."
As stated before, when he lived in Mississippi, he had been a
personal friend and political supporter of Jefferson Davis; so he
went to Richmond, stated his wishes to President Davis, who
promptly appointed him lieutenant-colonel of the Fourth Texas
Infantry. John B. Hood was colonel. Soon Hood was promoted
to the rank of brigadier general, and Marshall became colonel of
the regiment. He had no opportunity to prove that he possessed
any military talent, as his duties consisted merely in executing
the general routine of camp life, such as drilling, guard mount-
ing, dress parade and occasional marching. I heard of an amus-
ing incident that occurred during one of those marches. On a
cold, frosty morning the command reached a wide stream; there
was neither boat nor bridge; the men halted. Colonel Marshall
rode up to the front and asked, "Why this halt?" Someone
answered, "How are we to cross this stream?" He replied, "What!
Are you willing to face Federal bullets, yet afraid of a little cold
water? Forward!" The boys still hesitated, and one yelled out,
"Colonel, suppose you get down and lead us across, and see how
you like it yourself." He immediately sprang from his horse,
handed his bridle rein to the adjutant, and walked into the water
waist deep and said, "Follow me." This settled the cold water
question; the men gave him a rousing cheer and rushed after him.
Like the heroic Warren at Bunker Hill, Marshall was killed
in his first battle, in the seven days' fight around Richmond, June,
1862. In that series of engagements, Gaines' Mill was the key
to the enemy's lines. If that was lost, all would be lost. It
was fortified with a double row of earthen breastwork, that bristled
with Enfield rifles and frowned with both heavy and light artil-
lery. Here two Confederate brigades had been repulsed. Hood's
Texas Brigade was then ordered to storm the position, which they
did successfully, but the Fourth Texas lost fully half its members
in killed and wounded. Colonel Marshall, who refused to dis-
mount from his horse and go into the charge on foot, as other
field officers did, was among the slain, shot through the forehead.
Generals Lee and T. J. Jackson rode over the ground shortly
afterwards and, while viewing the havoc made by the guns of the
foe, Jackson exclaimed, "These men were truly soldiers." Colonel
Marshall was buried in the cemetery at Richmond.
Thus this man with knightliest head and tenderest heart, with
harness on, with crest that was never lowered and escutcheon that
never knew a stain, became a martyr while defending with his
sword the cause he so ably advocated with his pen. And when
the spirit of that gallant man winged its flight to the great beyond,
it could be truly said of him, that he was an admirable type of
the Old South--a man, who in life had never turned his back on
a friend, or failed to face a foe.
FOOTNOTES:
tracts from the State Gazette will indicate. The Gazette of May 27,
1854, gives notice that John Marshall has purchased the interest of J.
W. Hampton; he did not assume control until two months later.--Editors.
"The present number closes my connection with the Gazette. I have
disposed of my interest in the office to Gen. John Marshall, formerly
editor of the Mississippian at Jackson, Mississippi, and the paper will
in future be conducted by Messrs. Marshall & Scurry, as editors and pro-
prietors."— (State Gazette, May 27, 1854, volume 5, number 40.)
"As Gen. Marshall will be absent from the city for a few weeks in the
transaction of business connected with the office, Mr. Hampton will con-
tinue at his post until the return of his successor."--{Ibid., May 27, 1854.)
"Having commenced in this number our Editorial duties, we return
our sincere thanks to the press generally in this and other States, for
the generous, if too flattering, marks of their favor. Our Democratic
antecedents being well known, we have only to say that we shall en-
deavor to make the Gazette worthy of its position and patronage through-
out the State. John Marshall."— (Ibid., July 29, 1854.)
August, 1854, only a few months after Colonel Marshall had purchased
J. W. Hampton's interest.--Editors.
"With this issue, my connection with the Gazette ceases . . . W.
R. Scurry."— (State Gazette, August 19, 1854, volume 5, number 52.)
"Having purchased the interest of Major Scurry in the State Gazette,
I shall, for the future, be associated with the editorial control . . .
W. S. Oldham."— (Ibid., August 19, 1854.)
"My connection with the State Gazette will not change its political
complexion. Being a Democrat of the strictest sect, I conceive the only
safeguard of the rights of the States is in a strict adherence, by the
general government, to the powers specifically delegated by the constitu-
tion, and those absolutely necessary to carry into effect those delegated
powers."—(Oldham's Salutatory, Ibid., August 19, 1854.)
1855, and 1856. Up to 1885 the action of the conventions was limited to
the adoption of platforms. The one of 1856 nominated candidates for
treasurer, comptroller, and attorney-general. The one of 1857 was the first
to nominate candidates for governor, lieutenant-governor, and commissioner
of the general land office.--Editors.
DON CARLOS BARRETT
Of the early life of Don Carlos Barrett--Don is a name, not a
title--little is known. He was born, the eldest son of Jonathan
and Elizabeth Murdock Barrett, at Norwich, Vermont, June 22,
1788. At Natchez, Mississippi, he married Lucy Walton, in 1810,
who also was born in Norwich, in 1793. Of this marriage one
child, Oliver Barrett, was born, August 29, 1811. Some years
later, probably in the early twenties, though this date, too, is
uncertain, he married Mrs. Eliza De Cressey Smith, whom he
had met in New York City, and with her he lived for a time at
Wilkesbarre, Pennsylvania. Of this marriage there were four
children, one of whom, Mrs. Emily Wight Tillinghast, was still
living in 1913, at Clearwater, California. In 1820 he was licensed
to practice law in the Court of Quarter Sessions of Luzerne County,
Pennsylvania, and in 1827 was admitted to practice in the Supreme
Court of Western Pennsylvania, sitting at Pittsburgh. It is said
that Robert C. Grier, later Justice of the Supreme Court of the
United States, conducted his bar examination.
Barrett's Texas career began, so far as this sketch is concerned,
on April 13, 1835, when he took the oath of allegiance before
Samuel Wolfenberger, alcalde of the municipality of Mina, and
became a citizen of Coahuila and Texas. He had apparently ar-
rived in Texas but a few weeks before, for among his papers are
a letter of introduction dated New Orleans, February 23, 1835,
which he brought to Colonel Ben Milam, and one from Spencer H.
Jack to Colonel John P. Coles, dated San Felipe, March 28. In
his letter Jack says that Barrett was introduced to him by Thomas
F. McKinney, and that he brought "high recommendations from
some of the first men of the United States."
At Mina, Barrett formed a law partnership with E. M. Pease,
later twice governor of Texas. The two men had met in New
Orleans, and came to Texas together. Barrett sprang into im-
mediate prominence. The revolution was rapidly approaching, the
country was in confusion, and the frontier threatened by Indians.
On May 8, the citizens of Mina elected a committee of safety and
correspondence to look after the protection and general welfare of
the community and to keep in touch with political movements in
other districts of Texas. Barrett was president of the committee.
At the same time he is spoken of as one of the commissioners "for
operating and improving the navigation of the Colorado River."
On July 4, a public meeting at Mina expressed confidence in all
the acts of the committee of safety, voted to continue it "with all
its powers," and appointed Barrett one of a special committee to
correspond with the ayuntamientos of the Department of the
Brazos with a view to quieting the rising excitement and avoiding
a breach with the government. One of the suggestions of the
special committee was that each municipality should send delegates
to San Felipe to form a representative executive committee for the
whole province. A nucleus of such an assembly met at San Felipe
two weeks later, including representatives from Columbia, San
Felipe, and Mina. Barrett was the sole representative from Mina.
This joint committee, in the hope of averting the threatened in-
vasion of Texas by Mexican troops, determined to prepare a clear
statement of the local situation, assuring the government, of the
loyalty of the great majority of the colonists, and send it to
General Cos at Matamoras. For this important mission the com-
mittee selected Barrett and Edward Gritten, an Englishman who
had long resided in Mexico, and who was sincerely exerting him-
self to bring about a closer understanding between the colonists
and the government. The mission was abandoned at San Antonio
because at that place Colonel Ugartechea showed the commissioners
a letter from General Cos, saying that he would not listen to any
talk of loyalty from the Texans until they surrendered to the mili-
tary authorities certain colonists whose arrest he had ordered and
whom the Texans had no intention of giving up. Barrett returned
to San Felipe, while Gritten remained at San Antonio and gath-
ered valuable information for the Texans concerning the move-
ments of the Mexicans. A hint of the important influence that
Barrett had gained over the people of Mina can be gathered from
a letter written to him at San Felipe on September 15, by E. M.
Pease: "I hope, in fact it is absolutely necessary, that you should
return as soon as possible, or I fear that the people of this munici-
pality will soon be as much divided and distracted as any in Texas.
There is a disposition among the majority here to do what is right,
but for want of some one of sufficient firmness and talent to 'go
ahead,' Williamson browbeats them into his views."
During August and September, 1835, the most important local
political measure in Texas was the calling of a general convention
and the election of delegates thereto. Each municipality was en-
titled to seven representatives, and the meeting was fixed for Octo-
ber 15. Partly because of uncertainty as to whether the meeting
was to be at San Felipe or at Washington, and partly because the
war had begun on October 2, and many of the delegates had joined
the army, no quorum was obtained until November 3. Barrett
was one of the delegates from Mina, The first question, of funda-
mental importance, that this assembly--it called itself "the Con-
sultation"—had to settle, was whether or not Texas should de-
clare itself independent of Mexico. Barrett believed that a decla-
ration of independence would unite the whole Mexican people
against Texas, whereas a declaration that the Texans were fighting
in defense of the constitution of 1824, which Santa Anna had
overthrown, might draw some of the Liberal party of Mexico to
their support. This view was shared by Stephen F. Austin, Gen-
eral Sam Houston, and the majority of the Consultation, which,
on November 7, adopted a declaration saying that the Texans had
taken up arms to defend the constitution. A careful analysis of
this document shows that Barrett had a good deal to do with shap-
ing both its form and its contents. At the same time a com-
mittee of twelve, composed of one member from each municipality
represented in the Consultation, was drafting a "Plan" or con-
stitution for a provisional government. The report of this com-
mittee was referred on November 9 to a select committee of five,
consisting of Barrett (chairman), Wyatt, Hanks, R. M. William-
son, Daniel Parker and Lorenzo de Zavala; and the next day the
Consultation in committee of the whole decided to adopt "the
report of the committee of five, as the basis whereon to report the
plan of a provisional government for Texas. As amended by the
Consultation this plan provided for the organization of a regular
army and a provisional, or temporary, civil government. The gov-
ernment was to consist of a Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and a
General Council, all elected by the Consultation. The General
Council was composed of one delegate from each municipality in
Texas, and Barrett was elected to represent his district. Henry
Smith, formerly political chief of the Department of the Brazos,
and chairman of the committee whose report on the plan of pro-
visional government had been rejected in favor of the draft pre-
sented by Barrett's committee, was elected governor.
The Consultation adjourned and the provisional government
went into operation on November 14. From the first Barrett as-
sumed a conspicuous place in the General Council. He was chair-
man of the standing committee on State and Judiciary, and, first
and last, was chairman of, or served on, more than a score of other
committees during the session. A large proportion of the eighty-
three laws and resolutions passed by the Council were introduced
by him; and a glance through the journal of that body will reveal
rather strikingly his activity and influence in its deliberations.
He had the confidence of Austin, and letters in the possession of
Mr. Tillinghast show that as late as January 2, 1836, he was on
cordial--indeed, somewhat intimate,--terms with General Houston.
Of Barrett's private life and interest in Texas, at this time, we
know next to nothing. That he had some enemies is clear. E. M.
Pease, writing from Mina on September 15, 1835, referred to
things that had been said and done there against Barrett by cer-
tain "envious and malicious rascals." "Your return amongst us
will set matters right and nothing else will." On December 11,
the General Council elected him judge advocate general of the
army, and this precipitated on the 17th a vicious attack upon
him by Governor Smith, who vetoed his appointment. Among
other things he charged that Barrett had forged an attorney's
license in North Carolina, that he had taken fees on both sides of
a case, that he had passed counterfeit money knowingly, and that
he had embezzled the money provided for his and Gritten's mission
to Cos the preceding July. He declared his willingness to prove
these charges, but the Council said that it had no jurisdiction to
investigate the four just enumerated, while two that did fall within
its province it repelled as untrue. At the same time it denied
the governor's right to veto the appointment. We have no direct
evidence to rebut Governor Smith's charges, but concerning the
first it may be remembered that Barrett was certainly a regularly
licensed attorney in Pennsylvania, and concerning the others, that
he still enjoyed the confidence of Austin, Houston, and his asso-
ciates in the Council. The governor had no patience with the
Council's policy of trying to win the support of the Mexican Lib-
eral party, and probably resented Barrett's influence in maintain-
ing that policy.
On January 11, 1836, Governor Smith, in a message filled with
denunciation, declared the Council dissolved; and the Council re-
plied by deposing the governor. Probably both acted without
authority, but the Council had somewhat the best of the quarrel,
because it called the lieutenant-governor to assume the executive
office and proceeded for a time with its business. Though the
governor's message had mentioned no names it was apparently
understood that some of its vituperation was intended for Barrett.
If this is true, Barrett, so far as the public records show, con-
ducted himself with dignity, and made no reply. The Council
had, as we have seen, expressed confidence in him following the
message on the 17th, and on January 24th, seven members, in the
absence of a quorum, signed a strong testimonial to his ability
and usefulness: "He has been one of the leading members of the
Consultation and General Council and has been industrious and
useful to the country. We do most sincerely recommend him as a
gentleman of high order, talents and learning, a patriot and an
honest politician."
The unfortunate quarrel between the governor and the Council
really destroyed the usefulness of both. The journal of the Coun-
cil rarely shows the presence of a quorum after January 17. On
February 15, Barrett asked to be excused from further attendance,
and presented a certificate from a physician which declared that
his "future health and even life" would be endangered "by longer
confinement to public business at present." He was threatened,
said the statement, "with confirmed dropsy of the legs, etc., the
consequence of long, laborious employment in writing and other
corresponding duties in the General Council."
Early in April Barrett was in New Orleans, whence he went to
Blue Sulphur Springs, Greenbrier County, Virginia. From that
place a friend wrote on July 28, that he was still too ill to return
to Texas. In May, 1837, he was again in New Orleans, on his
way to Texas, and obtained there a letter from General Mirabeau
B. Lamar introducing him to Richard Ellis at Houston. Lamar
spoke of him as "a gentleman of high literary and legal acquire-
ments, whose name and labors are associated in all the important
movements of the early period of our revolution." By August 26
he was at Galveston. Among his papers there is an itemized
statement for salary as judge advocate general--the appointment
which Governor Smith had vetoed,--rations, servants, etc., for
$880 for the five months from February 22 to July 22, 1836,
though during most of that time he was, as we have seen, in the
United States. It was evidently his intention to present this bill
to the government, but whether or not he did so is uncertain. He
died at the home of Colonel Hall, near Brazoria, May 19, 1838.
