SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Vol. XXIX OCTOBER, 1925 No. 2
Editors EUGENE C. BARKER HERBERT E. BOLTON Associate Editors CHAS. W. RAMSDELL E. W. WINKLER CHARLES W. HACKETT Managing Editor EUGENE C. BARKER- THE EARLY ART OF TERRESTRIAL MEASUREMENT AND ITS PRACTICE IN TEXAS. - By Edwin P. Arneson - 79
- THE FEDERAL INDIAN POLICY IN TEXAS, 1845-1860 (Concluded) - By Lena Clara Koch - 98
- FROM TEXAS TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849: Diary of C. C. Cox (Continued) - Edited by Mabelle Eppard Martin - 128
- CAPTAIN AMON B. KING - By James M. Robertson - 147
- THE BRYAN-HAYES CORRESPONDENCE, XVII - Edited by E. W. Winkler - 151
- BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTICES: Bolton, Arredondo's Historical Proof of Spain's Title to Georgia; Binkley, The Expansionist Movement in Texas, 1836-1850; Griffith, Westward the Course of Empire: The History of Texas from Exploration to Annexation in a Sequence of One-Act Plays - 157
CONTENTS
The Texas State Historical Association
PRESIDENT:
T. F. HARWOOD
VICE-PRESIDENTS:
ALEX. DIENST,GEORGE W. TYLER,
ANDREW J. HOUSTONJ. L. CLARK
RECORDING SECRETARY AND LIBRARIAN:
EUGENE C. BARKER
CORRESPONDING SECRETARY AND TREASURER:
CHARLES W. RAMSDELL
EXECUTIVE COUNCIL:
PRESIDENT T. F. HARWOOD,
VICE-PRESIDENT ALEX. DIENST,
VICE-PRESIDENT ANDREW J. HOUSTON,
VICE-PRESIDENT GEORGE W. TYLER,
VICE-PRESIDENT J. L. CLARK,
RECORDING SECRETARY AND LIBRARIAN EUGENE C. BARKER,
CORRESPONDING SECRETARY AND TREASURER CHARLES W. RAMSDELL,
EX-PRESIDENT MRS. ADELE B. LOOSCAN,
E. W. WINKLER FOR TERM ENDING 1928.
FELLOWS INGHAM S. ROBERTS FOR TERM ENDING 1929.
MATTIE AUSTIN HATCHER FOR TERM ENDING 1930.
SAMUEL E. ASBURY FOR TERM ENDING 1928.
ADINA DE ZAVALA FOR TERM ENDING 1929.
MEMBERS HARBERT DAVENPORT FOR TERM ENDING 1930.
MRS. L. N. THROOP FOR TERM ENDING 1931.
J. E. HALEY FOR TERM ENDING 1932.
PUBLICATION COMMITTEE:
JUDGE T. F. HARWOOD
EUGENE C. BARKER,E. W. WINKLER,
HERBERT E. BOLTON,CHARLES W. RAMSDELL.
The Association was organized March 2, 1897. The annual dues are three dollars. THE QUARTERLY is sent free to all members.
Contributions to THE QUARTERLY and correspondence relative to historical material should be addressed to Eugene C. Barker, Austin, Texas, or to Herbert E. Bolton, Berkeley, California.
Other correspondence may be addressed to The Texas State Historical Association, Austin, Texas.
FELLOWS AND LIFE MEMBERS OF THE ASSOCIATION
The constitution of the Association provides that "Members who show, by published work, special aptitude for historical investigation may become Fellows. Thirteen Fellows shall be elected by the Association when first organized, and the body thus created may thereafter elect additional Fellows on the nomination of the Executive Council. The number of Fellows shall never exceed fifty."
The present list of Fellows is as follows:
ADAMS, PROF. E. D. MARSHALL, PROF. THOMAS MAITLAND
BARKER, PROF. EUGENE C. MCCALEB, DR. W. F.
BATTS, JUDGE R. L. MILLER, PROF. E. T.
BOLTON, PROF. HERBERT EUGENE NEU, MR. C. T.
BUCKLEY, MISS ELEANOR C. RAMSDELL, PROF. CHAS. W.
CASIS, PROF. LILIA M. ROBERTS, MR. INGHAM S.
CHAPMAN, PROF. CHAS. E. SMITH, PROF. W. ROY
CHRISTIAN, DR. A. K. SMITHER, MISS HARRIET
CLARK, PROF. ROBERT CARLTON TOWNES, PROF. JOHN C
COOPER, PRESIDENT O. H. TUCKER, MR. PHILIP C. 3rd
COX, PROF. I. J. TYLER, JUDGE GEORGE W.
CUNNINGHAM, PROF. CHAS. H. VILLAVASO, MRS. ETHEL RATHER
DIENST, DR. ALEX WEBB, PROF. W. P.
DUNN, DR. WILLIAM EDWARD WEST, MISS ELIZABETH H.
ESTILL, PROF. H. F. WILLIAMS, JUDGE O. W.
HACKETT, DR. CHAS. W. WINKLER, MR. ERNEST WM.
HATCHER, MRS. MATTIE AUSTIN WORLEY, MR. J. L.
LOOSCAN, MRS. ADELE B. ZAVALA, MISS ADINA DE
MANNING, DR. WILLIAM RAY
The constitution provides also that "Such benefactors of the Association as shall pay into its treasury at any one time the sum of fifty dollars, or shall present to the Association an equivalent in books, MSS., or other acceptable matter, shall be classed as Life Members."
The Life Members at present are:
ALLEN, MR. WILBUR P. KIRBY, MR. JNO. H.
ARMSTRONG, MR. B. W. MCFADDEN, MR. W. P. H.
ARNOLD, M. L. MILBY, MRS. C. H.
AYER, MR. EDWARD MINOR, MR. P. D.
BAKER, MR. R. H. MOODY, COL. W. L.
BEAZLEY, MISS JULIA MOORE, MRS. JNO. M.
BENEDICT, PROF. H. Y. MOREHEAD, MR. C. R.
BUNDY, MR. Z. T. NEALE, MR. WM. J.
CLAYTON, MR. W. L. PARKER, MRS. EDWARD W.
COCHRANE, MR. SAM P. PEARCE, PROF. J. E.
COURCHESNE, MR. A. PEDEN, E. A.
CRANE, MR. R. C. PERRY, MRS. EMMETT L.
DAVIDSON, MR. W. S. RADFORD, M.R. J. M.
DEALEY, MR. GEORGE B. RICE, MR. J. S.
DILWORTH, MR. THOS. G. RICE, HON. W. M.
DONALDSON, MRS. NANA SMITHWICK ROTAN, MRS. EDWARD
FARRISH, MR. W. S. RUGELEY, MR. HENRY
FORTMAN, HENRY F. SCHMIDT, MR. JOHN
GILBERT, MR. JOHN N. SEVIER, MRS. CLARA D.
GLEASON. REV. JOSEPH M. SINCLAIR, MR. J. L.
GUNNELL, MR. W. N. STARK, MR. H. J. L.
HANRICK, MR. R. A. TERRY, MR. WHARTON
HARWOOD, T. F. THOMPSON, MR. BROOKS
HEFLEY, MR. W. T. TODD, MR. CHARLES S.
HOGG, MR. WILL C. WALKER, MR. J. A.
HOUGHTON, MISS KATE. WASHER, MR. NAT M.
HOUSE, MR. E. M. WEBB, MR. MACK
HYDE, MR. JAMES H. WILLACY, HON. JOHN G.
JONES, MR. ROLAND WILLIAMS, JUDGE O. W
KENEDY, MR. JNO. G.
Vol. XXIX OCTOBER, 1925 No. 2
The publication committee and the editors disclaim responsibility for views expressed by contributors to THE QUARTERLY
Man's curiosity and wants have impelled him to wander about the earth and to "go down to the sea in ships." To find his way back he has developed the arts of exploring and navigation, and, to fix his domain, surveying.
The most difficult of these arts to perfect has been navigation, obviously because of the lack of fixed objects on the horizon, and because a ship's deck provides an unsatisfactory support for even crude nautical instruments. Until the time of Columbus, it may be said that almost no mariners had ventured out on the open seas for long voyages, if we except those of the Northmen. The navigating was largely coastwise. Short voyages were made to outlying islands by the pilot system; that is to say the ship's company contained one or more men, who had made the trip before. On the cloudless Mediterranean sailors had known from remote times to use the north star for direction. In about the eighth century of our era the magnetic needle was introduced into Europe by the Arabs. The more skilled navigators had applied the science of contemporary astronomy to their needs, and had devised a method of determining approximate latitude by measuring the height of the sun at noon. On the sea the measurement was made by a cross-staff; on land, by the astrolabe. As these two astronomical tools were very important in the charting and exploring of the new world they merit description.
The cross-staff consisted of two pieces of wood set at right angles to each other, like a cross; yet free to slide, one upon the other. With one hand the observer held the proper end of the horizontal stick, or staff, to his eye; with the other hand he moved the vertical cross piece back and forth until he sighted over its upper end the sun, and under the lower end the sea's horizon. The angle at the eye between these two lines of vision, an approximate measure of the sun's altitude, was read on the graduations marked along the horizontal bar.
The astrolabe in its elemental form was a disk of metal graduated circumferentially to 360 degrees. At the center of the disk a pointer was pivoted. The disk was suspended in a vertical plane by a string attached to a point in its periphery. Therefore a line across this disk at right angles to the direction of gravity was an artificial but true horizon. This horizontal line was easily found by joining two points on the circumference of the disk, lying 90 degrees each way from the place of suspension. The pointer therefore indicated on the graduations the angular distance, above or below the horizon, of any object sighted. The astrolabe was introduced into Europe about 700 A. D. by the Moors. Their astronomers and engineers had used it for astronomical observation, for ascertaining heights of mountains and even for establishing the gradients of irrigation and water-power canals.
The astrolabe could be used only on land, because the motion of the ship's deck disturbed the artificial horizon. The cross-staff was difficult to use, because it was necessary for an observer to look in two directions almost at once: at the sun, and also at the sea's horizon. Each instrument was useful in its own field. Columbus carried them both on his voyages, as all navigators did who followed him for some two hundred and forty years.
The latitude of a position on the earth's surface was readily ascertainable within practical limits; but degrees of longitude were extremely difficult to determine, because the ship's chronometer had not been invented. The Moorish astronomers had obtained fair results in longitude measurements by observing eclipses of the moon from different places. The difference between the local times of this phenomenon was of course a measure of the difference in longitude. They had also measured considerable arcs of longitude by triangulation and chaining, so urgent was it for the followers of the Faithful and their generals to know in which direction, and how far away, lay Mecca. But these measurements required an expertness not commonly possessed by the explorers of the Spanish Main.
During the age of discovery the Spanish universities led the world in teaching the science of astronomy. Yet writers on the subject advised practical navigators not to occupy themselves with the vagaries of longitude; but, to adhere to the method of latitude determined by sun's altitude, and to check the ship's position by the method of "dead reckoning."
To perform this nautical operation the mariner charted his course hourly by platting the ship's direction, read from the coin-pass, and the distance sailed from log measurements. A log, with rope attached, was thrown overboard. The rope was paid out and allowed to run freely for such length of time as it took a sand glass to empty itself, usually about one minute. Then by ascertaining the amount of rope paid out, the ship's average speed was determined. The method of dead reckoning was recognized, then as now, as yielding only approximate results.
As the New World was explored the latitudes of harbors, settlements and promontories were reported to the king, and the approximate distances from Spain as well. So, if a voyage from Cadiz to Vera Cruz was undertaken, the navigator would set out on a course as much toward the southwest as he felt was right. Each noon of the voyage he would make an observation on the sun for latitude. This he would continue to do until the day came when his noon observation told him that he was in the latitude of Vera Cruz. He would then change his course and steer due west for that port. If his first assumed course brought him to a landfall before entering the desired latitude, he sailed south along the coast until he made his destination. An example of this mode of navigation is El Cano's bringing Magellan's ships home through the Indian Ocean. The chart of his voyage shows that he sailed southwesterly until he found the latitude of the Cape of Good hope, when he changed his course to due west.
