Early
Diplomatic
Relations
Between
the
United
States
and
Mexico.
By William E. Manning. (Baltimore: The Johns Hop-
kins Press. 1916. Pp. ix, 406.)
1
This valuable volume, published as one of the series of Albert
Shaw Lectures on Diplomatic History, covers the period of Mexi-
can-American relations from 1821 to 1830, which has never be-
fore been adequately done—a period which might have been used
to establish friendly relations, but which was wasted in quibblings
and misunderstandings. In the latter the author finds the origin
and largely the explanation of the growing and apparently irrec-
oncilable differences of the next two decades, and the discord of
half a century.
Parts of four or five chapters have previously appeared in vari-
ous standard periodical publications. Chapter I supplements the
detailed treatment of the policy of the United States found in
Paxson, and the chapter on Cuba supplements the earlier accounts
of Callahan and Chadwick.
The history is presented in ten chapters: Beginnings and early
Mexican representatives at Washington; Tardy appointment and
cool reception of the first United States Minister to Mexico; Brit-
ish influence in Mexico and Poinsett's struggle against it; Cuba
saved to Spain; Diplomacy concerning the opening of the Santa
Fé trail; Denunciation of Poinsett because of his relations with
the York Masons; Obstacles in the way of concluding a commer-
cial treaty; Commercial controversies; Texas and the boundary
issue; Public attacks on Poinsett and his recall. The chapters
on Cuba (77 pages) and the boundary issue (72 pages) are dis-
proportionately long.
An additional chapter presents comments on authorities. The
author has obtained his materials largely from official manuscript
sources of the State Department at Washington and of the Min-
istry of Foreign Belations in Mexico. He has also drawn from
the Van Buren manuscripts in the Library of Congress at Wash-
ington much material on the beginnings of Jackson's and Van
Buren's plan for the purchase of Texas in 1829. He has also
made a careful study of the public documents and many secondary
sources. The chief authorities are cited in the footnotes, which
add much to the value of the hook.
The real beginning of the Mexican legation dates from the
arrival (November, 1824) of Obregon, the fourth minister pleni-
potentiary appointed by Mexico. The appointment of an Ameri-
can representative to Mexico was used as a political football or
political pawn at Washington while Canning was busy establish-
ing a British influence which overshadowed the importance and
influence of the earlier American recognition of Mexican inde-
pendence and the declarations of Monroe. Joel R. Poinsett, who
accepted the appointment, previously declined by others, received
his instructions on March 8, 1825. To recover the prestige lost
by delay, and with a desire to preserve republican institutions in
Mexico and prevent encroachment of European powers, he used
means which subjected him to charges of interference in internal
affairs and produced increasing distrust and suspicion, which post-
poned the satisfactory conclusion of pending negotiations, endan-
gered peaceful relations, and finally led to public Mexican attacks
which resulted in his recall. In Clay's instructions to show an
unobtrusive readiness to explain to the Mexican Government the
working of the American Constitution, which had been so largely
copied by Mexico, Poinsett found his only excuse for his activities
(through the York rite Masons) which gave rise to the charge
of meddling in internal affairs. At the same time he corrected
the implication of Alaman (the Mexican Minister) that the dec-
laration of Monroe gave Mexico the right to demand that the
United States interfere in behalf of the new American states.
In his longest chapter, the author traces the negotiations in
regard to the serious international question of the destiny of Cuba,
in which seven nations were involved, and in which the United
States, while opposing the acquisition of the island by any Euro-
pean power or by Mexico or Colombia, declined to be drawn into
a self-denying pledge.
In Chapter V he treats the growing intercourse along the Santa
Fé trail on the far northern frontier, after 1821, the substitution
of wagon trains for pack animals in 1824, the measures to estab-
lish and protect the trade, the efforts to secure the co-operation
of Mexico in constructing the road, which she opposed until the
question of boundary line should be settled, and the military
escort furnished by the United States before the regulation of
trade by the treaty of 1831.