While in the United States, he had probably visited his family at
Erie, Pennsylvania, since his son George was with him when he
died. E. M. Pease wrote that his estate was inventoried after his
death at about $140,000, of which land valued at $56,000 was in
litigation. Fifty-four thousand dollars was in the form of notes,
and there were five slaves and a comfortable home at Quintana.
Yoakum and Brown have given publicity in their histories to
Governor Smith's charges against Barrett, while the record of his
faithful and valuable services during the early period of the revo-
lution has for the most part been buried in the journals of the
Consultation and of the General Council.
FOOTNOTES:
Mary Ligon Christensen, then of Wichita Falls, Texas, and was intended
to appear in a biographical volume edited by Mrs. S. J. Wright for the
Texas Federation of Women's Clubs. This volume has not yet appeared,
and since the sketch adds somewhat to our knowledge of a man who
played no mean part in the legislative history of the Texas revolution,
it is here presented in The Quarterly. Besides the Journals of the
Consultation and of the General Council of the Provisional Government,
I have been permitted to use some interesting manuscripts in the pos-
session of Mr. B. D. Tillinghast of McDonald, Pennsylvania, transcripts
of which are now through his courtesy to be found in the State Library.
Documents here cited, unless otherwise stated, are in this collection. Mr.
Tillinghast and Mrs. Christensen are great-grandchildren of Barrett by
different marriages.
pear to be based on documentary sources.
that he has these licenses in his possession. I have not seen copies.
in the State Library.
July 17, 1835. MS., Texas State Library.
Quarterly, XIII, 145-153.
Causes for Taking up Arms Against Mexico," in The Quarterly, XV,
173-185.
secret session on December 20. They do not appear in the Journal.
Yoakum had access to Smith's original message, which is not, now avail-
able. Brown, History of Texas, I, 449-450, quotes part of the message,
but omits the charges against Barrett.
James W. Robinson, acting governor, John McMullin, president pro tem.
of the General Council, J. D. Clements, Wyatt Hanks, G. W. Patillo,
Alex. Thomson, and Thomas Barnett.
26, 1837.
about the heart. I should not have been surprised if he had died at
any time in the last two years, although he sometimes flattered himself
with the hope of recovery. ... I became acquainted with Colonel B.
at New Orleans in January, 1835. I came to this country with him
and continued with him as a partner in the practice of law, until his bad
health induced him to visit the United States in the spring of 1836,
while absent we corresponded occasionally and since his return, to Texas
our former intimacy has been renewed."
14, 1836, and addressed to Barrett at Cincinnati. From the tone of the
letter it seems likely that R. was Barrett's father-in-law. He says that
Barrett's old homestead, "now in the hands of R. T. Reed," is worth a
fortune, twenty or thirty thousand dollars.
SAM HOUSTON AND WILLIAMSON SIMPSON OLDHAM
CONTRIBUTED BY
E. W. WINKLER
In the gubernatorial campaign of 1857, Hardin R. Runnels, the
nominee of the Democratic party, was opposed by Sam Houston,
who ran as an independent. Williamson S. Oldham, one of the
proprietors of the Texas
State
Gazette,
the principal Democratic
paper in the State, joined actively in the campaign that resulted
in the election of Runnels. On several occasions he met Houston
in joint debate; the discussions were not particularly con-
ducive to friendship, however much they increased the respect of
the participants for one another's ability. During the early days
of the Secession Convention, Houston became reconciled to Old-
ham, and their mutual respect ripened into friendship as is at-
tested by the letters printed below. The originals of these letters
are in possession of W. S. Oldham, of Austin, Texas, son of
Williamson S. Oldham; they were copied by the undersigned.
Excepting one sentence, the letters are in the handwriting of an
amanuensis, but are signed by Sam Houston.
In a volume, entitled Five
Years
in
Texas,
by Thomas North,
the writer describes a review of Colonel Moore's regiment by Gen-
eral Houston as witnessed by himself. This anecdote is repeated
by General Houston's latest biographer. Who originated it is
doubtful; it is attributed to Tom Ochiltree. North's claims as an
eyewitness appear to be an unwarranted assumption.
During the first year of the war Colonel Moore had organized
a splendid regiment of eleven hundred young men, volunteers
mostly from Galveston, finely equipped, of which Sam Houston,
Jr., was a member. ... It was as fine a regiment as went
to the war from any section of the country. The Colonel was
justly proud of them, and fond of exhibiting their superior drill
and "dress" to the public, and particularly to old military men.
.
. . Before leaving the island for the seat of war the Colonel
invited General Houston to review his regiment. Now Judge
Campbell, of one of the judicial districts of Texas, and William-
son S. Oldham, member of the Confederate Congress, had been
the old General's bitter enemies during the canvass on secession.
They had followed him night and day through the State. On
the day set for him to review and put the regiment through some
military evolutions, the General was on hand at the hour and
place. This called out a large concourse of people to witness the
performance. . . . All eyes were now upon him, some of
them dimmed with tears, and many a throat of soldier and spec-
tator was choking down feeling unutterable--the writer with the
rest. Not a word had yet passed the General's lips, but now the
Colonel passed him his own sword and told him to proceed. Then
came
"Shoulder arms."
"Eight about face." The regiment now facing the rear, the
General cried out in stentorian tones of sarcasm: "Do you see
anything of Judge Campbell or Williamson S. Oldham there?"
"No," was the emphatic reply. "Well," said the General, "they
are not found at the front, nor even at the rear."
"Right about; front face."
"Eyes right. Do you see anything of Judge Campbell's son
here?" "No, he has gone to Paris to school," responded the
regiment.
"Eyes left. Do you see anything of young Sam Houston here?"
"Yes," was the thrilling response.
"Eyes front. Do you see anything of old Sam Houston here?"
By this time the climax of excitement was reached, and regiment
and citizens together responded, in thunder tones, "Yes!" and
then united in a triple round of three times three and a tiger for
the old hero. Thereupon he returned the Colonel his sword, with
the remark, "There, Colonel, that will do, I leave you to manage
the rest of the maneuvering," and retired from dress parade.
That the incident set forth above is imaginary appears also
from the following brief extract from the history of the Second
Texas Infantry:
During the first four months, the regiment was quartered in
cotton compresses and warehouses in the city of Galveston, and
six hours every day, except Sunday, were spent in the most ar-
duous drilling.
In December, 1861, the regiment was moved from Galveston
to quarters near Houston. . . . While at this place the ven-
erable and majestic form of General Sam Houston was frequently
to be seen moving among the men. He had a kind and encourag-
ing word for every one, and claimed to be a private in Company C,
commanded by his friend Dr. Ashbel Smith.
At last orders came for the regiment to report to General Van
Dorn in Arkansas. The day before its departure the ladies pre-
sented the regiment with a beautiful silk battle-flag, which was
received with the usual flow of oratory. At the same time General
Houston addressed the regiment in a fatherly talk. . . .
On March 12, 1862, the regiment went by rail to Beau-
mont. . . .
E. W. Winkler.
Independence April 5th 1862.
My dear Sir, In hopes that my letter may reach you, before you
leave Richmond, I take pleasure in addressing you, as a Senator
from Texas. I have not, as yet, written to any other Senator, or
Member.
The subject on which I address you, I doubt not you will prop-
erly appreciate. My son Sam Houston volunteered for during the
war, in Capt. Ashbel Smith's Company, in the regiment com-
manded by Col. Moore. He was absent at the time from home
on business, when the company was partly raised, and organized.
The offices were all filled, and no reorganization took place after
the company was, completed. Sam is 18 years of age, 6 feet high,
and rather a well-made and good looking boy.
He was two sessions at Col. Allen's Military school at Bastrop,
and previous to that, he had been at Baylor University. He is a
very good scholar, his habits are good, and he is ardently devoted,
to the cause in which he is engaged, as well as to the life of a
soldier.
He was offered a situation of Brevet Lieut., if he would consent
to be transferred, and be stationed in Galveston, but he preferred
the glory of an active, and immediate campaign. If you can pro-
cure him a Lieutenantcy, or any promotion that you may think
proper, you will confer upon me an enduring obligation, and I
trust, and believe, he will never disgrace his patron.
I will be
happy to hear from you in reply to this. I doubt not, but what
all the Representatives from this State, will cheerfully cooperate
with you, in obtaining the situation desired for my son.
I will not close this communication, without assuring you, that
I was gratified at your election to the senate, and so far as I
understand, your senatorial action, I entirely approve it. Your
advocacy of free trade, I regard not only as a statesman like
measure, but indispensable to the wants, and condition of the
Country, and I most heartily wish you success. It has been a
subject of wonderment to me that it was not proclaimed, at the
inauguration, of the Provisional Government of the Confederacy.
I am at this place on business, having recovered from my long
indisposition. So far as I can hear amongst the people, you will
be sustained in the course which you have taken. You have my
sincere wishes, for your success, and happiness.
Sam Houston
My amanuensis made a mistake and signed my name.
Sam Houston
I could have procured any number of recommendations in favor
of my son, had I thought it would be deemed necessary. But
Col Wm. P. Rogers assured me it was only necessary to address
you myself.
Huntsville, Feb. 24th 1863.
Hon. William S. Oldham.
Dear Sir, During the recess in the last session of congress, I
wrote you a letter, but presume it never reached you. My object
in writing to you was to congratulate you upon your course in the
senate. Your advocacy of the measure of receiving foreign goods
duty free, I regard as a piece of pure statesmanship; and had that
measure been adopted at the commencement of the provisional
government our situation would have been infinitely better than it
now is. It would have been offering an equivalent to those who
might risk running the blockade. It was a wise measure and
ought now to be adopted. I can perceive nothing but good result-
ing from the measure, and certainly no harm.
In addition to this, your opposition to the conscript Law, on the
ground that Congress had not the power to pass it, argued on your
part, that stirling honesty of purpose which distinguishes the
statesman from the demagogue and time server. I presume your
opposition was not very agreeable to the Administration.
Sincerely do I hope that you may long continue to represent
Texas in the Senate.
There is a young gentleman of this neighborhood, now a nurse
in one of the hospitals in Richmond, whose name is James Harri-
son. He was wounded in his left hand in a night march, when
he fell, and endeavoring to recover himself, his hand accidentally
was on the muzzle of the gun, when it went off accidentally wound-
ing him. It is the desire of his friends that he should obtain a
discharge. It is understood, that he could obtain one if he could
hire a substitute. If he is rendered unfit for service, it is but fair
that he should receive his discharge. He has a servant there with
him. Since he left home one of his negroes has killed another
and run away. His mules on his plantation took a distemper and
are nearly all dead. Mr. Harrison is a young gentleman who
graduated at Austin College. He is of most respectable connexions.
His uncle is a representative from Cherokee county in the Legis-
lature; his brother-in-law Mr. Rhodes, sends him a certificate of
deposit with Smith, Walker, & Co, of this place for $1,500. They
are perfectly responsible gentlemen, and if needful may I ask you
to have the kindness to aid him in negotiating the certificate. I
will also write to Hon. P. W. Grey in relation to Mr. Harrison.
If it is convenient for you to send me some sketches of the
debates in Congress and any other news, I would be much obliged
to you.
Sam Houston
FOOTNOTES:
XXXVIII, 876.
... pp. 95-98.
STOCKTON'S PROCLAMATION TO THE SAN DIEGO
INSURGENTS
Up to the present time our knowledge of the events connected
with Commodore Stockton's occupation of San Diego in November,
1846, has been drawn from H. H. Bancroft (History
of
California,
V, 326-328), who based his information upon a letter of Stockton
to George Bancroft of November 23, 1846, and upon Stockton's
official report. Unfortunately Bancroft misdated the report, dat-
ing it on February 18, 1847, when, in fact, it was dated at Wash-
ington on February 18, 1848. The report may be found in House
Executive
Documents,
30 Cong., 2 Sess., Doc. 1, pp. 1037-1054
(Serial No. 537).
Bancroft's statement, in the main quoted from Stockton's letter
to George Bancroft of November 23, 1846, is in part as follows:
"The situation of the place was found to be most miserable and
deplorable. The male inhabitants had abandoned the town, leav-
ing their women and children dependent upon us for protection
and food. No horses could be obtained to assist in the transpor-
tation of the guns and ammunition, and not a beef could be had
to supply the necessary food," though, as the writer somewhat
contradictorily adds, Gibson had returned, "driving about 90
horses and 200 head of beef cattle into the garrison." Meanwhile
the Californians held the region round about the town. Stockton
says: "On the afternoon of our arrival the enemy, irritated I
suppose by the loss of his animals, came down in considerable
force and made an attack; they were, however, soon driven back
with the loss of two men and horses killed, and four wounded.
These skirmishes, or running fights, are of almost daily occur-
rence; since we have been here, we have lost as yet but one man
killed and one wounded." Thus reported the commodore on
November 23d, the only definite date we have for these events.
That there were, however, any hostilities involving loss of life, I
think there is room for doubt."
A document fortunately came to my hand recently which throws
some additional light upon the San Diego situation. This is a
proclamation in Spanish issued by Stockton at San Diego on
November 24, 1846. The original is the property of Miss Ann M.
Wood, of Escondido, California, who kindly allowed me to tran-
scribe the faded characters of the fragile document. The proc-
lamation and a translation follow:
San Diego
quartel principal
Nov. 24, 1846.
Señores
Tengo que acusar el recivo de la adjunta comunicación relativa
a sus conciudadanos y Amigos que han sido seducidos por falsas
representados y mentiras para oponerse al gobierno presente de
este territorio y debo decirles que el Gobierno de los Estados
Unidos nada desea tanto como la felicidad y prosperidad de Cali-
fornia--Han hecho la Guerra contra Mejico; pero han deseado
ardientemente salvar al pueblo de California y sus propiedades de
las terribles Calamidades de la Guerra--
Sin embargo son tantos los Californios que se han dejado inducir
a hacer la guerra contra los Estados Unidos por una Gavilla de
demoralizados Mejicanos y ladrones Sonoreños que los Estados
Unidos se ha[n] visto obligados a hacer preparativos para llevar
adelante le guerra con gran severidad.--
Estan ahora en Campaña y vienen de los puntos del Norte
fuerzas irresistibles y si llegan antes q. los Amigos de Vmds.
entren en este Guarnición no puedo ser responsable por sus vidas y
propiedades. Pero en consideración de su firme adhesión y cum-
plimiento de sus promesas y por el importante servicio q. han
hecho Vmds. con sus esfuerzos por la salvación de California de
las malvades de sus peores enemigos-- Declaro por la presente
que todos los que entren en esta guarnición inmediatemente que
recivan esta oferta de proteccion y amistad seran recividos como
amigos y la seguridad de sus personas y bienes queda garantizada
por la presente por el Gobierno de los Estados Unidos--
Dada de mi puño y letra este dia 24 de Nov. 1846.
R. F. Stockton
Comandante en Gefe de las fuerzas de los Est. Unidos
y Gobernador del territorio de California--
Es copia traducida del Orijinal--
Miguel de Pedrorena
San Diego,
Headquarters,
Nov. 24, 1846.