The early maps of Spanish explorations in America reflect the difficulties of longitude determination by omitting the meridional lines, yet latitude is nearly always indicated. The ancient notion that the earth inclined toward the poles is contained in the word climate, meaning inclination or slope; and the word climate was used in the sense of latitude. De la Ascension in his description of the California coast, explored by him in 1603, locates it in certain "climates." Maps bearing dates as early as about 1700, however, do show the meridians of longitude. They are numbered from west to east instead of the reverse as we have them today. The effort of the geographers seems to have been to pass the first meridian through the Azores Islands, although local first meridians are sometimes used. The longitudes of places shown on the maps as recent as about 1750 were usually estimated from days of sailing or marching.
The discovery of the New World happened almost simultaneously with the reconquest of Spain from the Moors. America offered fresh and inviting fields to the professional soldiers whom an agelong war had developed. This picturesque lot of fighting men became the conquistadores of the Spanish Main, and the speedy result of their enterprise was a new and vast territory for their sovereign.
The Spanish King proceeded at once with the consolidation of his new possessions. But he needed information regarding them. Accordingly he sent abroad navigators, pilots, cosmographers, explorers, military engineers and surveyors.
The navigators and pilots were men skilled in the art of their time. According to the "Ordenanzas" of the Spanish Council of the Indies certain studies were prescribed for them: such as solution of spherical triangles, use of astrolabe, adjustment of instruments, cartography, and methods of observing the movement of heavenly bodies. The expeditions by sea were usually in command of an admiral. Besides the pilots, who navigated his ships, he had on his staff a cosmographer. This officer charted and sounded the harbors. He located promontories and mountains and measured their heights. He noted topographic and climatic facts pertaining to the vicinity. He kept the diary of the expedition and made a report of the voyage. Out of his data were formed the sailing directions for the King's ships. Sometimes these cosmographers were priests, as de la Ascension and Kino, who mapped the California coast in 1602 and 1685, respectively, both remarkable men. The cosmographer was often a military engineer as Martin de Palacios with the Vizcaino Expedition of 1603.
While the coasts were being charted, the interior was under investigation by explorers. Since this paper has for its purpose an inquiry into the exploration of the border states, and more particularly Texas, I shall refer chiefly to the expeditions pertinent to this area. These expeditions set out from Mexico proper and were called "entradas," or entries, into the frontier provinces. In the earlier years some of these entradas were purely for loot, such as the famous one of Coronado in 1542, which went as far into the continent as the Kansas River. The later entradas were of a more formal and administrative nature. The earliest mention I have found of an intelligent effort to record the route of march is in the diary of Antonio Espejo who went into New Mexico in 1582. He says in one place, "Here the latitude was taken and we found ourselves in exactly 37 1/2° north."
A most notable explorer was Eusebio Kino, a German who had studied in the University of Freiburg, and who became a leading authority on cosmography. He joined the Franciscan order and was sent as a missionary to Mexico. His field was what is now Arizona and Lower California. This area he mapped and described in writings. He made many journeys, "with mariner's compass and astrolabe in hand," as he says. The following from his diary, March 3, 1702, is worth quoting: "At mid-day I took the altitude of the sun with the astrolabe and found it to be 52°, which, adding 6 ½ ° south declination of that day made 58 ½ °. The complement of 90° is 31° and this was the altitude of the pole or the geographic latitude in which we found ourselves."
Of particular interest to Texans is the entrada made by Captain Alonzo de Leon in 1689. He went in search of the Frenchman La Salle and his followers, whom he wished to take prisoners and expel from the region now known as Texas. De Leon was a soldier of renown, an energetic and able explorer.
On his journeys into Texas, — he made five, — he gave names to the streams he crossed. Many of these names survive to this day: the Nueces, Hondo, Medina, Leon, Salado, Guadalupe, San Marcos, Trinity. The names themselves suggest circumstances connected with the discoveries of all the water courses but one, the Medina. It seems to me conclusive that he named this stream for Pedro Medina, a noted engineer and scholar of Spain. Thus a river is the first monument to the engineering profession in Texas. Medina was very much on his mind for in his diary, Palm Sunday, April 3rd, 1689, eight days previous to the discovery of the Medina, we read the following: ". . . we observed the altitude of the sun with an astrolabe, though a defective one, and found our latitude to be 26° 31'. I must call attention to the fact that the tables on which this observation was based were made before the so-called Gregorian correction. This correction was made in the year 1582, in which the equinox was on the tenth of March. Following the Ephemerides of the Roman Andrea Argoli, which places the equinox this year (1582) on the 20th of March, we found by these tables that today, April 3rd, corresponds to the 24th of March of this year 1689, which is the first since the bissextile. These tables, the author says, he took from the Arte de Navegar by Maestro Medina. It has been necessary to state these facts in explanation in case it should appear that a mistake has been made because of our lack of modern tables."
That De Leon's observations are in error as much as two minutes has been suggested by Elizabeth West, who translated his journal. This error came more from the inherent imperfections of the astrolabe than from Maestro Medina's tables, as feared by De Leon. Moreover, the instrument was admittedly defective. His entry of April 20th recites, "Though the astrolabe was broken, we righted it that day as best we could and made an observation of the sun, and found ourselves in latitude 28° 41' north."
A map of De Leon's route of 1689 exists in the archives at Seville, Spain. It is reproduced in Volume VIII of this QUARTERLY (preceding page 199). The map is a traverse with numbered courses. On the margin is a table giving the bearings and estimated distances in leagues. De Leon's method was the mariner's "dead reckoning" applied to a land journey.
The trained explorers reported places suitable for settlement, such as the site of San Antonio, Texas, found by Teran on June 13th, 1691. If the recommendations of such leaders were followed by establishing towns, the King's military engineers fortified them. His surveyors laid out the streets, parcelled the land and measured it. After their experiences in such matters had accumulated the Spaniards, through the "Council of the Indies," prescribed a standard procedure for the laying out of a town, and, for that matter, laid down laws for nearly every other conceivable colonial emergency. These rules were contained in a voluminous work, called "Recopilación de las Leyes de los Indias."
There is of record the detailed instructions given the surveyor at San Antonio in 1730 for staking out a villa for the coming immigrants from the Canary Islands. Contained in these instructions can be recognized some of the principles of modern town planning. The surveyor was told to arrange the streets so as to bear North 45° East and North 45° West, the intention probably being to have streets shaded in the summer, and protected in the winter from the cold north winds. He was told first to establish a plaza, or square, of certain dimensions, providing space on the east for a church, on the west for a garrison and other public buildings. A location for a customs house was to be left on the south. This plaza was to be the civic center. The surveyor was further ordered to lay out blocks about 240 feet square, one block for each family. He should plow a furrow around the boundaries of each block, and plant willows and other trees therein for their beauty, as well as to mark the land. As an additional precaution for monumenting the property he was to bury a stone exactly in the center of each block. The immediate environs of the city he should set aside for commons; beyond these he should stake out certain areas for pastures.
In 1793 another noteworthy distribution of lands took place in Texas, when the missions at San Antonio were secularized. The Captain General ordered the mission lands subdivided and awarded in fee to the mission Indians and other citizens. The Spanish engineer who surveyed these lands or "suertes" was Pedro Huizar, a kinsman of the architect Huizar, who is credited with the sculpture of the San José mission.
The Spanish system of land measure was introduced into the new world. It is still important in Spanish-American countries and along the southern border of the United States. Documents, appearing in many chains of title to land, make use of this system. A brief description is given of the more common terms found therein of Spanish origin.
The Vara was the chief unit of linear measurement. It has a derivation much like the English yard, which comes from Anglo-Saxon gierd, meaning a rod or stick. Vara was often spelled "bara," and meant originally precisely the same as yard, the English cognate being bar. The vara was divided into three feet called tercios, thirds, or pies geometricos, geometrical feet. The vara is now defined by Texas statute as thirty-three and one-third inches.
The Legua, or league, was the linear unit for long distances. It was the equivalent of 5,000 varas and hence about two and five-eighths statute miles.
Areas were often expressed in square varas. However, since this led to figures of astronomical proportions in describing even ordinary tracts for those times other units of area grew into use.
A Labor was 100,000 varas or 1771 acres. As the word implies this quantity of land was considered sufficient for one family to work. It was a farm.
A League, square, contained 25,000,000 square varas, or 4428.4 English statute acres.
A Sitio de ganado minor, that is a ranch for small stock, or sheep and goats, was an area of 11,111,111 square varas.
A Sitio de ganado major, a ranch for cattle, was a square league.
An Hacienda, was an estate of five or more square leagues.
There were also primitive terms employed among the common people for describing, though indefinitely, linear measurements and bodies of land used for various purposes. Among such are the following:
Estado meant the height of an average man. The word is found in the diaries of explorers where descents to fords on rivers are said to be so many estados down.
An Huebra of land was the extent of a day's plowing by a yoke of oxen.
A Fanega was the amount of land required for sowing a fanega, about a bushel and a half, of grain.
A Suerte was a plot of land originally drawn by lot when farms were parcelled among shareholders. A lottery was frequently the method of apportioning land to be served by an irrigation ditch.
A Caballería is a very ancient land term of Spain. It meant originally that part of the spoils of war in real estate allotted to a cavalryman in the victorious armies of the king. In the frontier states of America it came to mean a parcel of ground granted to a colonist who would keep in readiness at all times, subject to the call of the state, one armed and mounted man.
As the settlements in the New World prospered, commerce and communication between them and Europe demanded improvements in the art and science of terrestrial measurement. Accordingly, two inventions of transcendent importance came forth in the early eighteenth century.
The first was the sextant, invented by an American in 1731. This nautical instrument employs two mirrors in such way that the images of two distant objects can be made to coincide and the angle between them and the observer read on a graduated arc. Thus the mariner can measure the altitude of the sun above the sea's horizon by causing the image of the sun to be superimposed upon that of the sea's horizon. Moreover, the observer need look only at one spot, a mirror: not two ways at once as with the primitive cross-staff already described.
The ship's chronometer was another revolutionary invention. This was a time piece without a pendulum. It contained a compensating balance wheel composed of two metals, which responded differently to changes in temperature and therefore counteracted in large measure the effect of heat and cold on the accuracy of the time keeping. The influence on navigation of this English invention of 1735 was immediate and decisive. For, with two or more chronometers on board keeping Greenwich time, the ship's position in longitude could be ascertained satisfactorily by noting the difference in time between the ship's noon and that of Greenwich as shown by the chronometers.
Besides the improvements in instruments more reliable nautical almanacs were compiled from the increasing mass of accurate data on the movements of the heavenly bodies. By 1767 the English nautical almanac had supplied navigators and explorers with reasonably complete information.
The improved methods reached the border colonies gradually. We begin to read in the Spanish records of places located by longitude, as well as by latitude. The earliest reference of this kind to a place in Texas I have found, is in the diary of La Fora, a military engineer, writing in 1767: he gives the location of the mission at Orcoquisac in 30° 23' north latitude and 283° 52' longitude from Tenerife.
The uncertainties of positions in longitude yielded before the chronometer. New charts and maps were published. More skilled cosmographers were attracted to america and among them an illustrious one, Alexander Von Humboldt. He came almost as the King's guest. His equipment was of the best and of the latest design. An inventory of his instruments casts a light on the technology of terrestrial measurement of his day. A partial list follows:
- (a) Time-keeper.
- (b) Demi-chronometer for ascertaining longitude at short distances.
- (c) Three-foot Achromatic telescope.
- (d) Telescope with attachment for fixing it to a tree.
- (e) Lunette d' epreuve for measuring very small horizontal angles.
- (f) Snuff-box sextant, two-inch radius, telescope four diameters; useful for exploring in boats or on horseback.
- (g) Reflecting and repeating circle.
- (h) Theodolite, azimuth circle eight inches diameter.
- (i) Artificial horizon.
- (j) Quadrant, radius of one foot; levelled with plummet and bubble.
- (k) Dipping Needle.
- (l) Variation Compass.
- (m) Needle, twelve inches long with sight vanes.
Humboldt preferred to use the occultation of stars by the moon for determining longitude, to using the chronometer. He says that many ports in the New World were charted erroneously in longitude through using a chronometer keeping incorrect time. During his stay in Mexico, 1803, he prepared a map of the provinces of New Spain. The result was an amplification of the Royal map of this region, by the addition of all available geographic information. The intention of the old map was to portray the relative positions of natural objects and places, leaving to some future time the correct fixing of the geographical co-ordinates. Hence Humboldt's map was in error. The meridians of his map are said to be 170 miles from their true position.