The two most valuable chapters in the book are those relating
to the negotiation of treaties of commerce and boundaries. For
over four years the negotiations for a commercial treaty were
fruitless, and in this period Mexico twice allowed the time for
exchanging ratifications to pass without action. The chief initial
obstacles, after the agreement to separate the question of com-
merce from that of boundaries, were the attempt of the United
States to modify the most favored nation clause by a new prin-
ciple of "perfect reciprocity" of tonnage dues, which was opposed
by Mexico, and the demand of Mexico for an exception in favor
of the new Spanish American states on the ground that they were
engaged in a common contest against Spain in which the United
States was not participating. In reply to the latter, Clay and
Poinsett urged that the United States by maintaining neutrality
had prevented the precipitation of a detrimental union of Euro-
pean powers against Americans, and thus had been enabled to
render assistance more valuable than military co-operation. Poin-
sett successfully made the omission of the exception a sine
qua
non
and yielded on the proposed "perfect reciprocity." He also
withdrew an anti-British exception which he had proposed to the
principle of "free ships make free goods."
The treaty was signed on July 10, 1826, and, on its arrival at
Washington, still not ratified by Mexico, was promptly ratified
(February 26) by the Senate, after the insertion of Poinsett's
proposed exception and also the omission of an article excluding
from Mexico all European Spaniards who had been naturalized in
the United States since 1820, which was declared to be repug-
nant to the United States Constitution. Mexico still delayed to
act, first objecting to the clause on the rendition of fugitive slaves,
and later demanding an article settling the boundary dispute.
Finally, after the hasty conclusion of a boundary treaty on Jan-
uary 12, 1828, followed by the quick settlement of disputed points,
Poinsett obtained a new treaty (on February 14) which secured
both the principle of "perfect reciprocity" and the exception to
the principle of "free ships make free goods," and also provided
for the return of fugitive slaves. This treaty, ratified by the
American Senate on May 1, 1828, failed in the Mexican Congress.
Finally, however, over a year after the growing opposition to
Poinsett had burst into a demand which resulted in his removal,
Anthony Butler (on April 5, 1831) secured a treaty which was
ratified and properly exchanged by both powers, and which con-
tained practically all the articles of the Poinsett treaty except
the clause providing for return of fugitive slaves.
The commercial controversies, which in the absence of treaty
regulations, continually arose, over the rights and privileges of
United States merchants and merchandise, and which occupied
most of Poinsett's time in vain attempts to adjust, are treated
by the author in a separate chapter. They relate to requirements
of consular certificates to invoice of goods and resulting seizures
of vessels and goods, unfair tariff charges, seizure of American
vessels and cargoes on various pretexts, the conduct of Mexican
naval vessels and Mexican privateers against the commerce of
Spain (and their use of United States ports) and losses to mer-
chants and travelers at the hands of robbers and bandits.
The long chapter on "Texas and the Boundary Issue" traces the
questions relating to the American desire to regain territory bar-
tered away in 1819, the early suspicions of the authorities of the
new state of Mexico, the proposals of the American Government
to secure a new and more advantageous boundary west of the
Sabine to guard against possible future difficulty, the hope of the
Mexican ministry to secure the extreme limits of Spanish claims
before the treaty of 1819, the beginning of the Anglo-American
independence movement in Texas, the American attempts to pur-
chase the territory in which American citizens had obtained ex-
tensive grants from Mexico, the hasty negotiations of the boundary
treaty of January 12, 1828, which was promptly ratified by the
United States but was ratified too late by Mexico to be exchanged
under the time limit, the rise of new internal questions relating
to Texas, and the unsuccessful negotiations by the Jackson admin-
istration to secure a new treaty of limits. Poinsett, shortly before
his recall, was convinced that the American boundary could not
be extended west of the Sabine without driving Mexico "to court
a more strict alliance with some European power." Finally, after
Mexico by firm but pacific protests, had been induced to ratify
the pending treaty of commerce, the American government (ac-
cording to promise) submitted with it, to the United States Sen-
ate, the pending treaty of limits, which was thus revived after its
obligatory character had been lost by the remissness of Mexico.
Ratifications were exchanged exactly one year later, on the last
day allowed under the treaty provision.
FOOTNOTES:
J. M. Callahan.
How to cite:
"Early Diplomatic Relations Between the United States and Mexico", Volume 20, Number 2, Southwestern Historical Quarterly Online, http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/publications/journals/shq/online/v020/n2/review_DIVL3183.html
[Accessed Mon Nov 23 18:41:19 CST 2009]