Sirs:
I have to acknowledge the receipt of the inclosed communica-
tion relative to your fellow citizens and friends, who have been
induced by false representations and lies to oppose the present
government of this territory and I must say to them that the
government of the United States desires nothing so much as the
happiness and prosperity of California. They [the United States]
have made war against Mexico; but they have ardently desired
to save the people of California and their property from the ter-
rible calamities of the war.
In spite of this, so many are the Californians who have been
induced to make war against the United States by a gang of
demoralized Mexicans and Sonoran robbers, that the United States
have been obliged to make preparations to prosecute the war with
great severity.
There are now in the field and coming from northern points
irresistible forces, and if they arrive before your friends come into
this garrison, I cannot be responsible for their lives and property.
But in consideration of your firm adhesion and the fulfillment of
your promises, and because of the important service which you
have performed by your efforts for the salvation of California from
the wicked deeds of its worst enemies--I declare by these presents
that all those, who come into this garrison as soon as they receive
this offer of protection and friendship, will be received as friends
and the security of their persons and goods is guaranteed by these
presents by the Government of the United States.
Done under my hand and signature this 24th day of November,
1846.
Signed
R. F. Stockton
Commander-in-chief of the forces of the United States
and governor of the territory of California.
This is a copy translated from the original
Miguel de Pedrorena
BRITISH CORRESPONDENCE CONCERNING TEXAS
XX
EDITED BY
EPHRAIM DOUGLASS ADAMS
No 7.
Her Majesty's Consulate
Galveston.,
April. 3d. 1845.
My Lord,
On the 22d ultimo, I had the honor to address a communica-
tion to Her Majesty's Minister at Washington, in the United
States, mentioning, in the following terms, a report which had
reached me.
"———I have heard--and on what I am entitled to call good
authority--that preparations are in progress in the United States
for raising a force of ten thousand men, with a view to the in-
vasion of the Mexican Provinces south of the Rio Grande. I
have reason to believe that secret communications have for some
time been carried on, between certain of the Federal leaders in
those Provinces, and parties resident in Texas, who, at present,——
I am told.--are in the United States, urging forward the Mili-
tary preparations reported to be in progress."
The force to be raised, and the object for which it was to be
organized, were lately announced in Galveston, by Doctor Branch
T. Archer, formerly Secretary of War in Texas, and (I am
informed) cousin to a gentleman of the same name, who is a
Senator of the United States' Congress, and who, during its last
Session, acted as Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Re-
lations.
From the subjoined Note, addressed by the Acting Secretary
of State of Texas to the Chargé d' Affaires of the United States,
on
the
13th
of
December
last,
it would seem that the only course
now open to the Texan Executive, in regard to the question of
Annexation, is to submit it to the decision of the people
Department of State
Washington 13th Dec. 1844
To The Hon. A. J. Donaldson.
Chargé d' Affaires of the
United States.
Sir,
The Undersigned, Attorney General of the Republic of Texas,
charged, ad
interim,
with the direction of the Department of
State, has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the Note that
Mr. Donaldson, Chargé d' Affaires, etc., did him the honor to
address to him, under date of the 10th Instant, communicating
information, as to the Measures adopted by the President of the
United States to guard the interests of Texas against injuries
likely to result from the renewal of the war upon Texas by
Mexico, on account of the acceptance of the proposition for
Annexation made by the United States, and the avowed mode of
conducting that war, as detailed in the orders of General Woll,
and, the previous decree of the Provisional President; also com-
municating the Views and suggestions of Mr Donaldson on the
important question of Anexation; and expressing the desire and
expectation of the Executive of his Government that Texas will
continue to--"Maintain her connection with the cause of An-
nexation, so far, at least, as not to consider it lost, or abandoned,
on account of the late action of the Senate of the United States
upon it."
"The Undersigned is directed, by the President to assure Mr
Donaldson, in reply, that the existing relations between the
United States and Texas, so far as the subject of Annexation is
concerned, will not be affected by any opposing or unfavourable
action on the part of the Executive of the latter. But, in re-
ceiving this assurance, Mr Donaldson cannot but perceive that
the result, in relation to Annexation, may depend upon causes
over which the President can exert little or no control. Al-
though the popular wish and feeling of Texas have heretofore
been frankly and warmly expressed by her Citizens, in favour
of the Measure, yet Mr Donaldson cannot have failed to perceive
that the strength and ardour of that wish have been necessarily,
in some degree, diminished by the delay and apparent defeat of
the Measure, by the rejection of the late Treaty, by the Senate
of the United States. Still, as the Measure, in the opinion of
Mr Donaldson, is not lost, but destined to a speedy consumma-
tion, so far as the action of the United States can affect it, the
Undersigned trusts that the doubts and disappointments experi-
enced by the people of Texas, necessarily occasioned by the cir-
cumstances alluded to, will not have ripened into a general and
insurmountable opposition to the Measure, before the consum-
mation so confidently anticipated by Mr Donaldson.
The undersigned is instructed by the President to express his
unqualified admiration of the elevated spirit of philantropy per-
vading the communication of Mr Donaldson; and of the active
friendship manifested by the President of the United States to-
wards this Government, in his solemn protest and measures of
opposition against the barbarous mode in which Mexico has avowed
her intention to prosecute the war upon Texas.
The Undersigned avails himself, etc. etc. etc.
Signed Ebenr Allen.
The preceding Note.--important in respect both to its date
and its substance, forms part of the Correspondence between the
Secretary of State of Texas and Major Donaldson United States'
Charge d' Affaires, published by the Executive, in compliance
with a Resolution of the Senate of the Congress of Texas, dated
20th January 1845.
I have been informed that Major Donaldson has been em-
powered to arrange a Treaty of Annexation with the Texan Gov-
ernment, on terms more favourable to this Country than the con-
ditions proposed by the Congress of the United States.--Care
has been taken to identify the interests of leading men in Texas
with the success of Annexation, and active agents, are employed
in ascertaining and increasing the numerical strength of its par-
tisans, for the day of final appeal.
William Kennedy.
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
April 4th.
P. S. H. M. S. Electra, which bears this Despatch, waits to
convey H. M's Chargé d' Affaires to Charleston. U. S.
PI. M. S. Eurydice arrived in Galveston roads on Yesterday,
from Vera Cruz. W. K.
Mexico.
8 April 1845
My Dear Sir,
I had the pleasure yesterday of receiving your letter of the
10th. Ultimo, enclosing two Despatches which you had a few days
previously addressed to Lord Aberdeen.
These Despatches appeared to me so important at the present
juncture, when we are all busy, in trying to persuade this Gov-
ernment to come forward, that I communicated their contents
generally to my French Colleague, and we agreed at once to
call upon the Secretary of State and talk the matter over with
him--for without divulging to the latter a word more than was
absolutely necessary for our purpose, I felt there was enough con-
tained in what you sent me to enable us to push matters a little
faster with these folks than they might otherwise be desirous
of going.—The fact is that the Ultra federal Party are push-
ing them hard at this moment upon the necessity of War--
and they are not resolute enough to combat the attack, but seek
by all sorts of palliatives to ward off the blow. To inspire them
with resolution has been our object and your letters have strength-
ened our hands vastly.
Mr Smith's Conversations with you prove that there is a grow-
ing desire in Texas to come to some amicable Arrangement with
this Country--I told Mr Cuevas so, but I took care at the same
time to add, that I came to that opinion in consequence of
what you
thought and wrote, founded, of course, upon what you
heard at Galveston--but I did not like to compromise Mr Smith
or the President by quoting them directly
This Government is quite ready to receive proposals from
Your quarter, upon the basis of absolute Independence;--and the
admission made to you by Mr. Smith, for Lord Aberdeen's Con-
sideration, that Texas would consent to bind herself to remain
an independent State, would tend much to facilitate matters.--
As to limits—that must be an after thought—the one thing need-
ful appears to me to be the Acknowledgment of the Independ-
ence of Texas by Mexico--how far Great Britain and France
will afterwards consent to guarantee the boundaries or other col-
lateral points, it is for those Governments to say.--We
can do
nothing without Authority.—For I well remember when Santa
Anna gave me the Memorandum in November last as a basis of
Negotiation, I distinctly stated that I merely took it ad refer-
endum, and declined anticipating in any way the intentions of
my Government thereupon.
It now only remains, until we hear from home, to get the
two Neighbours into some state of good feeling with one an-
other. I am quite sure any thing you might offer from Texas
would be received here, always allowing these valientes to talk
a little about derechos and patriotismo.
I am equally sure that the Congress would support Ministers
in any fair
plan
for the Acknowledgment of Independence—and
I hope with your influence and name, aided by Your French
Colleague, you will be able to induce your friends in Texas di-
rectly or through you and Saligny, to make us an offer.
I have been unwell, and tomorrow I go for some change to
the Real del Monte—but I shall be back on the 15th, when I
hope to hear from you by the Eurydice—I thought it right, how-
ever, to trouble you with these few lines before I started, that
you may know how we are going on, and how much we depend
upon your kind and active assistance.
Charles Bankhead.
Captain Elliot. R. N.
Dft.
Consul Kennedy.
Galveston
No. 3.
F. 0. April 18th. 1845.
Sir,
The Earl of Aberdeen has reed your Despatch No 5 of the 26th
of Feby. last, referring to a Circular issued by H. M's Consul at
Charleston, on the Subject of the Sugar Duties Act of the last
Session of Parliament, and to the question put to you as to the
operation of that Act with respect to Sugar imported into the
United Kingdom, the Growth and Produce of the Republic of
Texas:--And I am directed by his Lordship to forward to you
Copies of the Instructions which his Ldp' addressed to H. M's
Consuls in the United States, with reference to the Sugar Duties
Act of last Session; and to state to you his Lordship's opinion
that under the Treaty between Great Britain and Texas, Sugar
the Growth and Produce of that Republic is admissible under the
low Rate of Duty
H. U. Addington
No. 10.
Her Majesty's Consulate.
Galveston.
April 25th. 1845
My Lord;
In a Despatch which I had the honor to address to Your Lord-
ship on the 2d Instant, transmitted by Her Majesty's Ship, Elec-
tra, I took leave to express the opinion that the only course now
open to the Texan Executive, in regard to the question of An-
nexation! was "to submit it to the decision of the people."
I have now the honor to enclose a printed Copy of a Proclama-
tion issued by the President of this Republic, summoning Con-
gress to meet on the Sixteenth day of June next, to determine
upon the propositions for Annexation submitted to the President
by the Chargé d' Affaires of the United States, on the 31st Ultimo.
I also beg to enclose reports of public Meetings held in the
Counties of Liberty, Jefferson, Brazoria and Matagorda, indicat-
ing the bent of the popular mind in regard to the future position
of this Country. So far as the United States and Texas are
concerned, no one appears to doubt that Annexation is inevitable.
The French Chargé d' Affaires and Mr Ashbel Smith left Gal-
veston for New Orleans on the 10th Instant.--After their depart-
ure, it was publickly announced that, Mr. Smith had been re-
appointed Charge d' Affaires from Texas to Great Britain and
France. On the 17th Instant, a paragraph appeared in the
"Texas National Register," a Newspaper of Official character, pub-
lished at the Seat of Government, defending Mr Ashbel Smith
against the charge of being unfriendly to Annexation, and claim-
ing for him the credit of promoting that Measure recently, in
his capacity of Secretary of State.
General Houston is named, as likely to be one of the Senators
from the State of Texas, in the Congress of the United States,
during the Session of 1845-6. The organs of the American dem-
ocratic party mention him as a probable candidate for the Presi-
dency of the United States, after the retirement of Mr. Polk: It
has been for some time understood that this party are desirous of
having a Military leader, and it is believed, that General Houston
will be formally recommended to the support of the democracy
by their Veteran Counsellor General Andrew Jackson.
The "Houston Telegraph" of the 23d Instant, (a pro-Annex-
ation Journal) after expressing its regret that the President did
not summon Congress to meet at an earlier day than the 16th of
June, observes:--"The President, however, has doubtless good
motives for delay that are yet unknown to us. We have conversed
freely with the Hon. Secretary of the Treasury, and we have
learned from him, with pleasure, that the President will cordially
cooperate with the people in consummating the great Measure.
Although he has been suffering under a severe illness, that ren-
dered him incapable for several days of transacting business, he
assured his friends that he would make every necessary exertion
to expedite the Measure desired by the people."
The "Telegraph" further observes:--"The object of the Mexi-
can Government is to lie and deceive us, and thus to delay Meas-
ures until the opponents of Annexation can gain strength to de-
feat the Measure. They may dupe some of our Statesmen, but
they will not dupe the people of Texas. Their march is onward.
Their attention is fixed upon but one object, and they are deter-
mined to consummate it, in spite of every obstacle. They have
decided in favour of the Annexation of this Country to the United
States, and they will proceed steadily, and with unwavering con-
stancy, to adopt appropriate Measures to carry out their decision.
The President has performed his part in calling Congress: that
Congress will doubtless perform its duty by assenting to the Reso-
lutions of the American Congress.--The next step will be to call
a Convention of Delegates to form a State Constitution."
The "Telegraph" lays down the doctrine that neither the Presi-
dent, nor Congress, has a Constitutional right to call a Conven-
tion, or to apportion the representation; neither, it maintains,--
can this right be assumed without the consent of the people. The
journalist then proceeds to say:--"It is important, however, that
a Convention should be held at an early day, in order that ample
time may be allowed for the Delegates to form a Constitution
before the approach of the Sickly Season. We approve, therefore,
of the proceedings of the people of Brazoria Co."--(for which I
beg to refer Your Lordship to enclosure No. 2.)--"Who have al-
ready instructed their Senators and Representatives to meet at
Washington on the 3d Monday in May, and authorized them to
assume Conventional powers, and, acting in concert with the
Members of other Counties, to call a Convention and apportion
the representation. The President, we believe, will approve this
Measure, and; if adopted by a Majority of the Counties, will cor-
dially cooperate with them in expediting the Measure necessary to
effect this object. This also is the desire, we are credibly in-
formed, of a Majority of the Members of his Cabinet."--We hope,
therefore, that the Members of Congress, will hasten with all
speed to Washington, and make the necessary arrangements for
organizing a Convention."
A Meeting of the friends of Annexation was held in the County
of Harris on the 21st Instant, at which Resolutions were passed
assenting to the Measure of Annexation, as proposed by the Con-
gress; and selected by the President of the United States, and
expressing full confidence in the honor and justice of the Ameri-
can people
William Kennedy
To The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
P. S. April 26th.
Pro-Annexation Meetings have been held in the Counties of
Sabine, Galveston, Harrison, and Robertson. No Anti-Annex
-
ation Meetings have yet been held. The Galveston Resolutions
opposed to a call of Congress by the people
for the third Monday
in May.
W. K.
No. 6.
Foreign Office
May 3, 1845.
Sir,
The inclosed Copy of a Despatch which I have recently ad-
dressed to Her Majesty's Minister in Mexico together with its
inclosures, will put you in possession of the measures which, in
concert with France, Her Majesty's Government have determined
to pursue with respect to Mexico and Texas in the present posi-
tion in which those Countries are assumed to be placed with re-
gard to each other, and also to the United States.