This map became the source of much inconvenience and dispute. It was used in the debates of the United States Congress in 1850 regarding the proper locations of the boundaries of Texas and other Mexican States.
Another fate of Humbodlt's map was its publication without credit by Captain Zebulon Pike of the United States Army. The latter plagiarized the map, errors and all, and attached it to the report of his explorations in New Mexico and Texas in the year 1807.
Pike's exploration was significant. He was the forerunner of the Anglo-Saxon penetration of Texas. He was as one of the Spies who went into Canaan. The Spanish borderlands at that time were forbidden ground for the outsider. Into this area Pike made an entrada of his own. He typified the aggressive American, ambitious and acquisitive. He let himself be taken prisoner inside the Texas border by the Spanish patrols, offering the excuse that he was lost. He was conducted to the provincial headquarters at Santa Fé. The official here passed him on to Chihuahua for the action of a higher tribunal. Here he was ordered expelled from New Spain. He was escorted out of the country by way of San Antonio. His zeal was not to be circumvented, however, for he made secretly many observations and took copious notes and Humboldt's map.
Pike's entry into the Spanish borderland grew out of his work in exploring and mapping the Louisiana territory just purchased by the United States. He made frequent observations of the temperature, barometer, wind, latitude and longitude. His astronomical instruments were a sextant, an artificial horizon, and a telescope sufficiently powerful to see Jupiter's moons.
Observations on Jupiter's moons for longitude were then in great vogue among explorers, and are yet, where only approximate results are desired. The principle underlying this operation is identical with that already described for observations on the eclipse of our moon, as made by the Moors. The nautical almanac of that day, as now, contained data on the times of the immersions and emersions of the satellites behind Jupiter's disk. Differences in time, that is differences in longitude, Pike also determined by measuring the angular distance between certain planets, or between the sun and the moon at favorable times, when clouds or other circumstances prohibited his seeing Jupiter. By the use of the sextant and the artificial horizon he observed the sun for latitude. From results so obtained, and from the record he kept of his days' marches he constructed his maps. Pike relates in his journal how he exhibited and explained the use of his sextant to a cultured Spanish priest at Santa Fé, much to the latter's wonderment.
The art of terrestrial measurement played a part during that picturesque period in the history of the Southwest, when overland commerce by wagon trains was in full swing between Independence, Missouri, and Santa Fé, New Mexico. Josiah Gregg, a noted entrepreneur in this traffic, actually made his way across the plains by navigator's reckoning, in the effort to find a shorter route between the trade centers mentioned. The following from his journal of May, 1839, is fairly descriptive of his methods:
"Being compelled to keep a reckoning of our latitude, by which our travel was partly governed, and the sun being now too high at noon for the use of the artificial horizon, we had to be guided entirely by the observations of meridian altitude of the moon, planets or fixed stars."
On the return journey to the Missouri country the wagon-train folks were anxious and on the alert until they reached the hundredth meridian, an imaginary line and not located with exactness, yet the boundary of the United States. East of this line were American soldiers constantly patrolling the frontier, providing comparative safety for travelers. West of this line were hostile Indians roaming at will. Gregg observed Jupiter's satellites for longitude from time to time, to know the distance intervening between him and the border meridian.
The American Indians offered an active and determined opposition to the colonial policy first of Spain, and later of Mexico. The southward movement of the Comanche tribes was a force with which the Mexican authorities could not cope. They perceived that if they were to hold Texas it would be necessary to let down the barrier against aliens and invite colonists from the United States. As an outcome of this policy Stephen F. Austin and other empresarios brought in people of another race, who have always possessed a strong propensity to acquire and own land.
The Anglo-Saxon wanted broad acres. The desire for land in Texas and the subsequent speculation in land present an analogy to the vivid business in oil of our times, even to the detail of land surveying, with which we are about to deal.
The Mexican government had promised Austin that each head-of-family he might bring in should have 640 acres with additional lands for slaves. By the time his first colony was planted, however, in 1821, the Mexican government had a different idea and enacted a law granting to each family 177 acres, or a labor, for farming; but if they wanted to raise cattle they might have 4,428 acres additional, or altogether a "league and a labor." As Clarence Wharton points out in his "Republic of Texas," it was remarkable how all the settlers were suddenly seized of the intention to become stock raisers. This explains the origin of many old Texas grants cited in the land records as a "league and a labor."
With so much land to distribute among the immigrants there was need for surveyors. Baron de Bastrop, who figured in many another situation in Texas history, was named Land Commissioner to represent the Mexican Government in the distribution of lands. He appointed Stephen F. Austin his deputy to attend to the details of the business, including the surveying.
Austin received applications from surveyors who wished to settle in his colony. One Henderson wrote that he could farm, pilot a ship or survey land, which he knew how to do "by calculation." Another, Robert Andrews, sought the position of Surveyor for the Province of Texas because he knew "all the necessities of running the surveys according to the true meridian . . . and of calculating the contents by latitudes and departures, the only true method,"—this method he described as "modern."
The earliest of the surveyors in Austin's colony were Horatio Chriesman, Seth Ingram, Bartlett Sims, Rawson Alley and William Selkirk. The Austin Papers, edited by E. C. Barker, show that contracts were made between Austin and the first three severally. Inasmuch as the terms of the contract are descriptive of the usages of that time it is well to repeat the one executed by Austin and Chriesman:
This Agreement entered into at the Town of San Felipe de Austin, in the province of Texas between Stephen F. Austin Empresario for the settlement of three hundred families in this province and Horatio Chriesman surveyor is To Witness—that said Chriesman agrees to survey such tracts of land in this colony as he may be directed to survey by said Austin and the Commissioner of the Government in the form and manner which they may direct using the Mexican Vara as the standard for regulating their chains and running by the true meridian after calculating the variation of the compass — and the said Chriesman agrees to execute his work accurately and in good and workmanlike manner and to complete it as speedily as possible establishing corners with bearing trees at each principal corner of a survey with initials of the owners' names marked on the bearing trees where the owner is known or erecting sufficient mounds of earth in Prairie at least three feet high and marking every line not bounded by a river or creek which runs through timber so that it can be easily traced and followed and finally to make out correct returns and plots of each survey to said Austin. On completion of the work in the manner above stated the said Chriesman shall be entitled to demand and receive from each settler pay for surveying their lands at the rate of $5.00 per Spanish mile payable in property or $3.00 per mile in cash to be paid by the settler and for which payment the said Austin is not to be in any manner accountable or responsible more than to refuse to deliver the titles to any settler until he brings a certificate from the surveyor or stating that the surveying fees of his land were paid or settled. For the faithful compliance of all which the said Chriesman obligates himself under the penalty of being liable for any damages which may arise from a non or incorrect compliance with this contract.
San Felipe de Austin Aug. 20- 1824 Horatio Chriesman (Rubric) Stephen F. Austin (Rubric)
According to Wharton the first survey made in Austin's colony was by Chriesman on February 10th, 1823. This was for locating the land of Josiah H. Bell on the west side of the Brazos River, a few miles below the crossing of the La Bahia road, near Old Washington. Ingram's first survey was made on the west side of the Colorado River above La Grange.
The first surveyors in Dewitt's colony were James Kerr and Byrd Lockhart.
The surveyor's field notes were written in English. They had later to be translated into Spanish to conform with the Mexican laws. In Austin's colony this work of translating and documenting was performed largely by Austin himself. He was a many-sided man. Although not an engineer by profession he had a good understanding of engineering principles. He wrote a report on the Harbor of Galveston and compiled a map of Texas.
Besides the surveying of the land there were towns to be laid out. The first of these was San Felipe de Austin which Seth Ingram staked out. Byrd Lockhart surveyed the town of Gonzales in 1832. One of the ordinances enacted by this municipality was that providing punishment for those who might destroy surveyor's stakes. One is reminded of the mosaic law (Deuteronomy 27:17) "Cursed be he who removeth his neighbor's landmark. And all the people shall say amen."
The winning of independence from Mexico in 1836, the opening of the general land office in 1838, and the movement for admission into the American Union, were the consecutive events in Texas which advertised the state, and caused an active trade and speculation in her land. Speculators and surveyors trooped into the country. All the equipment the latter needed were the "peep-sight" compass and "Jacob-staff," and a chain.
The new settler received from the state a certificate entitling him to a definite quantity of land. He took the certificate to the district surveyor, or the latter's deputy, who surveyed the land. The State was divided into land districts, for each of which there was a surveyor appointed by the government. The legal fee for surveying was $3.00 for every mile of boundary actually run. This was payable in the currency of the land which depreciated much in value, rating with gold at two for one in 1838 and four for one in 1840. Frequently the surveyor took his fee in land. If he acted as agent—selected the land, surveyed it, and received a patent therefor from the state—he usually received one-third of the land in pay. The best advice offered the new comers by writers of guide books of those times seems to have been to have the district surveyors attend to the perfecting of land titles.
The land speculator operated differently. He employed the surveyors, outfitted the party, and paid all costs. Such a party in the strictly frontier region would consist of upwards of a dozen men. The party bore the semblance of an organization as to discipline and proper division of the labor. There were cooks, hunters and guards. Among the personnel were usually the men interested in the land. The commissary nearly always contained whiskey served at the proprietor's expense. It seems to have been regarded as the one touch of civilization necessary to surveying parties in the wilderness.
The surveying of land remote from settlements was a hazardous undertaking because of the Indians. Since the discovery of America the red men had watched their domain shrink before the incessant advance of the white men, and they knew that fresh settlements and farms meant further spoliation. So it was a matter of poetic justice that the Indian should have a violent hatred for surveyors and for the surveyor's compass. The Comanches called the compass "The Thing that Steals the Land." The melancholy scene of a wrecked camp, dead and scalped surveyors, papers strewn about, and a smashed compass, was not an infrequent result of the Indian's animus.
The dangers of the calling had an effect on the result of the surveying. It was customary for instance, in Indian country, to locate only two or three corners of the tract in view and compute the remaining sides. The accuracy of the work suffered by this evasion, as well as, no doubt, by poor chaining. The men worked under guard. The very Capital of the State, Austin, was laid out by the surveyor, Edwin Waller in 1839, under the protection of rangers.
Yet the Indian regarded with wonder and awe the achievements of the white man with his instruments. The reaction of the savage's mind to the devices of civilization, as indicated by his observations, is naive. A traveller gave a friendly Indian a compass and explained its use to him. The latter's response was that he would keep it and use it when the stars were asleep. Lieutenant Marcy on one of his explorations in Texas employed Delaware Indians as guides. One of these tested a compass with great interest, in the attempt to detect an error in its pointing. He would walk away from the instrument only to return suddenly to see if the needle had changed its position, which of course it had not. Yet he was not convinced and remarked "Maybe so he tell lie sometime."
On another occasion Lieutenant Marcy and his Delaware guide differed in their estimates of the distance they were from the Canadian River. Marcy, knowing the latitude and longitude of his destination on the river, and ascertaining his own position with his nautical instruments computed the intervening distance and his proper course, making known the results of his figures to the doubting Indian. On their arrival at the Canadian in due time and distance the Delaware was amazed and convinced; but he now asked Marcy to "Look at the stars and find out where the Comanches were."
The nature of the surveying work demanded men of peculiar qualities. They had to be hardy men who could bear the privations and discomforts of a frontier settlement. Horatio Chriesman, for example, could afford no shirt during the first year of Austin's Colony, but wore a leather hunting coat throughout the hot months of a Texas summer.
Then the surveyor needed at least a modicum of scientific and legal knowledge. The possession of this learning alone was sufficient in frontier times to make a man notable. That some "jack-legs" offered their services as surveyors is not to be doubted, considering the speculative trade in land. Lieutenant Marcy encountered a surveyor evidently of this class. To quote him: "I encountered a deputy state surveyor travelling on foot with his compass and chain on his back. I saluted him politely, remarking that I presumed he was a surveyor, to which he replied, 'I reckon, Stranger I ar that thar individoal.' I had taken the magnetic variation several times always with the same results (about 10° 20'); but in order to verify my observations, I was curious to learn how they accorded with his own working, and accordingly inquired what he made the variation of the compass in that locality. He seemed struck with astonishment at the question, took the compass from his back, laid it upon a log near by, then facing me and pointing with his finger toward it, said, 'Stranger, do you see that thar instrument? I've owned her well nigh going on 20 year. I've put her through the perraries and through the timber, and you can just bet yer life she never varried any time, and if yer foller her sign she'll knock the center out of the north star.' "
Resourcefulness and capacity for leadership were other qualities marking the best surveyors operating in the Indian country. The surveying parties performed a social and patriotic service incidental to their profession in drawing the fire of the hostile tribes. These parties were the first line of defense of the none too strong colony against the Indians. A surveying crew frequently were the first to encounter a raiding war party, to arrest its progress, and to sound the alarm. A historian would therefore expect to find able leaders and fighting characters recruited from the ranks of surveyors. And such men there were.
Perhaps the two most successful and spectacular Indian fighters of Texas history were Jack Hays and George Erath, both surveyors. Jack Hays became a ranger captain who performed prodigies of valor. He moved to California shortly after the discovery of gold there in 1849. John Hayes Hammond, Sr., the noted engineer of today is a nephew of Jack Hays. George Erath, a surveyor who laid out Waco, and located much land in Texas, became ranger captain, legislator and honored citizen.
Frank W. Johnson, who figured brilliantly in the storming of San Antonio with Ben Milam in 1835, was a surveyor.
A surveyor named McLellan, fell in the storming of the Alamo. Although his name is not on the roster of the Alamo dead, which is admittedly incomplete, there is good authority (Noah Smithwick) for the statement that McLellan met his death in this fight.
John H. Reagan, a Texas statesman and a member of the Confederate States cabinet, had been a surveyor.
With the discovery of gold in California in 1849 and the resulting cross-continent migration, a new era in the exploration of the Southwest began. The object was to find a short and practicable route overland to the Pacific coast. The earliest work on this project was done by the United States Army engineers. An exotic and picturesque detail of this exploration was the use of camels by a government surveying party in New Mexico. These camels were a part of the herd introduced by Jefferson Davis, while Secretary of War in 1857. The camels were kept at the military post, Camp Verde, in Bandera Pass, Bandera County, Texas.
The civil war postponed the seeking of the route for the Pacific Railroad for many years and the "Heroic Age" of exploration in the Southwest came to an end.
The coming of the railroads in re-construction times completed the winning of the country from the Indians. The surveyors of the old days were gathered to their fathers. Some lived far into another time, as did George Erath. He concluded his memoirs with these words:— "My eyes have now failed me altogether, my hearing is not good, but my memory of events is but slightly impaired. As in earlier times, so through my late years, I am still called upon to give information on land affairs. I am besieged with questions and through letters I can not see to read, requesting me to study up information and to explain how land came to be located thus and so in times of different laws and different usages, for the present generation knows nothing of the difficulties that surrounded surveying forty or fifty years ago."
1. Adoption of the Reservation System in Texas
The origin of the system.—Since the Central Government had determined on settling the Texas Indians, it was natural that the reservation system then in use in California should be adopted. In 1852 Congress appropriated $250,000 for the settlement of the California Indians on "five military reservations," of twenty-five thousand acres each. 1 Thomas Henley, superintendent for the California Indians, made a good report of the Tejon Military Reserve, the first of the five. He said he thought the plan of providing for the Indians by means of their own labor in cultivating the soil was suggested by the success of the Catholic priests in applying Indian labor to the mission system. 2 Beale, who preceded Henley, said that the Tejon reserve was called a military reserve, but it had no military force, and did not need one. 3 Bassett gives a brief description of the system as it was applied to the western part of the United States. By means of this "feeding policy," the Government supplied the Indians with blankets and rations; distributed by agencies established for that purpose. It attempted to regulate the profitable trade with the Indians so as to prevent fraud and monopoly, and to restrict as far as possible the sale of liquor to the Indians. 4
Appropriation and survey of the land.—As early as February 16, 1852, the Legislature approved a resolution authorizing the Governor to conduct negotiations with the national authorities concerning territory for the use of Texas Indians 5 On February 6, 1854, the Legislature passed an act providing for reservations, and authorizing the National Government to select and survey twelve leagues of land for these reservations. This land was not to be located over twenty miles south or east of the most northern line of military posts of the United States from Red River to the Pecos. As soon as the land was surveyed and marked, the Federal Government was to settle thereon Indians belonging to Texas, and to have control of them, and establish such agencies and military posts as were necessary. The act provided for the reversion of the land to the state, when it was no longer used for the Indians. 6
The departments of War and of the Interior appointed Captain R. B. Marcy and Major R. S. Neighbors to survey the land. Captain Marcy wrote Governor Pease, January 10, 1855, that he had surveyed and marked the boundaries of the land, and inclosed copies of the plots and field notes. He marked the tracts in both Spanish and English measurements since the act did not specify which was to be used. Marcy said he and the secretary of war thought the American measurements should be used, since the reservations were small at the best. He recommended that the American league be adopted. 7 Major Neighbors also wrote Governor Pease, February 20, 1855, saying that they had used great care in selecting the land, consulting the Indians as to their preferences. He stated that he had submitted his field notes and plots to the departments of the General Government, and was now sending them to the Governor in order that he might have them entered on the maps of the General Land Office. He requested that the Governor report to him any error in them for the Indians had already begun to settle on the land. 8
Location and settlement of the reservations.—These two reservations were located in Young "Territory" for the county had not then been organized. The larger one, the Brazos Agency, consisted of eight leagues, or 37,152 acres. It was located on the main fork of the Brazos River, about twelve or fifteen miles south of Fort Belknap. The other reservation known as the Comanche Reserve, was on the Clear Fork of the Brazos, at Camp Cooper, and about forty-five miles west of the Brazos Agency. It consisted of the other four leagues, or 18,576 acres. 9
There was some delay in getting the Indians settled. As is evident from the letters of Marcy and Neighbors to Governor Pease, the land was not surveyed until almost a year after the Legislature made the appropriation. Major Neighbors wrote Charles Mix, the Indian Commissioner, on September 10, 1855, that he had received instructions February 2, 1855, to settle the Indians, but that it had been impossible to carry out the instructions until March 1, 1855. 10 The Gazette for April 7, 1855, contained a brief statement of the progress of settlement. Major Neighbors, and George Hill and George Howard, his assistant agents, had collected most of the "peaceful" Indians then in the state, had selected sites for the principal buildings to be erected, contracted for supplies; and broken up land for planting. 11
2. The Reservations in Texas
The Brazos Agency.—The Brazos Agency was the more successful of the two reservations. On it, the agents settled the more civilized tribes, consisting of Caddoes, Wacoes, Tawakonies, Anadarkoes, Tonkawas, Keechies, and Delawares. 12 The accounts usually referred to the Indians on this reservation as Caddoes, for they were the most numerous, and the others were remnants of tribes. 12The number of Indians at the Brazos Agency increased each year, as more and more of the tribes were induced to settle down. In September of 1855, there were 794 Indians at the Agency. A year later there were 948, an increase of about one hundred fifty. The next year the arrival of the Keechie band brought the number up to 1,014, and in September of 1852 there were 1,112 Indians at the agency. 14
Near the center of the reservation, in a grove of mesquite trees, the Federal Government erected a group of buildings for the transaction of business. 15 There were two houses for the employees, a house for the agent, a kitchen, a store room, and a blacksmith's shop. 16 Shapley P. Ross, the agent for this reservation, wrote Major Neighbors, September 30, 1856, that the Indians at the villages had neat cottages, good gardens and fields, and many conveniences. 17 A year later, Jonathan Murray, the farmer for the Wacoes, Tawakonies, and Tonkawas, wrote Ross that the Wacoes and Tawakonies had built sixteen new houses, and that the Tonkawas were tired of living in tents and had begun building houses for themselves. 18 The same year Samuel Church, the farmer for the Caddoes and Anadarkoes reported to Ross the progress in building among his tribes. They had built seventeen log houses. 19
The government of the reservation was fairly simple. Neighbors wrote Charles Mix shortly after the opening of the agency that he had established temporary rules for the control of the Indians. They acknowledged the treaty of 1846 to be still binding, so the agents based their action on it, adding articles of government as a supplement to the treaty. 20 Neighbors wrote Major General Twiggs, July 17, 1857, that never since the opening of the reservations had he found it necessary to call on the military department to enforce orders. The agents with the assistance of the Indians organized and conducted a police force. 21 The Federal Government had stationed two companies of dragoons and two companies of infantry at Fort Belknap, altogether about 850 men. This was in September of 1854. The accounts show that there was always some force here because this fort was on the frontier. The troops there, after the establishment of the reservations, were designed for the protection of the agency Indians, as well as of the frontier settlers. 22 Ross wrote Neighbors, September 11, 1857, that he had given some of the Caddoes and Anadarkoes permission to go on small hunting and scouting parties. This was not for any profit to be derived except recreation for the Indians, who were restless because they were too closely confined. 23
The principal occupation of the Indians was agriculture, for the object of the Federal Government was to make the reservations self supporting communities. With that end in view it employed two farmers to instruct the agency Indians, and two laborers to assist them. 24 Ross wrote Neighbors, September, 1856, that crops were not as good as they had expected them to be because of the early appearance of grasshoppers and later extreme dry weather. 25 In September, 1857, Samuel Church wrote Ross that the Indians were doing well with their crops; besides wheat and corn, they had large crops of peas, beans, pumpkins, squash, and melons. The stock looked well and the women milked the cows and made butter. 26 About the same time Jonathan Murray wrote Ross concerning progress among his tribes. Due to frosts and snows, planting had to be done three or four times. They had raised an abundance of vegetables, and the chinese sugar cane which the Indian Department had sent them promised a heavy yield. 27 Major Neighbors in his report to the department for that year, 1857, said that the Brazos Agency had produced 8,000 bushels of corn and 1,560 bushels of wheat on five hundred forty acres. Besides this, there was a large supply of vegetables, enough for subsistence for the next year. 28
The Government neglected the matter of education for the Agency until just about a year before it abandoned the reservation system in Texas. Reverend John W. Phillips of the Methodist Episcopal Church wanted to establish a mission school for the Indians, and Neighbors wrote Mix September 10, 1855, that he hoped Mix would consider the plan favorably. The tribes were anxious for a school, and he thought the Indians ought to be educated; the children ought to learn English. 29 Five days later, September 15, Neighbors wrote to Mr. Phillips saying that it would be of little use to establish a mission for two or three years yet, until the Indians had made some advance in civilization. 30 Whether Phillips ever established a mission or a mission school, the writer has been unable to discover. Ross in a letter to Neighbors, September 30, 1856, urged him to call the attention of the Indian Department to the fact that schools had been promised the Indians, and they were expecting the Federal Government to fulfill the promise. The children ought to be trained for citizenship, said Ross. 31 By September, 1857, Neighbors had made contracts for school buildings at the Agency, according to instructions which he had received in March. The buildings were then nearly completed, and he expected school to open in November. 32 School did not open, however, until June 1, 1858. Z. E. Coombes, the teacher, wrote Ross on September 7, 1858, giving an account of progress. There were sixty pupils enrolled, forty-seven boys and thirteen girls. He advised the employment of an assistant teacher. There had been continued excitement, he said, among the Indians on the reservation, due to the depredations committed on and near the Agency by wild Comanches and their allies, and this had interfered greatly with the school progress. 33 On January 29, 1859, Coombes wrote Neighbors that he had been unable to open school until the tenth of the month because of the excitement due to the killing of Agency Indians, and threats of extermination made by those guilty of murders, an account of which follows shortly. The pupils, the number of whom had decreased to fifty, were in fear of being murdered and brought their bows and arrows to school. 34