In shaping our line of policy, as laid down in my Despatch to
Mr Bankhead, we have considered the Government and people
of Texas to be upon the whole well disposed to maintain their
independence, provided that independence were freely and imme-
diately recognized by Mexico.
Should circumstances have materially altered since the date of
your [my] Despatch No 1 of the 23d of January; and, should
the Government and people of Texas have either accepted the
terms of annexation proposed by the United States, or have shown
a decided inclination to annex themselves to the United States,
even though Mexico were avowedly ready to recognize their inde-
pendence, it will be obvious to you that in such case the course
of policy which Her Majesty's Government have decided to pursue
under circumstances assumed to be different, will be liable to
undergo great modifications, if not a total change
It will therefore be for you, in the more correct appreciation
of the actual position of affairs which you will be enabled to form
when this Despatch reaches you, to determine whether, and how
far, it may be expedient for you to act upon the instructions
which it contained.
Assuming that no material change will have taken place, it may
be useful, although the whole matter is fully set forth in my
Despatch to Mr Bankhead, to state here succinctly the course
of policy which Her Majesty's Government have determined to
adopt. It is simply to offer, in concert with France, to Mexico
and to Texas, and through the channel of the English and French
Diplomatick Agents in both those Countries, the joint mediation
of England and France for the equitable settlement of differences,
and demarcation of Boundaries between the two Countries.
The basis of that policy is the immediate and unfettered recog-
nition of Texas by Mexico. To attain this paramount object
Great Britain has long employed her own unassisted efforts. The
fatal blindness of the Mexican Government to the true interests
of their Country has hitherto rendered all those efforts unavailing.
It is possible, however, that fresh representations from England
and France combined may at length prevail upon the Government
of Mexico to view their Situation in a correct light, and induce
them to take, though late, the only step which, in the opinion of
Her Majesty's Government, can avail to rescue them from endless
embarrassment.
It is not however to be expected that Mexico will consent to
acknowledge Texas without having taken good security for the
establishment of the common frontier of the two Countries, in a
manner conformable to right and justice, and such as shall offer
every element of permanency and of security against future en-
croachment.
With a view to ensure this essential object, the Government of
Great Britain and France now come forward to offer to Mexico
all the weight of their united influence, provided She agrees to
recognize the independence of Texas. As, however, the present
consideration of the question of frontiers would probably be at-
tended with much delay, we propose that, that consideration should
be reserved to a future but not distant moment, when, if desired
by Mexico, the question of Boundaries might be treated under the
joint mediation of Great Britain and France.
The Instruction addressed by Monsr Guizot to Monsr. de Saligny,
of which a Copy is inclosed in my other Despatch of this date,
will shew you that the French Government concur generally in
this plan, and that Monsr. de Saligny is directed to concert with
you, in case no material change of circumstances should have
occurred, of the best mode of prevailing upon the Government of
Texas to accept the proffered mediation of Great Britain and
France for the Mutual settlement of their differences with Mexico,
on the basis proposed
You will accordingly concert Measures with Monsr de Saligny
for the accomplishment of this object.
Although the question of Boundary will not, according to this
arrangement, be brought on immediately, it will be desirable that,
in case Texas should accept our mediation for its Settlement, you
should use every effort to impress on the Texian Government the
good policy, not to say necessity, of moderating their pretensions
with respect to their common boundary with Mexico. It would
not accord with the principles of justice, by which the Mediating
Powers must regulate their conduct, to countenance the demand
by Texas of a line of frontier to which it would have obviously
as little founded in right, and to which She might lay claim
merely on the ground of expediency without reference to the
rights of Mexico.
In all reasonable and equitable pretensions Her Majesty's Gov-
ernment will be found well-disposed to support the Texian Gov-
ernment.
In case, at the period of the arrival of these instructions, cir-
cumstances should still, as we hope, be such as to admit of your
carrying them into effect, in conjunction with your French Col-
league, you will consider yourself at full liberty to open a com-
munication with Mr Bankhead in any Measure which you may
deem best for accelerating the attainment of the object entrusted
equally to both Missions.
Aberdeen.
Captain Elliot, R. N.
Foreign Office.
May 3. 1845
No. 7.
Sir,
Mr. Guizot having signified to M. de Saligny in the Instruction,
of which a Copy is herewith inclosed, and which was put into
my hands, by M. Guizot's Orders, by the French Ambassador at
this Court, the concurrence of the French Government in the
proposition submitted to them on the part of Her Majesty's Gov-
ernment for bringing about by their united efforts, an adjustment
of the differences between Mexico and Texas, I transmit to you
herewith a Copy of the Declaration which Her Majesty's Govern-
ment proposed through Lord Cowley should be conjointly pre-
sented by the English and French Chargé d' Affaires in Texas to
that Government for their acceptance and signature.
Provided, therefore, circumstances remain in the state assumed
in my Despatch No 6 of this date, you will invite the French
Chargé d' Affaires, to join you in presenting this Declaration to
the Texian Secretary of State for the acceptance of his Govern-
ment.
As the Declaration contains nothing more than an engagement
on the part of Great Britain and France to employ their best
efforts to restore peace between Mexico and Texas, and to procure
the recognition of the Texian Republick by Mexico; together with
an engagement on the part of Texas to use every effort to main-
tain her Independence, I do not apprehend that you will experi-
ence any difficulty in procuring the assent of the Texian Govern-
ment to the terms of the Declaration in question
Aberdeen.
Captain Elliot, R. N.
[Enclosure].
Draft.
Her Majesty The Queen of the United Kingdom, of Great
Britain and Ireland, and His Majesty the King of the French
being strongly impressed with the importance of restoring Peace
between the Republick of Texas and the Mexican Republick and
of the establishment and preservation of the Republick of Texas
as an Independent State under her own national Govt.; Their
said Majesties have respectively authorized the Undersigned Elliot
Her Britannick Majesty's [chargé d' affaires] and--to declare that
their said Majesties engage to use their best exertions with a
view to the restoration of Peace at the earliest possible period,
and to the recognition of the Independence of the Republick of
Texas by the Mexican Republick.
And the President of the Republick of Texas, has, on his part
authorized the Undersigned to declare on the other hand that the
Govt of Texas will use every effort to maintain the independence
of the Republick under its own separate and national Jurisdiction.
In witness whereof the Undersd. sign the present Declaration
and have affixed thereto the seals of their arms.
1845.
[Endorsed.]. Draft.
Declaration.
To.
Mr. H. Stewart
Editor of the Civilian
New Orleans May 9th 1845.
My dear Sir,
From the synopsis of General Houston's speech last night at
the Arcade, as it appears in some of the Morning papers of this
City, of this date, it might possibly be inferred that he had stated
that he had during his presidency been dealing unfairly in his
diplomatic intercourse with the European Governments.
This inference would be unjust, and not properly dedueible from
any thing he said on the occasion referred to. On the contrary
he used the opportunity to pay a deserved tribute to the disinter-
ested and open positions and actions of those Governments towards
Texas throughout her existence as a Nation. He said, however,
that upon the subject of Annexation, he had coquetted
a little
with the United States, upon the principle that a Manifestation
of over anxiety would not hasten, but retard the accomplishment
of the measure. The term coquetting
was not
applied to Eng-
land or France but to the United States, and used only as a
means of inducing them the more readily to embrace and carry
out Annexation
Signed W. D. Miller.
The foregoing is a true Copy of the original
Signed Robert D. Johnson.
Copy.
Charles Elliot.
Mexico.
20th May 1845.
Sir,
I have the honour to transmit to you, for communication to
the President of Texas, a Document containing a full acceptance
on the part of the President of this Republick, and signed by
Don Luis Cuevas, Secretary of State--of the proposals sent from
Texas for the acknowledgment of the Independence of the latter
Power.
You will Jose no time on your arrival at Galveston to place
this important paper in the hands of Mr. President Jones--and
you will he good enough to point out to His Excellency that his
proposals are returned to him word for word as he entrusted them
to your care.
It is a matter of regret to the French Minister and Myself that
so much time has elapsed between the presentation of the Articles
to this Government--and the moment of their acceptance--but
you are too well acquainted with the dilatory habits of Spaniards
and Spanish Americans not to be able to explain this Circum-
stance to the President--The result, however, is very satisfactory,
for while Señor Cuevas has thought it necessary to accompany his
Signature with some observations, he has not hesitated strictly to
incorporate the four Articles in his Communication, and the re-
marks he makes therewith are of no consequence whatever.--There
are two Documents which I sent to you and which have reference
to the four Articles. They are, however sent separately, and you
will, I doubt not, be able to satisfy the President that they are
pressed upon us for the purpose of saving their exaggerated no-
tions of honour and pride.--and not intended by the Mexican
Government as in the slightest degree disrespectful to Texas.
The President of Mexico is most anxious that Your best exer-
tions should be used, in conjunction with your French Colleague,
that in the Proclamation, which it is hoped Mr Jones will issue
immediately upon your arrival, care will be taken that the terms
employed therein are general--and as much as possible in con-
formity with those adopted in the "Imcativa" [Iniciativa] pro-
posed to this Congress.--as should,--most unfortunately, the Con-
gress of Texas defeat the views of Mr President Jones, and accept
the égide of the United States in preference to National Inde-
pendence, it would seriously compromise this Government in their
view of the case, if any premature disclosure were made and after-
wards disavowed--for this purpose perhaps, a confidential Com-
munication of the enclosed Papers to the President and Govern-
ment of Texas would be best. Your experience of the Country
and it's Rulers constitutes you as the best Judge of how the Affair
can best be managed.
The second wish of this Government is as follows, and is equally
left to the exertion of your good offices. That the Person or
Persons who may be sent from Texas shall be of a conciliatory dis-
position, and that at the moment of his or their departure he or
they shall take the name of Commissioner or Commissioners--and
that the instant the Negotiations commence they will bring for-
ward their title of Plenipotentiary.--I am assured that they will
be received here with an earnest desire to establish relations be-
tween the two Countries upon a basis of good will and mutual
advantage.
The Baron Cyprey writes by this Conveyance to the President
Jones--I prefer requesting you to be the interpreter to His Excel-
lency of my best wishes for the early and satisfactory conclusion
of this long pending question--and I further beg of you to assure
His Excellency that my best endeavours will be used in promoting
the establishment of a lasting peace between the two Countries--
and of aiding the Texan Plenipotentiary in the exertions for that
purpose.
You will be good enough to communicate to me any informa-
tion which you may from time to time think will be useful here.
Charles Bankhead.
Captain Elliot.
P. S. Since writing the above, Señor Cuevas informed Me that
the enclosed Declaration contains all his resolution.
C. B.
The Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Mexican Republick has
received from Texas the preliminary conditions of an arrange-
ment or definitive Treaty between Mexico and Texas--which are
of the following tenour.
2nd. Texas engages that She will stipulate in the Treaty, not
to annex herself or become subject to any Country whatever
3rd. Limits and other conditions to be matter of arrangement
in the final Treaty.
4th. Texas will be willing to remit disputed points respecting
territory and other matters to the arbitration of umpires.
The Government of the Republick has in consequence asked for
the Authority from Congress which the latter has granted and
which is as follows.
His Excellency the President has thought fit to publish the
following decree
Jose J. Herrera. General of Division and President of the
Mexican Republick to its Inhabitants, gives Notice, that the Gen-
eral Congress has decreed and the Executive Government Sanc-
tioned what follows.
The Government has been authorized to listen to the proposi-
tions made by Texas, and to enter into an arrangement or make
such a Treaty as shall be fit and honourable for the Republick,
communicating it to Congress for their examination and approval.
Miguel Atristaiv--President of Chamber of Deputies.
Juan Rodriguez--President of Senate.
Francisco Calderon--Secretary of Chamber of Deputies.
J. J. Rosas---Secretary of Senate.
National Palace 17 May 1845.
J. J. Herrera--L. G. Cuevas.
In consequence of the preceding Authority granted by the Con-
gress of the Republick of Mexico.--the Undersigned Minister for
Foreign Affairs declares by Order of the President--that the
Supreme Government accept the four above mentioned Articles as
preliminary to a formal and definite Treaty; And moreover that
they are disposed to commence the Negociation in the way desired
by Texas--and to receive the Commissioner or Commissioners that
Texas may with this view appoint
Luis Cuevas.
Translation.
which ought also to be included in the Negotiation and that if
this Negotiation is not realized on account of circumstances, or
because Texas influenced by the Law passed in the United States
on Annexation, should consent thereto--either directly or indi-
rectly, then the answer which under this date is given to Texas by
the Undersigned Minister of Foreign Affairs shall be considered
as null and void.
Mexico. May 19. 1845.
(Signed) Luis. G. Cuevas.
No. 13.
Her Majestys Consulate
Galveston
May 21st 1845.
My Lord,
I have the honor to enclose a Copy of a Proclamation signed
by the President of this Republic on the 6th Instant, recommend-
ing the people to elect delegates to a Convention on the 4th of
next month, the said convention to assemble at Austin on the 4th
of July, for the purpose of taking prompt and definite action
upon the proposition for Annexation. This Proclamation has
been defended by General Houston and approved by the Mass
of the people.
The Congress convened for the 16th of next Month is not
expected to be in Session more than a few days. Its principal
business will be to signify its assent to the Resolution for Annex-
ation presented by the Government of the United States.
On the 12th Inst. an American Squadron, under the Command
of Commodore Stockton, arrived in Galveston Roads, from Nor-
folk in Virginia. The Squadron, which still remains here, con-
sists of the Princeton, War Steamer, the Sloops of War Saint
Mary and Saratoga, and the Brig Porpoise, mounting in all, Sixty
guns.--The Porpoise has entered Galveston Harbour, having been
previously relieved of her battery by the Princeton.
territory claimed by Texas,-- namely to the Rio Grande.
I beg to enclose a Copy of a letter published in the "Galveston
Civilian," on the 17th Instant, by desire of General Houston.--
General Houston is at present in Galveston, waiting, with his
family, for the departure of the New Orleans Steamer, being on
his way to visit General Andrew Jackson, at his residence near
Nashville, Tennessee.
William Kennedy
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
On board the Brig of
His Majesty The King of The French
"La Perouse"
No. 16.
May 30th 1845.
My Lord,
In the possibility that a Steam Vessel may be departing for
New Orleans when I reach the shore, and with the hope of saving
the Mail of the 16th. June, I have the honour of preparing this
despatch respecting my return to this place.
Having had no communication as yet with the shore I am
unable to afford Your Lordship any information respecting the
Condition of circumstances and feeling in this Country, but I
shall of course not lose one moment in placing myself in per-
sonal communication with the Government, and I hope I shall be
able to induce the President forthwith to proclaim the prelimi-
naries of peace
mandant Dubremil for the kindness he has been so good as to
extend to me. May I hope Your Lordship will take the occasion
of this Zealous participation in a Service of some public moment
to recommend to the protection of The King's Government, an
old and distinguished Officer in His Majesty's Service.
Charles Elliot.
To The Right Honourable.