The first agent for the Brazos reservation was G. W. Hill. He wrote Neighbors, August 31, 1855, that he was then about to retire from duty as agent, and go to his farm near the frontier, where he had lived for twenty years. He had spent the past twenty-six months almost constantly among the Indians. 35 Captain Shapley P. Ross succeeded Hill at Brazos Agency. He entered on duty September 1, 1855, 36 and continued as agent until the reservation system was abandoned, as will be seen from succeeding accounts. Ross was very successful in his work for the Indians. Neighbors attributed the progress of the Agency to his efficiency. 37 He received $1,500 at first, but later his salary was raised to $1,700. 38 Ross wrote Neighbors, September 6, 1858, that he had employed George Williams, a Delaware, as assistant interpreter to Jim Shaw, at a salary of $300 a year. His services were needed for school and in cases of sickness. 39
The Comanche Reserve.—The Comanche Reserve, as the name implies, was settled with Comanches, the Southern Comanches. It was settled a little later than the Brazos Agency, owing to a change in agents, and the fact that there was no resident agent among them for a while. 40 George Howard, who was agent for the Comanches before settlement, wrote Major Neighbors, September 15, 1854, recommending that the Indians be moved to their reservation before cold weather set in, so they could put up the necessary buildings and be ready for planting by the middle of February. His Indians were then near Fort Clarke, waiting to be moved to the reservation. 41 The move, however, was not effected, and the Comanches remained with the Agency Indians until the last of May, 1855. 42
The number of Comanches settled by September 10, 1855, was 277. A year later, the number had more than doubled, being 557. 43 By September, 1857, the number had decreased to 424, and at the end of the next year it was only 371. 44
There were several difficulties in settling the Comanches, most of which were responsible for the decrease in numbers. Hill wrote Neighbors on August 31, 1855, three months after the Comanches had settled at the Reserve that Sanaco with 800 Indians had fled precipitately from the encampment on the waters of Clear Fork, and sent runners to advise Katemsie to follow him. This number, 800, must have referred to kindred tribes not settled on the Reserve, since the number of Comanches settled there never exceeded 557. The cause of this decampment was a report spread by one Leyendecker, a German, who was trading with the Indians without a license. He told them that the whites were preparing to kill all Indians. Katemsie, though, decided to remain with his bands, claiming the protection of the treaty of 1846 and recent guarantees of the Federal Government given them through the agents. The assembling of troops to which Leyendecker had alluded, was an expedition of Captain Calhoun of the second Dragoons against the unsettled, hostile Comanches. Captain Calhoun evidently directed his operations against Southern Comanches as well, for Ross protested to Neighbors that these expeditions of the military department were opposed to the peace policy of the United States, and that many Indians were alienated by them. 45 Colonel M. Leeper, the agent for the Comanche Reserve, wrote Neighbors, August 20, 1858, giving reasons for the decrease in numbers. There had been many depredations and some murders during the past winter and spring on their frontier and these had caused excitement and indignation against the Indians. Leeper forbade the Indians' leaving the Reserve for fear of their being taken for hostile Indians. They had obeyed him, but the depredations had continued. Many trails of stolen horses led near the reserve, which cast suspicion on the Indians there. Reckless and designing whites had hit on this and magnified it in order to create sentiment against Reserve Indians. 46 It was not only the whites who threatened the Reserve Comanches with extermination, but also the last civilized bands of their own tribes, ties with whom were broken because of the treaties between the Reserve Indians and the National Government. At this crucial period the Federal troops which had been stationed at Camp Cooper were removed to a more distant point, and this increased the uneasiness of the Indians so that many of them fled. 47 The Comanches were not so easily controlled as the tribes at the Brazos Agency. John R. Baylor, who preceded Leeper as agent, wrote Neighbors, September 12, 1856, that he could at first do nothing with the Indians. He had no means of enforcing authority, for the detachment of infantry from Fort Belknap was barely sufficient to protect him and the employees, and the Indians were well mounted. On January 1, a company of cavalry had arrived, and he had had little trouble with the Indians since then. 48 By September 18, 1856, the Government had stationed two companies of cavalry and two of infantry at Camp Cooper to protect the Southern Comanches there and give permanency to the Reservations. It will be recalled that the Comanche Reserve was farthest northwest, bordering on the country of the wild tribes. The outside influence was therefore strong against the Reserve Comanches, as others of their kinsmen came by and induced the young men to go with them on their forays to Mexico and the border settlements of Texas. 49 Neighbors wrote General Twiggs about a year later, giving practically the same report, that the older Indians were perfectly manageable, but the young men continued to leave the Reserve. He requested the commanding officer of the United States forces to issue orders declaring that all Indians found off the reservations would be considered as hostile and treated accordingly. He hoped this would help solve the problem of controlling the Comanches on the Reserve. 50
The Comanches made much slower progress in agriculture than the Agency Indians, but this was to be expected, for they had never farmed, as they told Neighbors in an interview with him shortly before settlement. They said they were willing to try if the "Great Father" would send white farmers to teach them. 51 Baylor said in his report to Neighbors, September 12, 1856, that the Comanches said they had never planted a seed of any sort before their settlement. They had done well, said Baylor, but droughts had hindered them much. 52 Leeper reported to Neighbors in 1857 that crops were poor, owing to repeated blights, and that they had not enough bread stuffs for the year. The Indians had not done well in stock raising, in which they were also inexperienced. The stock had arrived at the Reserve before the Indians were ready for it, and they had allowed it to stray. 53 By August, 1858, the land had been parceled out among the Indians, and they were working with much more spirit and energy than when they did community farming. There were then 150 acres fenced, only 96 acres of which were cultivated, and Leeper advised the cultivation of the balance. 54 He asked in 1857 for the establishment of a blacksmith shop and the employment of a smith. It was too far to go to the Brazos Agency for such work. 55 Late in the summer of 1858 he repeated his request. The amount of such work did not justify a shop, but the training which it would give the Indians did. They were anxious for one, and could learn to repair gun locks, and make arrow heads and butcher knives. 56
Leeper wrote Neighbors in 1857, that the Comanches had improved more than any other tribe in the same time. They were very anxious to learn English and wanted a school, and he advised the establishment of one. 57 School was not opened, though, until the summer of 1858. In August, 1858, Richard Sloane, the teacher for the Comanche Reserve made his report to Neighbors concerning the school. All the chiefs and heads of families had come to the opening, and Colonel Leeper made an address to them through an interpreter. There were twenty-five boys and twelve girls, ranging from seven to twenty-five years of age. 58
From the information at hand, it is evident that the Comanches made poorer progress than the Caddoes, but that is not a matter for surprise, for the Caddoes had lived near and among the whites more or less, and were acquainted with their manners and customs, whereas the Comanches knew very little about civilization. Their head chief, Katemsie, was a good man and did much to help civilize them. 59
3. Progress of the Reservation System
Early success.—The Federal Government expected great results of the Reservation system, and the progress of the first two or three years gave promise of fulfillment. Neighbors wrote Manypenny in September, 1856, that the moral and physical condition of the Indians had improved; that they were rapidly adopting the customs of the whites, and this had improved the health, particularly of the children. 60 Two years later he made a similar report to Mix. 61
The Federal control of trade on the reservations aided progress. Charles E. Barnard was the authorized trader for both reservations, for David Torrey had been murdered by Apaches and Comanches in the spring of 1850. Barnard had traded with the Indians for fifteen years, and they knew him well and had confidence in him. 62 In September, 1855, Neighbors recommended that the United States "trade and intercourse" laws be extended over the reservations in order to protect the Indians there, for the whites were surrounding them and he feared trouble. 63 The National Government did this between September, 1855, and July 28, 1856, on which date the Texas Legislature passed an act granting the United States jurisdiction over a ten-mile zone around each reservation, in order that the laws for preventing the introduction and sale of alcoholic beverages could be made effective, and the Indians saved from their ruinous effects. 64
Other reservations proposed.—The peace of the reservations was disturbed greatly by hostile bands of Comanches and Wichitas from the north side of Red River. They were under no control and committed depredations on the frontier settlements. Some of them had intermarried with reservation Indians, and because of this close relationship, the young Reserve warriors were influenced to go on forays with them. Neighbors reported this in 1856, and said that the previous year these Indians went to Mexico and stole a large number of Mexican children, and horses. He advised that these Northern Comanches and Wichitas be settled as the Texas Indians had been. 65 A Wichita chief and five of his men visited the Wacoes and Tawakonies, Ross wrote Neighbors in 1856, and they expressed the wish that the Federal Government would settle them. 66 Congress acted on Neighbor's recommendations and passed an act, March 3, 1857, providing for a reservation to be located south of the Arkansas River and west of the 98th meridian, in the Chickasaw country near the Wichita Mountains. Congress made an appropriation of $50,000 for settling them and providing them with agents, interpreters, and other employees. This reservation was also to be under Neighbor's supervision. 67 In September, 1858, Neighbors wrote Mix that he regretted very much the inability of the United States to settle the Indians on the proposed Wichita Reservation. 68
It was the intention of the government to settle on the Brazos Agency the Lipans, Apaches, and Mescaleros of the West Pecos Region, but they had cultivated lands between Presidio del Norte and the Horse Head Crossing of the Pecos, and Neighbors and Marcy, who made this report to Governor Pease, January 10, 1855, feared the Indians would not willingly leave their land. 69 The Legislature, therefore, passed an act February 4, 1856, providing for five leagues of land west of the Pecos River, to be selected and given to the Federal government for these western Indians. 70 Neighbors thought the opening up of the Pecos reservation would put a stop to the depredations in that part of the state and make the mail routes to the Pacific, and other roads safe. 71 For some reason, the Central Government delayed in the execution of this matter. The Texas Legislature passed resolutions in 1857 and again in 1858, demanding that the United States collect and settle the Indians of the Pecos Valley. 72 Before the Federal Government was ready to act on this, the attitude toward the reservation system had so changed, that it was necessary to abandon it. 73
Cost of maintaining the Indians on reservations.—The Government spent annually about $100,000 on the Texas Indians before the adoption of the reservation system. For 1853, two years before settlement, the sum required was $86,430. The next year, that immediately preceding the establishment of the reservations, the sum required was $129,820. 74 The United States expected the reservation system to be cheaper, because they thought the Indians could provide for themselves by farming and raising stock. The amount required for the first year, 1855, was $89,658.50; the following year it was $91,707.50. 75 It was to be expected that the first year or two a large amount would be needed, for the Indians had to be supported until crops could be raised, and the reservation system otherwise established. In 1857, the third year, there was a notable decrease in cost, the sum required being $61,655.25; and in 1858, it was almost the same, $62,186.50. 76 The whole amount expended by November 6, 1858, a little less than a year before the plan was relinquished, was $301,833.73. 77 On August 8, 1859, Greenwood, the Indian Commissioner, wrote Elias Rector, agent for the Indians at Fort Arbuckle in the Indian Territory, that there was a sum of $59,000 remaining of the appropriation for that year for the Texas Indians. This was immediately after the system of settlement in Texas was abandoned. 78 J. W. Denver, the Indian Commissioner, said in his report of November 30, 1857, to Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, that the colonization system was far cheaper than the previous one. When the Indians were dispersed, there were numerous military posts to be kept up, costly expeditions to be made against the hostile Indians, and large sums paid for losses due to depredations, all of which probably amounted to much more than colonization. 79
4. The Creek Settlement
Besides the two reservations, there was a settlement of Creeks on the Trinity River in Polk County. While Texas was still a part of Mexico, these bands of Creeks settled in the eastern part of the state, giving up their struggle with the whites and adopting a peace policy. 80The Creeks included Coashattas, Alabamas, and Muscogees, numbering altogether about 400. They spoke three languages which were probably dialects of the Creek; but they all used Mobile or Servile Choctaw, which was a universal language among them, and served them as a means of communication with the whites. 81
The Legislature passed an act, February 3, 1854, providing for 1,280 acres of land in either Polk or Tyler County or both, for a settlement for the Alabamas. This was to be selected by their chiefs and two commissioners, Samuel Rowe and James Barkly. If there was no vacant land available, the commissioners were authorized to purchase it at not over $2 an acre, and were authorized to draw on the treasurer for a sum not exceeding $2,560. 82 A little more than two years later, August 30, 1856, the Legislature provided for the settlement of the Coashattas. According to this act the state government located them also in Polk and Tyler counties. 83 The Muscogees, of whom there were fewer than of the other two bands, lived with the Coashattas. 84 The writer has been unable to find accounts of any more legislation concerning these Indians, or any accounts of them other than general ones.
Chapter I contains a brief description of the Creek Indians. In addition it might be said that they were a happy people, possessed of a high sense of honor, of a poetic temperament, and a love of dress and ornament. They were fond of dances and all sorts of social gatherings. Their great fondness for spirits led them to indulge in occasional revels, though they did not drink habitually. 85
While they were cultivating their crops, they worked hard, attending closely to business. Between the cultivation and harvest, they rested, had social gatherings, and an occasional hunt. When the harvest was gathered and safely stored, they returned to the old Indian manner of living, going on hunting expeditions, taking with them their wives and children, their horses, tents, and household goods. They went to the great pine forests which the white man had not entered, where they hunted to their hearts' content. After a season spent thus, they were ready to return to civilized life, bringing with them the spoils of the chase, stores of dried meat, deer skins, and skins filled with bears' oils. 86
The Creeks made greater progress in civilization than any other Texas Indians. They cleared and improved the land, and raised horses, cattle, and hogs. Their crops were sufficient for their support. Indian corn was their chief product, but they raised large quantities of sweet potatoes and vegetables, and their villages were filled with fruit trees. 87
The relations between the Creeks and the Texans were far better than existed between any other Indians and the whites. During the period of settlement, the Creeks received immigrants kindly, and shared their provisions with them. During the war with Mexico, they maintained their peace policy, sided with the Texans, and prepared to take up arms in case the Mexicans reached the Trinity. When their own crops needed no attention, they worked for Texans at low wages on plantations where they were well treated. They preferred cotton picking at which they excelled because of their small hands and slender fingers. 88 Unprincipled whites, who were jealous of the wealth which the Creeks had accumulated by their hard, honest labor, often undertook plundering expeditions and drove off their cattle and stole their crops. Some worthy citizens became prejudiced against the Indians, but public opinion upheld the Red men. This was due to the fact that the Creeks proved themselves worthy of the white man's confidence. The Creeks generally gave up Indians who offended against the laws of the whites. They made no reprisals, and were grateful when they obtained justice. 89
5. Failure of the Reservation System
Causes of failure.—But the reservation system was destined to fail because of the antagonism of the whites and the continued depredations of the Indians. The frontier settlers were jealous of the reservation Indians and considered them the "pampered wards" of the Federal Government, because they secured rations, arms, ammunition, and other supplies free of charge, and then—so the citizens believed—preyed upon them. 90
When the reservations were established, the settlers of the northern frontier suffered from depredation which up to 1857 had been confined chiefly to the lower Rio Grande and the Nueces River valleys. 91 The Texans repeatedly declared that the reservation Indians were guilty of the depredations, but the Indian agents said the offenders were hostile Indians, chiefly Comanches, Kiowas, and Kickapoos. There is a good deal of evidence for both sides. S. P. Ross wrote Neighbors on September 30, 1855, that Comanches had murdered an old settler, Mr. Skidmore, who lived ten miles from Fort Belknap, upon which he and sixty-six of the Agency Indians had gone in pursuit. They followed the trail right to the settlements but could not capture the murderers. Six days later, September 20, the Comanches stole forty horses from the Indians of the Brazos Agency. 92 J. R. Baylor wrote Neighbors on September 12, 1856, that many of the depredations recently committed had been traced to the Northern Comanches, who pretended to be friendly with the whites and received annuities from the Federal Government. A party had recently passed the Reserve, said Baylor, and told the Reserve Indians that they had been to Mexico, that they had returned by way of the frontier settlements to get horses, and had had an engagement with the Federal troops. This same party, said the agent, drove off some beef cattle of Barnard's and stole seven horses from a farm near Fort Belknap. 93 Neighbors wrote Manypenny on September 18, 1856, that, in order to stop depredations and discover which Indians were responsible, the agents and the Federal troops had confined the agricultural tribes to the reservations and declared all non-settled Indians hostile. This had brought unusual peace, said Neighbors, and Colonel A. S. Johnston, in charge of the cavalry on that portion of the frontier, deserved much credit. 94 Neighbors bore testimony to the failure of the reservation system in a letter to J. W. Denver on September 16, 1857. He said there was peace with a small number of Indians and continued, hostility with a large majority. Serious depredations had been traced to them, and they had had several encounters with the troops on the frontier. While the Comanches and Kiowas were committing depredations, infesting roads, and destroying mail to El Paso, an agent of the Indian Office was distributing large annuities to them, arms and ammunition, thus arming them for their predatory incursions. 95
Neighbors's letter to the Texas Sentinel, January 21, 1858, is a good statement of the Indian troubles which were approaching a climax. A Mr. Isaac Mullins reported that he had had some horses stolen, whereupon Major Van Dorn with eighty men and some citiezns went in pursuit. Mullins and the party of twenty-five or thirty citizens who were with him refused to accompany Van Dorn's expedition declaring that it was the reservation Indians who were guilty. They brought serious charges against Neighbors of complicity with the Indians, and threatened to "wipe out" the Reserve. Neighbors told Mullins and his party that they could not make the theft of horses an excuse for a scout against the Indians, for Major Van Dorn was out on that mission. On his arrival at the Brazos Agency, said Neighbors, he learned from a party of Shawnees that there were about forty lodges of Kickapoos camped on the Brazos River near Grey County. These, said Neighbors, had been committing depredations, proof of which was at hand. Major Van Dorn followed the trail of Mr. Mullins' horses to Canadian Fork of the Arkansas River entirely out of the state, and found that the Indians were still traveling with about four hundred head of horses, he thought. Van Dorn said the trail did not pass near the Reserve, and he thought the offenders were Comanches and Kiowas. None of the Reserve Indians had been punished, said Neighbors, because he had not secured any proof of their guilt. One proof of the innocence of reservation Indians in the depredations charged to them was the fact that they also were sufferers; that they had had many horses stolen from them. Major Neighbors added that the prejudice against the agents —particularly himself—and against the reservation Indians was due to reports circulated on the frontier by the late agent of the Brazos Reserve, J. R. Baylor, who had become very much prejudiced against the reservation Indians and the Federal Government since his removal from office, and that he was the leading spirit in the Mullins party. Neighbors requested F. M. Gibson, editor of the Texas Sentinel to give his letter circulation. 96
On September 16, 1858, Neighbors wrote Charles Mix that the reservation Indians had lost much stock because of hostile Indians, and that they did not dare to venture off the reservations to hunt for it because of the threatening attitude of the whites. Unprincipled white men, he said, had made use of the forays of hostile Indians to prejudice the settlers against the agricultural tribes. 97
Movements of Texans against the reservation Indians.—The frontier settlers became so prejudiced against the reservation Indians that they determined to effect their removal at any cost. The first organized movement was the murder of a party of Brazos Agency Indians by citizens of Erath County on December 28, 1858. This party of seventeen Indians consisted of eight men, eight women, and eleven children, who were camping on Keechie Creek near the Agency. They had been hunting, and had not molested the whites, some of whom had visited them. The party of armed citizens stole upon them early in the morning while they slept and killed four men and three women and wounded nearly all the others. 98 Governor Runnels on January 15, 1859, announced the murder, warned the people to beware of such crimes against the Indians, and requested all citizens to give aid to the authorities in the discharge of their duties. 99 This referred partly to the orders given Captain Ford to arrest the murderers. E. J. Gurley of Waco was employed to represent the Indians. 100 Neighbors wrote J. W. Denver on January 30, 1859, that the murderers were Messrs. Nelson, Alexander, John R. Baylor, and Captain Garland, the same party, he said, who had led in making false accusations against the reservation Indians and the agents the preceding summer. Neighbors believed these men had organized a conspiracy against the Federal Indian policy for the purpose of breaking up the reservations in Texas. This was sustained, he said, by their attacks on the Federal troops whenever they acted in defence of the Indians or the policy of the Government. 101 Two weeks later Neighbors wrote again, saying that Captain Ford had not arrested the murderers, and advised the immediate removal of the Indians to reservations north of Red River. 102 Captain Ford, in a letter to E. J. Gurley, January 22, 1859, justified his failure to make arrests by saying that the civil authorities had made no move, and he had no authority; the Governor had sent him no order, and he could act only as an assistant of a civil officer. 103 Peter Garland and other citizens who participated in the attack on the Agency Indians published letters addressed to the people of Texas, attempting to justify their attack. They said they were convinced that the reservation Indians committed all the depredations, that the people had had the wool pulled over their eyes long enough, and that they had organized to protect themselves. They regretted only the killing of the women, they said. 104 Neighbors wrote Denver again, February 22, 1859, saying that he and the other agents had come to the conclusion that the reservations could not be maintained in Texas. He hoped the Federal Government would have the Indians removed and "abandon the reserves to the lawless band of white barbarians who now infest that portion of our state and set the laws of both the State and General Government at defiance." 105
Ross wrote Neighbors on May 1, 1859, that Captain Baylor and his confederates were keeping the settlers of the surrounding country excited by their speeches, Baylor had made threatening speeches against the agents and the Indians, declared his intention of getting scalps, and was then "prowling" around the reservations. Four days later, he wrote Neighbors again, saying that he had asked Captain Plummer of the United States cavalry for aid. Lieutenant Burnett, who came from Camp Cooper with reinforcements, said Baylor, had made an attack on the Comanche reserve and some of the cavalry were in pursuit. 106 On May 26, 1859, Captain Plummer informed the assistant adjutant general that Baylor with a force of about two hundred fifty men had defied United States authority and attacked the Brazos Agency. 107 Neighbors wrote Greenwood, the Indian Commissioner, on June 10, that the Baylor party had apparently disbanded, after stealing horses from the the Brazos Agency, and from citizens around it, waylaying roads, stopping travelers, robbing wagons, and stopping mails for about five trips. 108
Citizens of Parker County met at Weatherford on June 24, 1859, and appointed a committee with John R. Baylor as chairman to express their views on Indian troubles. The citizens of sister counties had organized an expedition and gone to the reservations to repair their injuries and remove a nuisance — the reservation Indians — and many citizens of Parker County had joined them. The committee declared that the people were actuated by the best motives; they were doing for themselves what the Federal Government had failed and refused to do. The citizens had therefore pledged themselves to help their sister counties in any action which they deemed necessary for the protection of the frontier and the removal of the Indians "whether the same be over Jordan or Red River." They declared that they would resist any attempt to arrest any one engaged in that expedition, no matter by what authority such attempt was made, and recommended the organization of the militia of Parker County for the immediate removal of the Indians or the utter destruction of the reservations. 109 The Weatherford citizens published an article in the papers under the heading of "Frontier News — Extra," addressed "To the Citizens and Friends of the Frontier Counties of the State of Texas." It included the following paragraph:
We call upon you fellow-citizens, in the name of all that is sacred; in behalf of suffering women and children whose blood paints afresh, from the Red river to the Rio Grande, day by day, the scalping-knife of the savage foe; in the name of mothers whose daughters have been violated by the "reserve Indians," and robbed of that virtue God alone can give — come, come, fellow-citizens; arouse, and take action before the number of deaths of tender infants, mothers, fathers, and aged grandsires is swollen to a more frightful extent by our sluggish action or supine indifference! 110