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
P. S. Galveston May 31st. 1845.
Since I have landed here I learn that the friends of Annex-
ation have succeeded in exciting a hot, and apparently general
feeling in favour of their project, and it is no doubt to be feared
that the concessions of the Mexican Government will have come
too late to act successfully upon the people of this Country. Their
humour however is variable, and reflection may yet restore them
to a sounder sense of what is best for their own interests. I ab-
stain, however, from dwelling upon such topics till I have had
an opportunity of conversing with the President at Washington, to
which place I proceed by the boat tomorrow morning in company
with M. le Commandant Dubremil, who has a letter from the
Baron Alleye de Cypres to His Excellency. The Baron had left
it to himself to deliver it in person, or not, as he should judge
best, and he has been so good as to accede to my suggestions that
it would be desirable to do so.
Charles Elliot.
Major Donnelson the Charge d' Affaires from the United States
arrived here this morning from New Orleans.
No 14.
Her Majesty's Consulate
Galveston
May 30th. 1845.
Sir,
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch
No 3 of the 18th of April, (with enclosures) communicating the
opinion of the Earl of Aberdeen that, under the Treaty between
Great Britain and Texas, Sugar, the growth and produce of the
Republic, is admissible into the ports of the United Kingdom at
the low rate of duty--and I beg leave to inform you that I have
taken means to bring His Lordship's opinion under the notice of
the planting and Mercantile interests of this Country.
William Kennedy.
Henry U. Addington, Esqr.
Consular.
Foreign Office.
June 3d. 1845.
No. 1.
Sir,
I have received your Despatch marked "Separate" of the 4th
Ultimo, alleging that Mr Kennedy had "behaved to you with
great disrespect"--that his Conduct had been so highly "improper
that you would have been justified in suspending him at once,"
that he is not a suitable "person for employment in Her Majesty's
Service"; that you have "not the least Confidence in his prudence,
or right feeling," that you are "sensible that he is quite capable
of making some mischievous publication on the spot," or of other-
wise creating public "inconvenience," and, finally suggesting that
he should be at once recalled.
I regret that you should have thought it your duty to make
Charges so serious against Mr Kennedy without adducing any
sufficient evidence in justification of them. I regret also the tone
in which those Charges are made. You have, moreover, entirely
misapprehended your own position and authority, in supposing
that you have the power to suspend a person who has been ap-
pointed by The Queen to reside and act as Her Majesty's Consul
at Galveston.
I have to desire that you will furnish me, at your earliest con-
venience, with specific information, supported by evidence and
statements of fact, upon each of the Charges which you have pre-
ferred against Mr. Kennedy, in order that I may be enabled to
judge what Measures it may be right that I should adopt in this
matter.
Aberdeen.
Captain Elliot, R. N.
Her Majesty's Consulate
Galveston
June 10th 1845
No 15.
Sir
I have the honor to inform you that the Prince of Solms left
Galveston for New Orleans on the 4th Instant, on his return to
Europe.
The Prince has succeeded (though not without a considerable
outlay, owing, as I conceive, in a great degree, to a defect in the
original arrangements of the German Association) in planting a
Colony, numbering six hundred Souls, on a beautiful and pro-
ductive tract of land, situated about fifteen Miles above Seguin,
a village on the Guadalupe river of Western Texas. The name
given to this German Settlement is New Braunfels.--Provided
with farming implements and having a sufficient quantity of land
under cultivation to furnish subsistence for the ensuing year, the
future progress of the Colony may be considered easy and certain.
The Settlers have neither been molested by Indians, nor visited
by sickness,--which may fairly be ascribed to the judicious ar-
rangements of the Prince of Solms, who has encountered the diffi-
culties of his arduous undertaking with a measure of patience,
perseverance, and foresight which I believe but few Europeans
would have been prepared to manifest, under the same circum-
stances.
William Kennedy.
Henry U. Addington, Esqr.
Galveston June 12th 1845
No. 17.
My Lord,
The inclosed Copy of my despatch of yesterday's date to Mr
Bankhead with the accompanying Copy of a private letter of the
same date to him will I believe place Your Lordship in full pos-
session of the state of circumstances here at the present moment.
Those communications left these roads this afternoon in the Cor-
vette of His Majesty The King of the French the "La Perouse"
and I should hope would be in Mexico by the 22d Instant.
The unexpected departure of the Steamboat to New Orleans
tomorrow morning will be my excuse for the few observations I
can add to the information contained in the despatches to Mexico.
But I cannot refrain from expressing the hope that the altered
situation of Mexico, as respects the offer of a just settlement of
this dispute will facilitate the preservation of peace in this ques-
tion, and prevent the intended dismemberment of that Republic.
Whatever of plea or pretext may be strained to vindicate the
annexation of the Country in the actual occupation of the Texians
to the United States and howsoever practicable or otherwise that
may be, it seems totally impossible to divine the grounds which are
to justify the seizure of an immense territory by the United
States in which the Texians have never had a Settler. For surely
not much more serious attention can be given to the present Texian
legislative limitation, than to the Act passed through both Houses
of Congress and vetoed by General Houston in his first adminis-
tration, carrying the Western boundary of this Republic to the
Shores of the Pacific! If the present limits were admitted for
one moment, something might soon be heard of General Houston's
unconstitutional exercise of the Veto power on that and many
other occasions, and of the right inherent in the people to correct
the consequences of that arbitrary conduct, and reannex the whole
Country involved by Congress in the law in question. In every
view that I have been able to take of this very serious question I
cannot but think that the recent policy of Mexico, unfortunately
tardy as it has been, has still materially and advantageously altered
her Situation. And turning to Your Lordship's instructions of
the 3d May I hope it will be satisfactory to Her Majesty's Gov-
ernment that there has not been the least departure from the prin-
ciples upon which they were founded, as to the careful absence of
any thing in the nature of guarantee, or pledge of assistance, to
either party in this contest.
The tone of the President's proclamation herewith forwarded
will also I trust be agreeable to Her Majesty's Government. It
may probably produce considerable effect amongst portion of the
people of the United States, and in the difficult circumstances
that he is placed, it is not more than truth and justice to say that
he has acted with courage, honour, and prudence. The approach-
ing Convention, (perfectly irregular and beyond the Law of itself,
assembled to take into consideration the extinction of the Nation-
ality of the Country, and with it the violation of their compacts,
direct and implied, with the powers with which they have treaties,)
appears to me to be a state of things that had better not have the
countenance of any Foreign representative accredited to this Ee-
public; (I mean by countenance, such assent as might be inferred
from his presence,) and I shall therefore set out for the United
States as soon after the assembly of Congress on the 16th Inst.
as I can conveniently get away.
In the brief Note I shall address to the Government on my
departure, I shall attribute it to infirm health, which indeed is
my sufficient excuse for leaving this part of the Continent without
delay. I am also sensible that my continued presence here during
the discussions in the Convention would be attended with mis-
chievous rather than advantageous consequences, and I trust my
departure will have Your Lordship's approbation. I avail myself
of this occasion to acknowledge Your Lordship's despatches to the
3d May, but what has already been accomplished, and the present
temper of this people necessarily relieve me from any movement
in the sense of those Instructions.
Charles Elliot,
[Enclosure.]
Copy.
Charles Elliot.
(Private)
My Dear Sir,.
Washington,
June 6th. 1845
I send you enclosed herewith a Despatch from the Baron Aeley
de Cyprey. The package for him contains a letter of acknowledg-
ment for his courtesy and kindness, together with a properly Cer-
tified Copy of the Proclamation, and some printed Copies, attested
by myself in the same manner as those herewith enclosed for your
own use
I have as you will perceive made some slight alterations in the
Proclamation from the first Copy, but none I think which you
will dislike.
Would it not be well that Mexico should make a formal
decla-
ration of a Cessation of hostilities on her part? I think it would
be well although I consider her Assent to the preliminaries, neces-
sarily presupposes, and promises such Cessation. But the people
here would be more satisfied and feel more secure if the declara-
tion was made formal and public.
The Bearer of this will be with you on Monday or Tuesday at
farthest and will return immediately to this place. Please write
by him.
It strikes me that the question of Annexation or Independence
will come up to be decided
by the people of Texas only when the
Vote is taken on the ratification of the Constitution which will
be proposed by the Convention. This Vote will probably be taken
in September or October next. What the state of public feeling
may be at that time it is impossible to determine. Ido not even
presume to "guess"
(Signed) Anson Jones.
To Captain Charles Elliot.
[Endorsed.] Inclosure No. 2 in Captn Elliot's Despatch to
The Earl of Aberdeen No. 17 June 12th. 1845.
[Enclosure]
Copy.
Galveston
June 11th. 1845.
Sir,
I have the honour to acquaint you that I arrived here on the
31st. Ultimo, and proceeding immediately to Washington, placed
the preliminary Conditions in the hands of the President of Texas
on the evening of the 2d Instant. His Excellency told me that
the general state of popular excitement in favour of Annexation,
so little looked for three months since, could be no sufficient
motive with him for failing to fulfil what he felt to he his obliga-
tions towards his own Country, towards Mexico, and towards the
Powers who had interested themselves in the peaceful and hon-
ourable adjustment of this struggle; and that he should therefore,
in the course of. a day or two, issue a Proclamation, making known
the actual situation of affairs with Mexico to the people of this
Country, and leaving it to them and their Constitutional Agents
to dispose of the result as.they should judge best.
With respect to the additional declaration made by the Govern-
ment of Mexico, he had no hesitation so far as depended upon the
Executive, in accepting it. That is, in express terms, he adhered
to the declaration he had formerly made to M. de Saligny and
myself as to the willingness of this Government to stipulate an
indemnity in the final treaty, if the limitary conditions were
satisfactory, and he certainly could offer no just objection to the
other reservation made by the Secretary of State to Mexico in the
contingency of movement in the direction of annexation. But
with no firm belief in the final completion of that scheme (for the
difficulties appeared to be very great, if not insuperable, both here
and in the United States,) he cordially hoped that the Ministers
of the two Powers would be able to induce the Government of
Mexico peacefully to wait the turn of events.
Concerning the appointment of Commissioners to proceed to
Mexico, he thought it must be unnecessary to say that in the
present temper of the public, and with the close assembly of Con-
gress, such a step would be unsuitable and mischievous; but he
might soon be in a situation to adopt that course, and in that case,
it might be depended upon that he would have careful regard to
your suggestions. I said I was gratified to hear that His Excel-
lency had resolved to publish the Proclamation, but I could not
conceal from him my own impression that what had taken place
with the authority of the Government since the month of March
last when he had placed the Preliminaries in our hands was enough
to justify the Government of Mexico in declaring their acceptance
of them to be null and void; and further that the course pursued
in Texas had left it perfectly open to the Government of Mexico
forthwith to take what steps they saw fit for the safety and rights
of the Country.
The President told me that he had convened Congress and rec-
ommended a Convention in the plain perception that no other
means were left to him of averting bad and irreparable conse-
quences. He had no doubt that He had acted wisely for the well
understood interests of this Country in those particulars; and he
could further assure me that the course most ardently desired
by the partizans of annexation here and elsewhere was military
movement beyond the Rio Grande by Mexico. Such a step would
immediately and decisively accomplish the measure. I remarked
that the policy to be pursued by Mexico was a subject to which
I was not competent to speak, but I thought it possible that the
Ministers of the two Powers might endeavour to induce the Gov-
ernment of Mexico to refrain from onward movement, till some
final decision was taken by the people of Texas, as long as this
Government and people were confining themselves within the
limits of their present occupation. That, however, was mere pri-
vate and personal opinion upon my part, and the President would
have the goodness only to accept it in that sense.
The Proclamation has reached me this day, and I am only pre-
vented from forwarding the Despatches to the "La Perouse" at
once by the unfavourable state of the weather which prevents
communication. The Copy herewith transmitted is attested by
the President himself. So far as I can observe there is no re-
mission as yet of this feverish excitement in favour of annexation,
provoked and kept alive by extraneous agency, and, judging from
present appearances, there can be little doubt that the annexation
resolutions will be adopted both by Congress and the Convention.
But it may I think, be depended upon that the late policy of
Mexico, and the present attitude of this Government will have
greatly increased the difficulties of the annexation party here, and,
most particularly, in the United States.
With firm adherence on the part of Mexico to the protest against
annexation, active preparations for defence, and the continued
exhibition of the offer of Settlement on the basis of Independence
till some decisive action is completed by the people of Texas in
the sense of annexation, (unless some forward movement should
be made by them beyond the limits of their present occupation,
or by the Troops of the U. S. into Texas,) I trust that this very
serious business may yet be adjusted advantageously and satis-
factorily.
My last despatches from England are of the 3rd May inclosing
me Copies of those to you of the 1st Idem: But what has already
been accomplished, and the present temper of the public here,
relieve us from any necessity of movement at this point under
those Instructions
The President desires me to convey to you his best thanks for
your kind and able interposition in the negotiations at Mexico.
Signed Charles Elliot.
To His Excellency, Charles Bankhead.
Mexico.
[Endorsed.] Inclosure No 1 in Captain Elliot's Despatch to
The Earl of Aberdeen. No 17. June 12. 1845
[Enclosure].
Copy.
Galveston
June 11th. 1845.
Private
My dear Mr Bankhead.,
Beyond the information furnished in my despatch I have to
tell you that the President described the state of feeling here to
be that of fever, and like all fevers he said it must run it's course
for good or for evil.
articles in the Government Newspaper, which had led to an influx
of Agents specially charged to work upon the people and damage
his influence. His simple chance of useful intervention depended
in his mind, upon complete abstinence from opposition just now.
That would be futile or indeed worse, would fan the flare.
But he thought he observed symptoms of an abatement of the
excitement already, and he requested me to conjure the Baron and
yourself to keep Mexico from any kind of onward Movement.
Such a step he says, would be fatal to the prospect, and the good
prospects of averting all this mischief.
I should tell you that I learnt as soon as I landed from a source
of information entirely to be depended upon that Commodore
Stockton was using every effort to induce the President to issue
a Proclamation calling out Volunteers for the purpose of occupy-
the Country to
the
Rio
Grande
at
once.
The President frankly admitted to me that such was the case,
and told me (I use his own words as nearly as I can remember
them) that he said to those parties "I see not one single motive
for Annexation if it is not for security and protection, or if we
are to
do
our
own
fighting,
and I tell you plainly that I will not
be made the scape goat in such an affair as you have proposed
to me. The United States Government must take all the respon-
sibility, and all the expence and all the labour of hostile move-
ments upon Mexico. I will issue no Proclamation of the kind,
you wish, and authorize no movement unless
Mexico
makes
a
move
-
ment
upon
us.
Somebody else must break up the state of peace.
It shall not be me." You will see by the Proclamation that he
has kept his word, and I remark already that it is a heavy blow
to the violent partizans of the scheme here. Donnelson who
arrived from the U. S. the day after I got here, and who I met
on his way to Washington will probably enough disavow Stockton
and at all events the Proclamation will be a sad disappointment
to him, for he will be able to judge of it's effect on the wise por-
tion of the people of the U. S.