Action of the State Government. ߞ To what extent the frontier settlers were excusable in taking matters into their own hands, it is not easy to determine; but that they were great sufferers is the conclusion to which all the evidence points. Between the Federal Government's efforts to protect the reservation Indians, and the determination of the frontier settlers to dispatch them, the State Government found itself in a very embarrassing and perplexing situation. On June 6, 1859, Governor Runnels wrote to Allison Nelson and the other citizens concerned in the movements against the reservation Indians, that lie had appointed a board of peace commissioners to go to the scene of disturbance, do all in their power to prevent collisions between the citizens and the Indians or the Federal troops, and take measures to effect the immediate removal of the Indians from Texas. 111 The commissioners whom the Governor appointed were George B. Erath, Richard Coke, J. M. Smith, J. M. Steiner, and John Henry Brown. In order to accomplish their mission, they were to go to the Brazos Agency, and if they found it necessary to the prevention of hostilities, they might call for a force of a hundred men. 112 The commissioners arrived at the Braosz Agency on June 16; Neighbors told them that he was glad to have an opportunity of conferring with competent state authorities and would furnish all the information they desired. He reminded them of the trial of the agents held by the Federal commissioner, Colonel Hawkins. This had resulted in their complete vindication, for those who had made the charges refused to appear when summoned. He said the charges against the reservation Indians were equally false. No provision of the treaties required the Indians to remain on the reservations; that was simply a measure agreed to between the chiefs, the military department, and the agents. The trouble, said Neighbors, was due to the "unbounded ambition" of Nelson, Baylor, and others, to obtain the offices held by Captain Ross, Colonel Leeper, and himself, and to get control of the money for the support of the Indians. They had often said, in their publications, that the agents had "a good time of it"; and Neighbors added that Baylor was undoubtedly a competent judge because he was dismissed from office by the General Government for "having a good time of it" during the eighteen months that he was in service. 113
The commissioners reported to Governor Runnels on June 27, 1859. They said that the review of facts which they submitted was "proved by positive or very strong circumstantial testimony." There was no testimony incriminating the Indians of either reservation before the fall of 1856. Since then, both Agency and Reserve Indians were guilty, they believed, of horse stealing, and of some murders, and the Agency Indians had killed hogs and cattle belonging to the settlers. The police regulations on the reservations were not effective, said the commissioners; and while the majority of the Indians were faithful to the whites, there were some shrewd fellows among them who took advantage of the confidence placed in them, and left the reservations. Vicious whites had led the Indians astray. The accusations against the agents were unsustained, but the agents had relied too much on the chiefs, and had been deceived by some. The frontier settlers, said the commissioners, had committed some excesses, but there was a feeling of insecurity on the frontier, and many farms were being abandoned. 114 The Governor wrote the Secretary of the Interior, June 30, 1859, that it was necessary for the good of all that the Indians be moved immediately. He had found it necessary, in order to satisfy the frontier citizens, who had several times gathered to attack the reservations, to raise a guard of one hundred men as a police force to keep the Indians on the reservations until they were removed. 115
6. Removal of the Indians from Texas
Preparations for the removal.—Neighbors wrote Greenwood on June 10, 1859, that the state had taken no action to disarm those who were guilty of attacking the Indians. The citizens who owned property had been so seriously threatened by the mob, that they were afraid to testify against offenders. It was apparent, said Neighbors, that the good, respectable citizens were not engaged in these forays. 116 The Federal authorities had hoped to leave the Indians on their reservations until late in the fall, when the crops were harvested. When Neighbors reported that it would be unsafe to wait any longer, and impossible for the Indians to make a crop under the existing conditions, Greenwood, on June 11, issued orders to prepare for removal. The Secretary of War, he said, had been called on to furnish an escort. Leeper was to go with Neighbors, and Ross and other employees were to remain and guard such government property on the reservations as could not be moved. Anything that was not movable might be sold, if possible. 117 On June 15, Greenwood wrote Elias Rector, the Special agent for the Chickasaw Nation, stationed at Fort Arbuckle, to be on hand to receive the Texas Indians from Neighbors. Rector and Neighbors were authorized to select a location for the Indians. 118 Neighbors with the chiefs of the Texas tribes visited Fort Arbuckle at the Wichita Agency on July 4, and had a "talk" with Rector, after which the Indians appeared to be reconciled to the removal. 119 The agents ordered the Indians to collect their stock, and sent white men with parties to answer for the Indians. Captain Brown at first agreed to this, and offered to furnish an escort for any party for whom Neighbors could not provide one. Brown arrived in Young Territory on July 11, informed Neighbors on the 14 of his mission, and said that his headquarters were on the Brazos River near Caddo Spring, between the two reservations. His commissioned officers were Lieutenants Nowland, White, Bell, and Cormack. He requested Neighbors to announce his arrival to the other agents, to the Indians, and to Captain Plummer, whom the military department had sent to the Brazos Agency to protect the Indians from the mobs. 120 Three days later, Neighbors replied that he had no wish to discuss difficulties with Brown, that he had not acted "impartially" in the investigations when he was there as a commissioner; he had prejudged the Indians. He told Brown that Captain Plummer said his orders were specific—to protect the Indians at the reservations from attacks of armed citizens; that he did not know how far Captain Brown was sustained by law in relation to his defence of the Indian reservations, but it was evident that his orders were opposed to instructions received by Neighbors from the Indian Department. Neighbors said that he and Plummer both had their orders from the Federal Government, and that they would try to execute them. If the "police" which Brown proposed to exercise around the reservations led to collisions with the Indians, who would be sent out to gather the stock, Brown, alone, must be responsible for the consequences, and the state would have to settle with the General Government. 121
Such a collision did occur on July 24, between a detachment of Brown's men under command of Lieutenant Nowland, and some Comanches about three or four miles from the Reserve. An Indian, Kaharaway, was driving some horses. Nowland ordered his men to charge and arrest him, but they failed. When they shot at him, he discharged arrows and made his escape. Colonel Leeper told the Comanches, who were excited over the incident, that the men were Captain Brown's troops and that they must stay on the Reserve. They collected on an eminence to see if a large number of troops was coming, and Leeper, fearing trouble, went in pursuit. He found the battle was on, but rode between the parties and stopped it. Two rangers and one Indian were wounded. 122 Brown, in his History of Texas, gives an account of this skirmish near Camp Cooper. He said there were eleven Indians killed, and two rangers wounded. 123
Neighbors wrote Greenwood on July 24, that he was ready to move the Indians as soon as the escort arrived. He said the Indians would lose a large part of their stock because the state troops were scouting around the reservations and threatening to kill any Indian who went beyond the boundaries. The next day he wrote again, saying that Baylor's party was threatening to attack the Indians on the march. No one was willing to risk staying at the Agency, so he was planning for Ross and the employees to accompany him, the employees to drive the Indian teams. A detachment of Federal troops would be left at the Agency to protect the Federal property. 124
Events of the removal.—The exodus of the Indians occurred on August 1, 1859. An escort of two companies of the second cavalry and two of the first infantry under the command of Major George H. Thomas protected the Indians on the march. 125 Captain Brown followed in the rear to guard against thefts by stragglers; and, as a result, only one such party left the main body. 126 Neighbors wrote Greenwood a few days before lie started, that he was taking rations for twenty days. He gave the number of Indians that he was conducting out of the state as 1430; of which 380 were from Comanche Reserve, and 1050 from the Brazos Agency. 127 On August 8, the party crossed Red River, and on August 16, they arrived at Fort Cobb. 128 This was in the western part of the Choctaw and Chickasaw country, between 98° and 100° longitude. 129
An incident deeply regretted by all parties was the murder of Major Neighbors on his return to Texas from the Indian Territory. He wrote to his wife, August 8, from his camp on Red River, that he was with the Comanches escorting them out of the "heathen land of Texas"; "out of the land of the philistines." So far he had had a good trip, and all were well. Colonel Leeper and his family were with them. He expected to be off the road in about five days. He told Mrs. Neighbors not to worry about the attacks made on him through the newspapers; that he would attend to them when he had nothing more important to do. He would keep himself "all right" for the sake of his wife and children, he said. 130 On September 13, Neighbors returned to Belknap in Young County. The next morning he walked to the town to attend to some affairs. On returning to his temporary camp he was shot by a man, presumably a stranger. A dispute over the killing of the reservation Indians was thought to have been the cause. 131 People suspected a man by the name of Cornett, who was killed by rangers the next year in the same part of the country. 132 A. B. Greenwood, in his report of November 26, 1859, to Jacob Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, said that Neighbors was murdered by some one or ones "whose vengeful animosity he had probably incurred by his zealous and uncompromising efforts to protect the Indians and their property from wrong." 133
7. Indians in Texas after the Removal
Attempts to remove the Creeks.—In 1857 citizens of Polk County presented a petition to the Legislature for the removal of the Creeks from that county. This was referred to the Committee on Indian Affairs, who reported that the efforts at colonizing the Indians had failed, and advised the Governor to secure a new home for them in the Indian Territory. The committee were instructed to introduce a bill for the removal. Mr. Kittrell of the House offered a substitute which provided for their settlement on a reservation on the western frontier of the state. Senator Kinney offered the amendment that the Indians be settled in Nueces County on consent of two-thirds of the citizens of the County—to be determined by vote—and of the Indians. The House refused to accept the amendment, whereupon the Senate withdrew it. 134The Legislature approved a joint resolution, February 16, 1858, for the removal by the Governor, with the consent of their chiefs, of the Indians of Polk and Tyler Counties to a place to be selected by him. It appropriated the sum of $5,000 to carry out the removal. 135 For some reason the removal was never effected, and the only Indians who properly belonged to the state after 1860 were the Creeks the number of whom at that time was 403. 136
Texas after the removal of the Indians.—The removal of the Indians from Texas did not solve all Indian troubles for the state. Their hostility was intensified because of their losses, and they continued their depredations. Nor were their operations confined to the northern and western border; they preyed upon counties within fifty miles of Austin. 137 Governor Houston received petitions for help, and a regiment of rangers was organized after the removal of the Indians. After 1860, however, other problems arose; the Civil War began, and the State entered upon a new phase of its history.
INDIAN AGENTS FOR TEXAS, 1845-1860
- Major Robert S. Neighbors, March, 1847-November, 1849. July, 1853-September, 1859. Murdered, September 13, 1859.
- Judge John H. Rollins, November, 1849-September, 1851. Died in office.
- Major George T. Howard, January, 1852-July, 1853.
Superintendents
SUB-AGENTS, 1850-1855
- John A. Rogers, November, 1850-March, 1852.
- Horace Capron, March, 1852-July, 1853.
- George T. Howard, July, 1853-July, 1855.
Prairie Indians
- Colonel Jesse Stem, November, 1850-June, 1853. Murdered by Indians.
- George W. Hill, June, 1853-August, 1855.
Agricultural Tribes
BRAZOS AGENCY, 1855-1860
- George W. Hill, June, 1853-August, 1855.
- Shapley P. Ross, August, 1855-September, 1859.
- Major George T. Howard, July, 1853-July, 1855. Resigned because of opposition.
- John R. Baylor, July, 1855-March, 1857.
- Colonel M. Leeper, March, 1857-September, 1859.
Comanche Reserve
- Bee, Camp, on Rio Grande, 15 miles above Laredo.
- Belknap,. Young Territory, on Brazos.
- Bliss, at El Paso.
- Brown, at Brownsville.
- Chadbourne, Young Territory, on Colorado.
- Clark, on Las Moras River.
- Cooper, Camp, Young Territory, on Comanche Reserve.
- Croghan, on Hamilton Creek. Davis, in Davis Mountains, on Limpia Creek.
- Duncan, on Rio Grande, at Eagle Pass.
- Ewell, on Nueces River. Gates, on Leon River.
- Graham, at Jose Maria Village.
- Hudson, on Devils River.
- Inge, on Leona River.
- Johnson, Camp, on North Concho River.
- Lancaster, on Pecos River.
- Lincoln, on Rio Seco.
- Mason, on Llano River.
- McIntosh, at Laredo.
- McKavett, on Llano, about 100 miles west of Llano.
- Merrill, on Nueces River, 50 or 60 miles above Corpus Christi.
- Phantom Hill, Young Territory, on Clear Fork, of Brazos.
- Polk, at Point Isabel.
- Ringgold Barracks, at Rio Grande City, on Rio Grande.
- Scott, Martin, on Pedernales, near Fredericksburg.
- Terrett, on North Fork of Llano River.
- Worth, on West Fork of Trinity River.
Forts in Texas, 1845-1860
I. SOURCES
- Army Papers, 1842-1877, Texas State Library.
- Houston Letters, 1858-1862, Texas State Library.
- Indian Affairs, 1845-1860, Texas State Library.
- Neighbors Papers, University of Texas.
- Photostats, Copies of original letters and documents at Washington, D. C.
1. Manuscript
- American Almanac, 1848, 1850, James Munroe & Co., Boston.
- American State Papers, Indian Affairs, Vol. IV, 1 Cong., 1 Sess., No. 1, p. 14. Washington, D. C., 1832.
- Gammel, H. P. N., Laws of Texas, Vols. II, III, IV, Austin, 1898.
- Miller, Senator, Thoughts on the Proposed Annexation of Texas to the United Slates, Pamphlet, T976. 407, An76, University of Texas.
- Pease, E. M., Messages of Governor E. M. Pease to the Texas Legislature, 1855-1857.
- Telegraph and Texas Register, 1835-1849, Houston, Texas.
- Texas Almanac, 1858, 1859, 1861, 1869, Richardson and Co., Galveston.