I see good reason to think, however, that the Mexican Governt
should concentrate force on the line of the Rio Grande as soon
as possible, and do what may be practicable without a moment's
delay to protect Matamoras against a Coup de Main. I believe
too it would also be well to turn up breast works at the Brassos
Santiago, and mount a few heavy guns and Mortars there. I
should also particularly suggest that a very careful watch should
be had on movements from this quarter on the Commachee and
other frontier tribes. I make little or no doubt that they would
attempt to tamper with them, and I am also strongly inclined to
believe that Stockton's force here has a large supply of arms and
ammunition ready for distribution amongst this people.
But if I may venture to offer an opinion I think it would be
very unwise of Mexico to take the initiative in hostile or onward
movements. That step should be left to the Government of the
U. S. which will find it no easy or irresponsible affair during the
recess of Congress and in the entirely altered attitude of Mexico
as respects Texas, with a closely divided state of parties in their
own Country upon the subject, and indeed serious divisions in
their own ranks in regards to it.
I forward herewith for the Baron's and your own perusal a
copy of a private letter which I have this morning received from
the President, and I take the liberty to suggest that it might be
of advantage if the Mexican Govermt. would forthwith issue a
Proclamation declaring that no onward movements would be made
whilst none were made by the Texians, or U. S. troops, that is,
in the present state of the relations between the two Countries.
Saligny is at New Orleans and writes to me that he thinks it
best in the present state of affairs to remain there till he has
received answers to his despatches of the 3d April, which may be
looked for by the "Great Western" on the 9th or 10th Inst. He
has begged Elliot to remain for him at the Mouth of the Mis-
sissippi till that date. The "Great Western" will bring dates of
the 14th or 15th Ulto. I should mention that the President told
me in confidence that a considerable number of the Delegates to
the Convention ostensibly favourable to Annexation, were not at
all
so
in
reality,
and would go there steadily determined to send
such a Constitution to the U. S. as would not be accepted by that
Legislature. I give it to you as he said it to me, but can offer no
opinion upon the possibility of the Statement
Houston is gone to New Orleans and the Hermitage to sound the
depths in those quarters, and calculates his chance of running for
President in succession to Polk, and I shall think it very wonder-
ful if they do not continue to catch him, and throw him over
afterwards, adroit as he is. He is a fellow of infinite resource
too, and under the cards he may be working the right way to get.
It would be like him. The American force here consists of
"Princeton" (Steamer) "Saratoga" and St. Mary's Corvettes of
20 guns each, and Porpoise 10 gun brig. Their main business
here is to, spend money or as they have it in the U. S. to "log roll."
I beg to mention to you that I am on the point of leaving this
Country for I really do not think it proper to remain here whilst
this Convention is sitting. The Measure is purely revolutionary,
and I see not suitable excuse for remaining in Texas whilst the
people are unlawfully, or at all events beyond the Law, debating
upon the extinction of their Nationality, and the violation of their
compacts with the Powers who have treated with them. My
health too is shaken heavily, and I have private distresses with
which I will not trouble you, but they are sad to bear.
If the Governt. of Mexico have anything to communicate to
this Governt. under present Circumstances, I would suggest that
it had better be done directly through the General Officer in Com-
mand of the Army of the North, and if this Government should
happily defeat the Annexation Scheme, they will be able to com-
municate freely and directly. Till that Scheme is thrust further
back than it stands at present, I do not think it right to remain
here. The President has behaved as well as he could, and I hope
the Governt of Mexico will carry on any Communications they
may have with this Governt. in a conciliatory spirit and respectful
terms. It would be sound policy to do so, and a contrary course
would help their enemies.
Very kind regards to Mr [Mrs.] Bankhead and Doyle if you
please, with a thousand Compliments to the Baron and his family.
Very sincerely yours.
Charles Elliot.
P. S. I have just reed, a line from Saligny dated 9th June.
The Despatches by "Great Western" were looked for hourly, and
he would come on by "Enrydice." The President begged me most
particularly to remind the Baron and yourself that the Memoran
-
dum
of
our
Conference
should be kept
secret.
To Charles Bankhead, Esqr Mexico.
Galveston.
June 15. 1845.
No. 18.
My Lord,
Since I had the honour of addressing Your Lordship on the
12th Inst. I have had an attack of Ague and fever, and finding
that the best chance of interrupting this disorder and restoring
myself to a fit state for Service is by immediate change, I pro-
pose to go to New Orleans by the Steam Boat which has been
delayed here till today. I shall wait there for [until?] the Presi-
dent's Message has reached me, and if there should be anything
[nothing?] to detain me to the Southward in the circumstances
arising out of the Assembly of Congress I shall venture to pro-
ceed forthwith to New York, holding myself in constant readiness
to return here whenever that step may be necessary or desirable.
The state of my health should not have induced me to leave
Texas at present if I did not feel that there can be no reasonable
doubt as to the course of the present Congress respecting annex-
ation, and renewed reflection has strengthened me in the im-
pression that I had better not be here at the period of their formal
action upon this subject, be it what it may. The continued pres-
ence of the American Naval force named in the margin, off this
Bar, and the circumstances, leave me without doubt that it is the
settled purpose of the Government of the United States to avail
themselves of any opportunity or pretext to take Military pos-
session of this part of the Country, at least, and by that step so
far to commit the two Governments and Legislatures as to dimin-
ish all risk of retractation or disturbance here or in their own
Country
But I will not dismiss this topic without taking the liberty to
repeat an opinion I have in another place expressed to Your Lord-
ship--; that is, that Mexico has much more efficacious Means of
responding formidably to forcible aggression by the United States
than seems to be generally contemplated here or there. There is
more of aptitude in the United States for the accession of terri-
tory on that Side, by the mode of gradual encroachment in the
unsettled Countries, than by regular Military operations and con-
quest. And if the policy and resources of Mexico are judiciously
directed to prevent the first and arrest the last, I think that the
result of regular Military modes of proceeding will not answer
the expectation of the persons and councils in the United States
intending the forcible dismemberment of the Mexican Confederacy.
The danger to Mexico from the United States is in the Settler,
and intrigue and conspiracy, not in their Armies and Navies, and
the true point to be watched, and placed on a safe footing at once,
I am strongly inclined to believe, is Upper California.
Texas, in the actual occupation of the Texians, cannot be
safely disturbed by Mexico, and the Country beyond those limits
as far as the Rio Grande, is for the most part perfectly desert,
and unfit either for settlement, or protracted Military operations.
If the Texians and Americans are betrayed as far as the Rio Grande
in pursuit of their Aggressive Schemes there may be less diffi-
culty in effectually checking them than is generally believed.
Charles Elliot.
To the Right Honourable,
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
Her Majesty's Consulate
Galveston
June 24th 1845.
No. 16.
My Lord,
In the absence of Her Majesty's Charge d' Affaires who left
Galveston for New Orleans on the 15th Instant, accompanied by
Mr John Macdougall, I have the honor to inform your Lord-
ship that the Congress of Texas (which assembled on the 16th
Instant,) has passed a Joint Resolution accepting the proposition
for Annexation submitted to the Texan government by the Gov-
ernment of the United States.
I beg leave to enclose a printed. Copy of the Joint Resolution
passed by the Congress of Texas, relative to Annexation.
Another Joint Resolution has passed the Texan Congress, au-
thorizing the introduction of United States' troops into Texas.
It is understood that Military occupation will be taken of the
tract of Country lying between the Nueces and the Rio Grande;
for the purpose of making the latter river the boundary between
Mexico and Texas.
William Kennedy
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
[Enclosure].
Mexico
June 29—1845.
Sir,
I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your De-
spatches of the 11th Instant containing the Proclamation of Mr
President Jones on the receipt of H. Ey. of the preliminary
Articles of which you were the bearer.--It is very gratifying to
find that the tenour of this Document is so conciliatory towards
Mexico, and evidently by it's language desirous of cultivating
Peace and Goodwill, rather than the alternative of Annexation.
Senor Cuevas's mind had been much disturbed by the exag-
gerated Statements he had received respecting the State of Affairs
in Texas but I was fortunately enabled by your valuable assist-
ance to calm down his excited feelings, while, at the same time,
I strenuously, and I think with success, conjured him to allow
no false or interested statement to urge this Government into
any onward, or unfriendly Step while the Measure respecting
Texas is pending—but to wait calmly for the decision of the Con-
vention, which by a letter you were so good as to send for Mon-
sieur de Cyprey's and my information, is not likely to take place
before October.
I am endeavouring to induce this Government to issue a Proc-
lamation for a Cessation of hostilities, in return for that so
spontaneously made by the President of Texas
And Mr Cuevas assured me that no language but that of Con-
ciliation would be used in accompanying the publication of the
latter Document in the Government paper here.
Charles Bankhead.
Copy remaining with my papers.
Captain Charles Elliot.
[Endorsed.] Inclosure No l in Capt Elliot's Despatch No. 23.
to the Earl of Aberdeen. August. 13. 1845.
Mexico.
June 29. 1845
[Enclosure]
Sir,
It is with deep regret I learn from your private letter that you
think it expedient to leave Texas during the Sitting of the Con-
vention
I am sure you will pardon my earnestly requesting you to re-
consider this intended proceeding—for it is absolutely necessary
that this Legation should be accurately
informed from time to
time of what is going on in Texas--and, moreover, Lord Aber-
deen particularly enjoins you to do so in his Instruction of 3rd
May.
I take the liberty of adding that my opinion is fully supported
by my french Colleagues and by the Mexican Government.
I send this by H. M. S. Persian,
and I fervently hope that
She may arrive in time to prevent your putting your plan into
execution.
Charles Bankhead
Copy remaining with my papers.
Charles Ellilot.
Captain Charles Elliot.
[Endorsed.] Inclosure No 2 in Capt Elliot's Despatch No 23
to the Earl of Aberdeen. August 13. 1845.
No 10.
Foreign Office.
July 3d. 1845.
Sir,
I have received from you no Despatch of a later date than
that of the 2d of April, marked "Secret," in which you reported
the arrangement into which, in conjunction with the French
Chargé d' Affairs, you had induced the President of Texas to
enter, with a view to obtaining the recognition of Texas by Mex-
ico. In the same Despatch you mentioned your intention of pro-
ceeding in person secretly to Mexico, in order to carry out more
effectually the scheme of action thus devised in Concert with the
Texian Government.
I have subsequently learned from Her Majesty's Minister in
Mexico your arrival in that City, and the success which had
attended the united efforts of the Missions of England and France
both in Mexico and Texas, by the conditional acceptance by the
Mexican Government of the terms proposed to them by the
Government of Texas.
I am happy to be able to convey to you the approbation of
Her Majesty's Government of the energy and ability with which,
in conjunction with M. de Saligny, you prosecuted this matter
with the Government of Texas. It might have been preferable,
however, that you had not proceeded in person to Mexico; and
at all events it would have been better that you had not pro-
ceeded thither secretly, or under a feigned name or character, in-
asmuch as the mystery which necessarily attended such secret
expedition was liable to give rise to erroneous notions and false
interpretations of our motives and intentions, especially on the
part of the United States.
The policy which Her Majesty's Government have pursued with
respect to Texas and Mexico has been perfectly clear and open.
It has never required any concealment. We naturally desired to
preserve the independence of Texas, with which State we had
entered into engagements, and concluded Treaties, but we also
considered that the welfare of Mexico required that She should,
if possible, be preserved from immediate contact with the United
States.
We thought it probable that upon such separation the peace
of the North American Continent, and therefore of the World,
might materially depend. We accordingly employed our efforts,
but openly and fairly, to accomplish this object. We looked
upon it's furtherance as no less desirable for the United States
than for Mexico, since we do not believe that the aggrandizement
of the United States will in any way contribute to their strength,
or to the advancement of the material interests of their people.
On the contrary, we believe that such aggrandizement will be
found to have a precisely opposite effect, and that it will eventu-
ally excite discord in the bosom of that great Country. But such
dissention could scarcely fail to act injuriously upon British in-
terests, considering the vast amount of British Capital which is
engaged in Commerce with the United States. Our well under-
stood national interests require that the United States should
remain peaceful and united amongst themselves; but the system
of extention of their territory which they are now pursuing seems
to us to place their internal peace and union, as well as the peace
of the whole Continent in jeopardy. For that reason therefore,
as well as for those above pointed out, we have constantly sought
to uphold the independence of Texas. But in pursuing this policy
we have no specified British interests in view, apart from general
interests, for we do not conceive that any material or direct
British interest is involved in the independence of Texas. Had
it been so, it would undoubtedly have been the duty of Her
Majesty's Government to promote such interests by every fair
means in their power; but we should still have pursued that ob-
ject as a clear and obvious publick obligation, without the small-
est concealment.
I have entered thus at length into explanations respecting the
policy of Her Majesty's Government with regard to Texas and
Mexico, as well as the United States, with reference to those
Countries, in order to demonstrate to you that the Mystery which
you unfortunately threw round your recent preceedings was not
only unnecessary, but liable to be misunderstood in such manner
as to make your policy appear in a light the very reverse of that
which it ought to bear.
In doing this I have thought it expedient to point out to you
the error into which you have unintentionally fallen, and which
is liable to create serious embarrassment and misunderstanding,
in order that you may hereafter be enabled to avoid any repeti-
tion of it.
I do not think it necessary to enter upon this occasion into
the question of the probable result of your late proceedings, since
any reflections in which I might indulge must, in the uncertain
position in which matters stand at present in Texas, be purely
speculative. Her Majesty's Government see no reason to enter-
tain any sanguine hope that the President of Texas will have
been enabled to resist the popular clamour for annexation. It
is therefore unnecessary at the present moment to give contingent
instructions for the guidance of your conduct in the scarcely
imaginable case of the maintenance of their independence by the
people of Texas. In the event of the annexation of that Country
to the United States being completed, you will remain at your
post, or at some port of the United States, as you were author-
ized to do by my Despatch marked "Separate" on the 3rd. of
April last, until you receive further instructions from this Office.
Aberdeen.
Captain Elliot. R. N.
No 19.
New Orleans.
July 3rd. 1845.
My Lord,
The President's Message, herewith transmitted, reached me
this Evening, and seeing that there can be no further need for
my stay in this quarter at present, I shall proceed to New York
forthwith, holding myself in constant readiness to return to Texas
at any moment that my presence there may be thought requisite
or desirable. I learn by private letters from Texas that the
Steamer Princeton was despatched direct to Norfolk, with these
accounts, so that the detailed intelligence of what has passed in
Texas will no doubt reach Her Majesty's Government from Wash-
ington before this despatch can arrive in England.
It would be erroneous to suppose that the unanimity of the
Vote in the Texian Congress is decisive of the real feeling of the
whole people of that Country. On the contrary, these scrambling
and hurried proceedings in this grave affair afford reason to
think that discussion was considered dangerous, and the acqui-
escence of persons in that body well known to be adverse to An-
nexation is only evidence that they were borne down by the ap-
prehension of Violence, or at least by a sense that it was hopeless
openly to resist the unscrupulous management and misrepre-
sentation in operation at this moment.
Her Majesty's Government will find in these proceedings of
Congress, and the official Correspondence herewith transmitted
remarkable proof of the extent to which the people have been
deceived and worked upon both in the United States and in
Texas. So far as it has yet gone however this Measure is no doubt
an immense triumph to the great Slave Trade interests of this
Country.
Men, Women, and Children, My Lord, have risen in value at
least 30 per Cent since this scheme was proposed by Mr Tyler
in 1844; And the Annexation of Texas which some of the States-
men of this Country have ventured to actuate in the phrase
that it would constitute an "Exodus" for their Slave population
signifies in the plainer speech, and, more reverent use of terms
applicable to this painful transaction, that they have robbed a
Market from a weak and peaceful neighbour where Slavery had
no legal existence for the disposal and consumption of their sur-
plus human produce. Their avowed purpose is that the Slaves
are to be worked off in Texas till Slavery can no longer be turned
to profitable account, and then that the wreck of the race is to
be driven forth into the Mexican Provinces, to mix themselves
with the inhabitants of those Countries.
But turning from this extravagance, I take the liberty to
offer the opinion that the triumph these parties have achieved
will be found to be insubstantial and transitory. Misrepresenta-
tion and political intrigue, and disease and sordid Motives of
all kinds are of no texture to withstand the right feeling, and
sober purposes of the great body of this people on this subject
of Slavery. The reaction will be strong, and not slow of com-
ing; and so far as the durability of the institution of Slavery
is considered I believe that the Annexation of Texas will by no
means work steadily in the sense that its advocates suppose.
But there are other consequences to be feared from the success
of such schemes as this, and the time may not be distant when
it will be manifest that the true friends of the honour, happi-
ness, and integrity of this great Confederacy were those just and
able Statesmen who warned their fellow Citizens against the evils
of this bad plot.
I learn from a good source this Evening that two Corps of
infantry are to be sent immediately to Matagorda by Sea, and
that a regiment of Cavalry is to march into Texas from Port
Jessup. It was said that the whole force under orders would
not exceed 1,500 men. The Squadron before Galveston had broken
up and returned to this Country.
I take the liberty of forwarding Your Lordship the Copy of
a Despatch I addressed to Mr Bankhead yesterday, and I would
also mention that if your Lordship forwarded me any instruc-
tions by the Mail of the 19th May, they have not yet reached me,
having probably crossed me on my way up from Texas to this
place.
Charles Elliot.
To the Right Honourable.
The Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.
FOOTNOTES:
physician in Pennsylvania, until 1831, when he went to Texas. After
independence, he was for a time speaker of the House of Representa-
tives. He also filled the position of secretary of war, but retired from
active political life in 1842, because of ill health. (Appleton, Cyclop.
of Amer. Biography.)
in Senate Journal, 9th Texas Cong., 195-197.
Aberdeen, Nos. 10 and 11, March 6 and 7, 1845. See ante p. 729 seq.
Session of Parliament," and of circulars to consuls dated November 18
and December 24, 1844. These could not be traced.
1845.
have been omitted. No. 4 related to British sugar duties and noted
transmission of copies of correspondence with British consuls in the
United States. No. 5 acknowledged receipt of despatches.
by date are:
Bankhead to Aberdeen, No. 19, March 1, 1845.
Pakenham to Aberdeen, No. 39, March 29, 1845.
Aberdeen to Cowley, No, 46, April 15, 1845.
Cowley to Aberdeen, No. 184, April 28, 1845.
Aberdeen to Bankhead, No. 15, May 1, 1845.
Bankhead's despatch notified Aberdeen that Mexico was now willing
to recognize Texan independence, while Pakenham wrote of a change ir
the Texan attitude. Aberdeen, therefore, instructed Cowley to ask France
to join in a "last chance" effort to prevent annexation, but definitely
excluding any plan of war or force. France acceded and the despatch tc
Bankhead urged haste upon Mexico. Then two days later came the
present instructions to Elliot (Nos. 6 and 7) with the plan of a "Decla
ration." This plan arrived too late, however, and was never presentee
to the Texas government. (For analysis and partial citation of docu-
ments see Adams, British Interests and Activities in Texas, 203-207.)
for date and place.
vate, March 27, 1846, but is here inserted in its chronological order.
letter was written. The enclosed document, he therefore personally car-
ried back to Texas.
No. 480, Doc. 2, p. 70 seq., but is here reprinted because of the slightly
different wording of Bankhead's translation, and the additional signatures.
ton," bore the annexation resolutions to the Texan government.
British ship of war Electra, nominally going to Charleston, S. C. When
out of sight of land, he transferred to the Eurydice, and reached Vera
Cruz, April 11. Thence he proceeded to the capital, and once there Bank-
head took charge of affairs and pressed the Mexican government to ac-
cede to the Texan proposals. A long delay followed, and much hesita-
tion, irritating to Bankhead. Late in April, Elliot went to Jalapa, near
Vera Cruz, and waited for the Mexican decision, which Bankhead was
finally able to send him on May 20. Elliot sailed for Texas on the French
ship La Perouse, and reached Galveston on May 30. Since Bankhead
was the British diplomat in charge in Mexico, Elliot did not report to
Aberdeen the details of this negotiation in Mexico. These are to be
found in Bankhead's reports, F. 0., Mexico, 185.
thereto were transcribed by the copyist, but were withdrawn by the
censors of the foreign office, presumably under the rule that letters con-
taining reflections on individuals are not to be copied. It may be of in-
terest to note as indicating the liberality of the Public Record Office,
and of the foreign office, in opening archives to historical research, that
this was the only instance in connection with the publication of this
Texan material, in which the censors withdrew the correspondence.
poise (Brig).
in correct chronological order, though not received and transmitted by
Elliot until August, owing to his absence from Texas.
1845, have been omitted. No. 8 acknowledged receipt of despatches.
No. 9 noted the transmission of coipies of correspondence with British
consuls in the United States relative to the sugar duties, but these copies
could not be found.
B00KS REVIEWS AND NOTICES
Early
Diplomatic
Relations
Between
the
United
States
and
Mexico.
By William E. Manning. (Baltimore: The Johns Hop-
kins Press. 1916. Pp. ix, 406.)
This valuable volume, published as one of the series of Albert
Shaw Lectures on Diplomatic History, covers the period of Mexi-
can-American relations from 1821 to 1830, which has never be-
fore been adequately done—a period which might have been used
to establish friendly relations, but which was wasted in quibblings
and misunderstandings. In the latter the author finds the origin
and largely the explanation of the growing and apparently irrec-
oncilable differences of the next two decades, and the discord of
half a century.
Parts of four or five chapters have previously appeared in vari-
ous standard periodical publications. Chapter I supplements the
detailed treatment of the policy of the United States found in
Paxson, and the chapter on Cuba supplements the earlier accounts
of Callahan and Chadwick.
The history is presented in ten chapters: Beginnings and early
Mexican representatives at Washington; Tardy appointment and
cool reception of the first United States Minister to Mexico; Brit-
ish influence in Mexico and Poinsett's struggle against it; Cuba
saved to Spain; Diplomacy concerning the opening of the Santa
Fé trail; Denunciation of Poinsett because of his relations with
the York Masons; Obstacles in the way of concluding a commer-
cial treaty; Commercial controversies; Texas and the boundary
issue; Public attacks on Poinsett and his recall. The chapters
on Cuba (77 pages) and the boundary issue (72 pages) are dis-
proportionately long.
An additional chapter presents comments on authorities. The
author has obtained his materials largely from official manuscript
sources of the State Department at Washington and of the Min-
istry of Foreign Belations in Mexico. He has also drawn from
the Van Buren manuscripts in the Library of Congress at Wash-
ington much material on the beginnings of Jackson's and Van
Buren's plan for the purchase of Texas in 1829. He has also
made a careful study of the public documents and many secondary
sources. The chief authorities are cited in the footnotes, which
add much to the value of the hook.
The real beginning of the Mexican legation dates from the
arrival (November, 1824) of Obregon, the fourth minister pleni-
potentiary appointed by Mexico. The appointment of an Ameri-
can representative to Mexico was used as a political football or
political pawn at Washington while Canning was busy establish-
ing a British influence which overshadowed the importance and
influence of the earlier American recognition of Mexican inde-
pendence and the declarations of Monroe. Joel R. Poinsett, who
accepted the appointment, previously declined by others, received
his instructions on March 8, 1825. To recover the prestige lost
by delay, and with a desire to preserve republican institutions in
Mexico and prevent encroachment of European powers, he used
means which subjected him to charges of interference in internal
affairs and produced increasing distrust and suspicion, which post-
poned the satisfactory conclusion of pending negotiations, endan-
gered peaceful relations, and finally led to public Mexican attacks
which resulted in his recall. In Clay's instructions to show an
unobtrusive readiness to explain to the Mexican Government the
working of the American Constitution, which had been so largely
copied by Mexico, Poinsett found his only excuse for his activities
(through the York rite Masons) which gave rise to the charge
of meddling in internal affairs. At the same time he corrected
the implication of Alaman (the Mexican Minister) that the dec-
laration of Monroe gave Mexico the right to demand that the
United States interfere in behalf of the new American states.
In his longest chapter, the author traces the negotiations in
regard to the serious international question of the destiny of Cuba,
in which seven nations were involved, and in which the United
States, while opposing the acquisition of the island by any Euro-
pean power or by Mexico or Colombia, declined to be drawn into
a self-denying pledge.
In Chapter V he treats the growing intercourse along the Santa
Fé trail on the far northern frontier, after 1821, the substitution
of wagon trains for pack animals in 1824, the measures to estab-
lish and protect the trade, the efforts to secure the co-operation
of Mexico in constructing the road, which she opposed until the
question of boundary line should be settled, and the military
escort furnished by the United States before the regulation of
trade by the treaty of 1831.
The two most valuable chapters in the book are those relating
to the negotiation of treaties of commerce and boundaries. For
over four years the negotiations for a commercial treaty were
fruitless, and in this period Mexico twice allowed the time for
exchanging ratifications to pass without action. The chief initial
obstacles, after the agreement to separate the question of com-
merce from that of boundaries, were the attempt of the United
States to modify the most favored nation clause by a new prin-
ciple of "perfect reciprocity" of tonnage dues, which was opposed
by Mexico, and the demand of Mexico for an exception in favor
of the new Spanish American states on the ground that they were
engaged in a common contest against Spain in which the United
States was not participating. In reply to the latter, Clay and
Poinsett urged that the United States by maintaining neutrality
had prevented the precipitation of a detrimental union of Euro-
pean powers against Americans, and thus had been enabled to
render assistance more valuable than military co-operation. Poin-
sett successfully made the omission of the exception a sine
qua
non
and yielded on the proposed "perfect reciprocity." He also
withdrew an anti-British exception which he had proposed to the
principle of "free ships make free goods."
The treaty was signed on July 10, 1826, and, on its arrival at
Washington, still not ratified by Mexico, was promptly ratified
(February 26) by the Senate, after the insertion of Poinsett's
proposed exception and also the omission of an article excluding
from Mexico all European Spaniards who had been naturalized in
the United States since 1820, which was declared to be repug-
nant to the United States Constitution. Mexico still delayed to
act, first objecting to the clause on the rendition of fugitive slaves,
and later demanding an article settling the boundary dispute.
Finally, after the hasty conclusion of a boundary treaty on Jan-
uary 12, 1828, followed by the quick settlement of disputed points,
Poinsett obtained a new treaty (on February 14) which secured
both the principle of "perfect reciprocity" and the exception to
the principle of "free ships make free goods," and also provided
for the return of fugitive slaves. This treaty, ratified by the
American Senate on May 1, 1828, failed in the Mexican Congress.
Finally, however, over a year after the growing opposition to
Poinsett had burst into a demand which resulted in his removal,
Anthony Butler (on April 5, 1831) secured a treaty which was
ratified and properly exchanged by both powers, and which con-
tained practically all the articles of the Poinsett treaty except
the clause providing for return of fugitive slaves.
The commercial controversies, which in the absence of treaty
regulations, continually arose, over the rights and privileges of
United States merchants and merchandise, and which occupied
most of Poinsett's time in vain attempts to adjust, are treated
by the author in a separate chapter. They relate to requirements
of consular certificates to invoice of goods and resulting seizures
of vessels and goods, unfair tariff charges, seizure of American
vessels and cargoes on various pretexts, the conduct of Mexican
naval vessels and Mexican privateers against the commerce of
Spain (and their use of United States ports) and losses to mer-
chants and travelers at the hands of robbers and bandits.
The long chapter on "Texas and the Boundary Issue" traces the
questions relating to the American desire to regain territory bar-
tered away in 1819, the early suspicions of the authorities of the
new state of Mexico, the proposals of the American Government
to secure a new and more advantageous boundary west of the
Sabine to guard against possible future difficulty, the hope of the
Mexican ministry to secure the extreme limits of Spanish claims
before the treaty of 1819, the beginning of the Anglo-American
independence movement in Texas, the American attempts to pur-
chase the territory in which American citizens had obtained ex-
tensive grants from Mexico, the hasty negotiations of the boundary
treaty of January 12, 1828, which was promptly ratified by the
United States but was ratified too late by Mexico to be exchanged
under the time limit, the rise of new internal questions relating
to Texas, and the unsuccessful negotiations by the Jackson admin-
istration to secure a new treaty of limits. Poinsett, shortly before
his recall, was convinced that the American boundary could not
be extended west of the Sabine without driving Mexico "to court
a more strict alliance with some European power." Finally, after
Mexico by firm but pacific protests, had been induced to ratify
the pending treaty of commerce, the American government (ac-
cording to promise) submitted with it, to the United States Sen-
ate, the pending treaty of limits, which was thus revived after its
obligatory character had been lost by the remissness of Mexico.
Ratifications were exchanged exactly one year later, on the last
day allowed under the treaty provision.
FOOTNOTES:
J. M. Callahan.
Anglo-
American
Isthmian
Diplomacy,
1815-1915
[Prize Essays
of the American Historical Association, 1914.] By Mary
Wilhelmine Williams, Ph. D., Assistant Professor of His-
tory in Goucher College. (Washington: American Histor-
ical Association. 1916. Pp. xii, 356. $1.00.)
A committee of the American Historical Association awarded to
this book the Justin Winsor prize in American history for 1914.
This assures for it a high degree of accuracy and a respectable
literary style, for committees in the past have more than once
withheld the prize for want of a worthy candidate. English-Amer-
ican isthmian relations have been summarized in many books, and
portions of the subject have furnished topics for monographic in-
vestigation. Miss Williams's book claims attention for its dis-
tinguished patronage and because it is a consecutive study of the
whole subject. It is based on a minute and painstaking study of
all available English and American manuscript and printed sources,
and the writer lists in her bibliography a wide range of secondary
authorities from whom she has drawn more or less assistance. One
expects the book to be, and it ought to be, a most useful con-
tribution, but it is disappointing. It is a conscientious seminar
report with the defects of such an exercise, exhibiting immense
industry but small sense of proportion. Details piled on details
note every shade of shifting, transitory, ministerial opinion in
England, the United States, and Central America, as revealed in
the diplomatic correspondence; and the really important aspects
of the subject are lost in a desert of unessentials. The same fault
is carried out in the documentation. It hardly seems necessary
in a printed book to make six or eight references in a single brief
paragraph to a short document which is the sole source of the
paragraph. As a rule, over documentation is a good fault, and
this criticism would be captious but for the fact that it emphasizes
the principal defect of the book, its exaggeration of detail.
The book will necessarily find a place on the shelves of all well
furnished libraries and in the hands of professors of history, but
students and readers who desire a clear-cut presentation of the
essentials of Anglo-American Isthmian relations must continue
to use some of the excellent manuals listed in Miss Williams's
bibliography.
FOOTNOTES:
Eugene C. Barker.
History
of
Arizona.
By Thomas Edwin Fairish, Arizona Historian.
Two volumes. (Phoenix: Printed and Published by Di-
rection of the Second Legislature of the State of Arizona,
A. D., 1915. Pp. xii, 392; viii, 348.)
1
The background of Arizona history is large. On the one side
one may trace it from the Spanish conquest of Mexico through
the northward advance of missionaries and conquistadores in the
early sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries, and on the
other from the English settlements of the Atlantic seaboard through
the westward movement of American pioneers in the seventeenth,
eighteenth, and early nineteenth centuries. But in the period
covered by these volumes, that is, down to 1863 or 1864, there is
little distinctive, individualistic history for the region. It is
mainly incidental, episoclal. Spanish priests and explorers; Amer-
ican fur-traders, prospectors, and soldiers, generally destined else-
where, passed through the country and recorded their experiences—
frequently stirring enough to make a thrilling tale;—but of col-
onization and purposeful development of a commonwealth there
was none.
These volumes are a fairly skillful and quite entertaining com-
pilation of quotations from Bancroft and Bandelier on the Spanish-
Mexican period and from the reminiscences and reports of Amer-
ican pioneers and military officers thereafter. Three-fourths of
the text is quoted. Six chapters are devoted to "Early Spanish
Explorations" and "Early Spanish Missions and Missionaries";
but Kino, the only missionary who ever gave his primary attention
to Arizona, gets but four pages. Following the American eon-
quest three chapters are given to railroad surveys and transporta-
tion projects, three to "Early Mines and Mining," three to the
contest for Arizona during the Civil War, two to territorial organi-
zation, eight to Indians, and nine to early setttlers and settlements.
A list of chapter titles illustrates the absence of any plan of organi-
zation, except, to some extent, a chronological one: interspersed
with other chapters, the Indians appear under "Troubles with the
Indians," "Indian Raids and Outrages," "the Navajos," "the
Crabb Massacre," "Indians--Massacres--Outrages--Raids," "In-
dian Hostilities," "the Navajos." American pioneers appear under
"Early American Occupation," "Early Settlements and First At-
tempts at Organization of Territory," "Early Days in Arizona,"
"Early Pioneers and Settlers" (six chapters). In that portion of
the text written by the compiler a few inaccuracies are noted: in
the light of the researches of Professor Adams and Mr. Rives it
requires hardihood to assert without qualification that England
"was preparing to seize" California in 1846 (Preface, vi, and
1:149), not Abarcón (1:19), but Kino, a hundred and forty years
later, settled the fact that California was not an island; the Dem-
ocratic platform of 1844 claimed to 54 40', not to 59 40' (1:119).
This, of course, may be a misprint. It was Tyler's pleasure to
notify Texas of the passage of the joint resolution for annexation,
not Polk's "first official act" (1:119). Each volume is separately
and adequately indexed, but there is neither bibliography nor
bibliographical notes. There are illustrations, but no map. These
are omissions which subsequent volumes in the series should supply.
FOOTNOTES:
ber, 1916.
Eugene C. Barker.
Mrs.
Percy
V.
Penny
backer;
an
appreciation.
By Helen Knox.
(Chicago: Revell & Co. 1916. 12mo, pp. 7, 192.)
As the sub-title implies, it is not so much a critical appraisal
as a friendly tribute by a young college woman to one of the lead-
ing club women of America, who has helped the author and her
colleagues in the University of Texas in their own club life and
inspired them in their efforts at service.
the women's clubs a vital force for good."
The subject is treated under the heads "The Little Girl." "The
School Girl," "The Student," "The Educator," "The Wife and
Mother," "The Author," "The Traveler," "The Club Woman,"
"The Speaker," "The Woman."
In Mrs. Pennybacker's manysided life, the aspect under which
she is most generally known, and which is now of widest interest,
is that of the club woman. It is this phase, therefore, and its
related phases, which the book emphasizes.
"Mrs. Pennybacker has lived under the two regimes of the
Woman's Club--the one, of ostracism and suspicion; the other,
of power and recognition," says Miss Knox in the chapter on
"The Club Woman."
Her club life began in Carthage, Missouri, when she was still
a young girl. As a young married woman she went from Pales-
tine, about twenty years ago, to her first State Convention of the
Texas Federation of Women's Clubs in San Antonio, where the
bishop prayed: "Lord, though we are in doubt about this move-
ment, Thou canst bring good out of it!"
Today, the woman's clubs have become a power to reckon with;
it has become a matter of vital moment to gain their support in
all public movements looking to human betterment. While it is
of course impossible to weigh exactly any one individual's influ-
ence in so wide a growth as this, it is undoubtedly true that Mrs.
Pennybacker has had a large part in bringing about the develop-
ment which has been so noticeable in the last ten years.
Quotations are made from letters of such people as Edward Bok,
former acting President W. J. Battle, and Ex-president Sidney E.
Mezes, of the University of Texas, Ex-governor Campbell, Lady
Aberdeen, as well as prominent American club women, to show in
what high esteem Mrs. Pennybacker is held in America. Portraits
of Mr. and Mrs. Pennybacker and their daughter Ruth, and pic-
tures of the old Sam Houston Normal, and the Pennybacker resi-
dence in Austin, illustrate the book.
Elizabeth H. West.
Woodrow
Wilson
as
President,
by Eugene C. Brooks, Professor
of Education, Trinity College, Durham, N. C. (Chicago: Row,
Peterson and Company. Pp. 572. $1.60), is a somewhat un-
critical but extremely interesting, and withal, valuable, review of
President Wilson's administration. The book is made up largely
of excerpts from the President's messages and speeches concern-
ing the great measures and policies of his administration, and
gives one a new respect for his sturdy idealism.
The
Rice
Institute
Pamphlet
is the title of a quarterly publica-
tion begun by The Rice Institute, Houston, Texas, in April, 1915.
It is now in its third volume. Its purpose is to give "publicity
in permanent form to inaugural and other lectures in letters, sci-
ence, and art by visiting lecturers and professors of the Univer-
sity." "Texas: A democratic ode," by Henry van Dyke, ap-
peared in the first number.
Rev.
Peter
H.
Fullinwider:
The first Presbyterian minister to
visit and preach in Texas, by Edward M. Browder, is the title of
a well written article first appearing in the Texas
Presbyterian.
August, 1916, and now reprinted in pamphlet form.
The Great Southern Life Insurance Company, of Houston,
Texas, has issued a University number of its magazine (July,
1916), in which are reprinted the articles by William Green Ster-
ett on the University of Texas, Agricultural and Mechanical Col-
lege, and College of Industrial Arts, that appeared in the Dallas-
Galveston
News
from April 15 to 21, 1915.
A series of articles on "The Anti-Trust Legislation of Texas,
by Tom Finty, Jr., has been printed in the Sunday issues of the
Dallas-Galveston
News,
beginning April 2nd and ending July 23,
1916.
The address of Judge William H. Wilson on "Primary Elections
as an Instrument of Popular Government," before the State Bar
Association, was printed in the Sunday issues of the Houston
Post
for July 30 and August 6 and 13, 1916.
The
Texas
History
Teachers
Bulletin,
IV, No. 3 (May, 1916),
continues the publication of extracts from the minutes of the
ayuntamiento of San Felipe. The proceedings of March 2, Octo-
ber 21, November 14, 22, 24, 27,
1829, and March 9, 1831, are
drawn upon.
Articles of interest concerning Texas: El
Paso
(New Re-
public, June 17, 1916); The
Old
Texan
Capital
(Scribner's Mag-
azine, July, 1916); Mexico
in
San
Antonio
(New Republic, June
24, 1916); Houston—
an
Inland
Seaport
(Review of Reviews, July,
1916). The following articles recently appeared in Texas news-
papers: Reminiscences of the lower Rio Grande border during the
Civil War and 1866, when the United States threatened to expel
the French from Mexico, by Margaret L. Wilson (Galveston
News,
August 6, 1916); A biographical sketch of General William J.
Worth, with many extracts from his unpublished letters (Ibid.,
August 6, 1916); The Alabama Indians of Polk County, Texas,
by C. D. Waide (Ibid.,
August 13, 1916); Captain Edgar Collins
Singer, inventor of a successful submarine torpedo in 1863, by
Horace N. Hill (San
Antonio
Express,
July 30, 1916).
The San
Antonio
Express
of August 15, 1916, contains a list of
the sculptures of Pompeo Coppini, and a brief sketch of his life.
The
Texas
School
Journal
issued a special University of Texas
number for September, 1916.
Two important Bulletins of the University of Texas now in
press are, A
Financial
History
of
Texas,
by Professor E. T. Miller
of the department of Economics and Sociology, and a collectior
of Political
Party
Platforms
in
Texas,
by Mr. E. W. Winkler of
the University Library staff.
NEWS ITEMS
The July Quarterly announced an additional gift of $5,000
to the University of Texas by Major George W. Littlefield for
the purchase of material on southern history. By rare good for-
tune the University was able during the summer to buy a file of
Charleston, South Carolina, newspapers, almost complete from
1799 to 1910. The Dallas
News
of September 16, 1916, pub-
lishes a letter from Professor Robert Adger Law which discusses
the importance of these papers. It is quoted below:
"The recent acquisition by the library of the University of
Texas of certain files of Charleston (S. C.) newspapers, running
from 1799 to 1910, is a significant event. These are the City
Gazette,
the Charleston
Times,
the Courier,
and the News
and
Courier.
Historically, they cover the whole period from the death
of Washington, through the War of 1812, Mexican War, the War
between the States, the abolition of slavery, reconstruction, the
Spanish-American War, almost down to the Wilson administra-
tion. The city of Charleston played an important part in many
of these periods. It was there that John C. Calhoun lived, and
there he is now buried. From Charleston came a number of
soldiers who distinguished themselves in the Mexican War. In
Charleston began the War of Secession with the attack on Fort
Sumter; in that city the evils of reconstruction were felt at their
worst, and Charleston is today one of the most unique cities, of
America. The whole background is fully reflected from year to
year in the files of these newspapers.
"The Courier,
especially, from its very foundation, was an ex-
cellent newspaper of the conservative type. Its history began in
1803, and the files purchased by the University of Texas are in a
good state of preservation and are practically complete for more
than a century. To read the early numbers gives one a curious
impression of the present day combined with the past. For the
Napoleonic wars then stirred Europe and America, as well. Daily
war bulletins occupied a prominent place in the Courier's
news
columns, while its editorial page showed strong sympathy with the
British cause. President Jefferson and his Cabinet were accused
of undue favoritism toward the French, and the Courier
strongly
condemned the policies advocated by three Virginians--Jefferson,
Monroe, and Madison. Later on came the famous nullification
controversy, in which South Carolina was ready to defy President
Andrew Jackson, supposedly a native of that State. The entire
contest over slavery was most bitter in Charleston, and the con-
vention by which South Carolina seceded from the Union was
held in the same city. Not a few battles in the years that fol-
lowed took place in and around Charleston harbor, and there in
1899 was held one of the most notable Confederate reunions, in
which Generals John B. Gordon and Joe Wheeler were the most
prominent figures.
"These newspapers, which have been collected for over a hun-
dred years by the Charleston Chamber of Commerce, were sold at
auction this summer. Among the bidders were several of the most
important libraries of the country, and it is understood that the
University of Texas only slightly outbid others by paying almost
five thousand dollars for the collection. That she was able to do
so is directly due to the generosity of Major George W. Littlefield
of Austin, who not only established the Littlefield History Fund
for the purchase of such material, but made a large addition to it
for this particular object.
It is easy to foresee that this valuable collection of news-
papers—probably unique outside of Charleston—will attract num-
bers of special students to Texas. It is also easy to forecast that
the acquisition of them will come as one more step in the building
of the long-promised 'university of the first class.'"
Mrs. Lucy A. Kidd-Key, for nearly thirty years president of
the North Texas Female College, Sherman, died at Sherman,
September 13, 1916.
Judge Leroy G. Denman, associate justice of the Supreme Court
of Texas, 1894-1899, died at San Antonio, September 14, 1916.
Ralph J. Smith, author of Reminiscences
of
the
Civil
War
and
other
Sketches
(see Quarterly, XV, 90), died at San Marcos,
April 17, 1913.
William D. Williams, member of the Railroad Commission of
Texas, died at Austin, October 1, 1916.
A monument in honor of General H. B. Granbury was unveiled
at Granbury, Texas, September 14, 1916. It was erected by the
Daughters of the Confederacy, and stands on the courthouse
square.
Mrs. A. J. Hamilton, widow of Ex-governor Hamilton, died at
her home in Austin, April 25, 1916. Mrs. Hamilton was born in
Georgia in 1828; was married September 3, 1843, in Alabama;
came to Texas in 1846, residing first at La Grange, and since the
spring of 1849 at Austin.
On August 10, 1916, Mrs. W. A. Callaway, for many years on
the staff of the Dallas
News,
died at Dallas. "Mrs. Callaway
has been active in social betterment work in this State for twenty-
five years. Her time, her pen and her brain have ever been ready
to further the efforts of those who have strived to make the world
a better place in which to live."
Davis Foute Eagleton, for many years a professor in Austin
College, Sherman, and compiler and editor of Writers
and
Writ
-
ings
of
Texas,
died June 9, 1916.
Jonathan Lane, a prominent lawyer of the Houston bar, died
May 27, 1916. A sketch of him appears in Who's
Who
in
America,
191
4-1915:
William Williston Heartsill, author and printer of that odd
little volume, Fourteen
Hundred
and
91
Days
in
the
Confederate
Army . . . Or Camp Life, Day by Day, of the W. P. Lane
Rangers, died at Waco, July 27, 1916.
George Douglas Neal, lieutenant-governor of Texas, 1903-1907,
died at his home in Navasota, July 13, 1916. A sketch of Lieu-
tenant-Governor Neal appears in Raines' Year
Book
for
Texas,
II,
188-89.
Cecil A. Lyon, for eighteen years member of the Republican
State executive committee, brigadier general of the Texas National
Guard, and receiver of the International & Great Northern Rail-
way, died at Sherman, April 4, 1916. A sketch of General Lyon
appears in Who's
Who
in
America,
1914-1915.
Mrs. Catherine Allien-Hooker died at Houston, June 30, 1916.
She was the daughter of Imanuel Frederick Gibenrath, the Ger-
man drummer at Goliad (The Quarterly, XIV, 166-68).
John S. Patterson, Commissioner of Insurance and Banking,
was shot August 27, 1916, at Teague, Texas, and died two days
later at Waco.