- Texas Legislature:
-
House Journal,
- 3 Legis., 1849.
- 7 Legis., 1857.
-
Senate Journal,
- 4 Legis., 1852.
- 5 Legis., 1854.
- 6 Legis., 1856.
- 7 Legis., 1857.
-
House Journal,
- Texas State Gazette, 1849-1855, Austin, Texas.
-
United States Census Reports,
- Seventh Census, 1850;
- Eighth Census, 1860;
- Washington, D. C.
-
United States House Documents:
- 25 Cong., 1 Sess., No. 40.
- 29 Cong., 2 Sess., Nos. 4, 76, 100.
- 30 Cong., 1 Sess., No. 60.
- 31 Cong., 1 Sess., Nos. 5, 24.
- 32 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 1.
- 33 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 1.
- 34 Cong., 1 and 2 Sess., No. 1.
- 35 Cong., 1 Sess., No. 2.
- 35 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 2.
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United States Senate Documents:
- 30 Cong., 1 Sess., Nos. 1, 8, 22, 24, 25, 171.
- 31 Cong., 1 Sess., Nos. 1, 171.
- 31 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 1.
- 32 Cong., 1 Sess., No. 1.
- 32 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 1.
- 33 Cong., 1 Sess., No. 1.
- 34 Cong., 3 Sess., Nos. 1, 5.
- 35 Cong., 2 Sess., No. 1.
- 36 Cong., 1 Sess., No. 2.
2. Printed
II. SECONDARY WORKS
- Bancroft, H. H., The North Mexican States and Texas, II, San Francisco, 1889.
- Barker, Potts, and Ramsdell, A School History of Texas, Austin, Texas.
- Bassett, J. S., A Short History of the United States, The Macmillan Co., New York, 1913.
- Brown, John Henry, A History of Texas, St. Louis, 1893.
- Check list of United States Public Documents, I, Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C., 1911.
- Dodge, R. E., Dodge's Comparative Geography, Rand, McNally & Co., 1908, Chicago.
- Hodge, F. W., A Hand Book of American Indians, Bulletin of the Bureau of American Ethnology, XXX, Washington, 1907.
- Muckleroy, Anna, The Indian Policy of the Republic of Texas, A Master's Thesis, University of Texas.
- Rodenbough, and Raskin, The Army of the United States, 1789-1896, Maynard, Merrill & Co., New York, 1896.
- Southwestern Historical Quarterly, Continuation of the Texas State Historical Association Quarterly, Vols. XXV, XXVI, Austin, Texas.
- Texas State Historical Association Quarterly, Vols. I, IX, Austin, Texas.
- Thrall, H. S., A Pictorial History of Texas, N. D. Thompson & Co., St. Louis, Mo., 1879.
- Wooten, D. G., A Comprehensive History of Texas, Dallas, 1898.
[June] 22nd. How uncertain are the things of this world—"Man appoints and God Disappoints," and man sometimes disappoints too, but confident in the belief that we should find plenty of water ahead we set out this morning and had proceeded but a few miles when we met a dispatch from Thompson entirely contradictory of the last report and confirming the former inteligence of there being no water this side of the Rio Grand—and advising persons at this place to remain until further information—Upon the receipt of this news we retraced our steps and once more pitched camp by the old water hole— The messinger stated that he saw no less than sixty waggons abandoned on the road between the River and this place and that it was really distressing to witness the dead and dying animals strewn along the way —
23rd. Last night we had a good rain and from the direction of the clouds it probably extended some distance on our course—at all events having become disgusted with the Lagoon Country we determined to make another attempt to get through and accordingly set out about noon four waggons in Company. The first five miles the road was wet and heavy— after which the land be-came more elevated and the road good— about 4 o. c. it again rained hard, rendering the evening cool and pleasant— we traveled late making fifteen miles —
24th. About 10 Oclock today we met another messinger who reported plenty of water ahead— this was gratifying news and I felt the force of the Old Proverb "There's luck in leasure." We reached the Mountain where Thompson was encamped about 12 o. c. making the distance from the Lagoon twenty eight miles—the country intermediate is undulating and admits of a good road—The pasturage is also good, but neither water or wood— The Magay however is abundant and answers as a substitute for fire wood— The appearance of this mountain or "Rock" as it is called is curious and novel. I attribute its singular formation to some convulsion of the Earth— the mountain seems to be an immense pile of rocks thrown loosely together, and free from earth or vegitation—except a small basin or valley near the center of the hill, which contains about two acres of land and upon which there are a few Live Oaks and grass— On the North side near the base is a ledge of solid rock—the irregular surface of which forms innumerable resevors for the water which falls upon the mountain above— there are also a number of caves in the rock but I did not have time to explore them— There are two deserted waggons here, an old hen, a rocking chair, and several dead horses— We rested here till the cool of the evening and then moved on seven miles and camped for the night. Weather pleasant, road good—Course a little South of West.
25th. Three miles this morning brought us to the Alamo Springs which drain from a low mountain south of the road. The Stream is very weak and will not supply more than two or three teams a day— At 4. o. c. we again started out and traveled till 12. 140
26th. Arrived at the "Tanks" — 141 a mountain similar to the "Rock" I have described and containing an abundance of water. Thompson & Thorns Company together with many other waggons are camped at this place —
27th. Arrived at El Passo—distance from the "Tanks" thirty miles—road heavy and no water by the way—grass good until within a few miles of the River when it entirely disappears.
July 4th. Our present camp is situated in the River bottom about ten miles above El Passo where the several companys now en rout for California have rendezvoused for the purpose of recruiting their stock— the grass is indifferent here but it is the best within the same distance of the town, and as all of us have more or less business in the place it would be inconvenient to move to a greater distance. It is almost incredable that a party of several hundred Americans are assembled together upon this great anniversary without manifesting some special interest in the day — 142 but our camp presents this anamaly, the usual routine of camp life, testify the indifference of all— Not wishing to be singular, and conscious of my inability to celebrate the day alone—I will pass a portion of the time in making a few remarks upon things in and about El Passo at which place we arrived June 27th having been two months and ten days on the road, and without having an accident, a loss, or even a case of sickness to record—and last, but not least—without having seen an Indian or a Buffalo by the way— We estimate the distance from Houston to El Passo at Eight hundred miles—probably the best natural road of the same length in the United States—passing through a Country at least two thirds of the distance adapted to all kinds of agricultural and manufacturing purposes and possessing a climate temperate and genial. From my observations of the Country I am satisfied that it is entirely practicable for a Rail Road from Buffalo Bayou to El Passo, and feel convinced that if one ever reaches the Pacific it will be by this rout. The valley in which "El Passo" is situated is about thirty miles in length and from two to five in breadth divided by the Rio Grand—the entire valley containing a population of seven thousand— El Passo 143 is situated at the head of the valley and has about four thousand inhabitants. The sight of this little place is truly refreshing to the weary traveller of the plains—indeed, the cool shady avenues, fragrant breezes, delicious fruits and luxuriant appearance of everything around, makes one almost feel that he is transported to the bowers of Eden. The productions of this place are Corn, Wheat, Beans, Vegetables &c and fruits of every variety. Great care and attention is paid to the culture of the Grape and considerable Wine is manufactured— The Houses are built of Adobe, fiat roofed and one story high— they are comfortable both in summer and winter and said to be very durable— The church which is the largest building in the place is about forty by one hundred feet in dimensions and two stories high. the interior is very handsomely carved and orniamented, it is situated in the Grand Plaza and about the center of the town — The whole valley is irrigated by means of an acquiduct which leads from the falls of the River one mile above the town— There is but little to sell here and everything commands a high price.
July 10th. During our stay here I have devoted myself to learning the language and Character of the Mexicans both of which being easily acquired. I may say that I have made some progress—the former I found an agreeable pastime, particularly when instructed by the Ladies, the latter is the result of the former. In my investigations I cannot claim to have discovered any new or commendable traits in the Mexican Character, but must agree with the established opinion, and pronounce ignorance indolence and cowardice to be the predominant Characteristics of these people. But in justice to the women, I will qualify my remarks and admit that they have many redeeming traits. I have found them kind warm hearted and generous, even to a fault. The Mexican man has a great antipathy for the Texians—and our men have already had several difficulties with them at this place.
Considerable excitement prevailed yesterday in consequence of a drove of mules having been stampeded by the Apaches. These Indians make frequent descents upon El Passo and the settlements near, and the inhabitants are in constant dread of their approach. Apache scalps are worth two hundred dollars, prisoners two hundred and fifty— The Authorities here offer great inducement to those who are fond of fighting— A company is being made up among the Americans here for that purpose and no doubt at least a hundred will join it— I understand Maj. Chavalle 144 with a small company is engaged in this business— Capt Hannah and Billy Evans called at our camp today— they came by way of Presidio at which place they abandoned their waggons, and are now going on with pack mules. I have just learned that Mr. Morris turned back from San Antonio— I thought he had a better resolution. We have determined upon going the upper rout and most of our Company have moved on up the River — 145 Harris and I have purchased another waggon, which will make our camp duty less laborious, and also favour the Animals. Mr. Moon has withdrawn from our mess but travels in Company— I have omitted to mention that the Company of "Equal Rights" dissolved upon reaching El Passo—and we are now traveling without organization— I believe Murchersons Company is the only one on the road that has remained united — 146 they are about sixty miles in advance of us— Thompsons families have located opposite El Passo, and established a store — 147 that property on this side the River was recently purchased by Mr. Coon, a trader from Missouri. He also has a large store— 148 Among the residents of the place is numbered "The Great Western" 149 a female notorious in the late war—
July 14th. Having replenished our stock of provisions, rested our horses and made all necessary repairs, we struck camp on the 12th and moved eight miles up the river—the 13th traveled twelve miles—road fine, grass good, water plenty and convenunt and musquitoes thick— The most of this valley has the appearance of having once been in cultivation, the ditches used for irrigation are now nearly filled up— The River is skirted with a heavy growth of Timber, principly Cotton Wood, the soil here is good and fine farms could be had— The dry season lasts from six to nine months in this portion of Texas— The wet season has just commenced —
17th. Arrived at Donna Anna, a small town about sixty miles above El Passo and supposed to be situated near the boundary line. 150 There are two companys of U S troops stationed here under the Command of Left Sackett. We found a plentiful supply of Government stores for sale here, but at exorbitant prices— We purchased some Bacon at 4/ per pound. In the course of my perambulations through the City, I was thrown in the way of some of the elite of the place. There were three sisters, aged from twelve to eighteen—the two youngest have auburn hair and blue eyes, the elder dark hair and black eyes—all very fair and pretty—from their complexion and general appearance I beleived them to be American ladies and accosted them in English—to which they returned me "No comprende Senor." I then brought my Spanish to bare and with a little pantomine assistence, passed an hour or two very pleasantly —
July 28th. Owing to indisposition I have allowed several days to claps without making any addition to my Journal. However, but little has transpired that I consider worth perpetuating, and that little is within my recollection. We arrived at the crossing of the Rio Grande, in company with Thorn and others on the 19th. The River at this place is about one hundred and fifty yards wide, swift muddy and swiming from bank to bank. Our Boat was again put in requisition and by the evening of the 23rd we had transported everything to the opposite bank— The same evening moved five miles up the River to "Rattle Snake Camp" and the next day arrived at this place—twelve miles above the crossing and thirty-two miles above Donna Anna— The train stopped at this place to do some Blacksmith work—but our stay has been prolonged beyond expectation— A new company has been organized since we came to this place, 151 composed of fragments of nearly every old company that started— The Company numbers sixty men and have in train twenty seven waggons— Shackelford Captain, 152 L. B. Harris, Orderly Seargent— Our original company and companions from Austin have parted with us here—the cause of which was their objection to traveling with ox teams. I can not but approve of their determination, but am sorry that they leave us—for many of them I entertain the highest regard, cheiftest of who is Lafayette Black— he I consider one of the most noble minded gentlemanly young men that I ever met with— McAllister has also left us— He is a good hearted man but I cannot say that his absence is much regretted by the mess— Murchersons Company left here about ten days since— he with a small party of men has left the main Company and gone to the Gila in search of diggins. 153 We all have much faith in his expedition and calculate upon spending the winter there if the mines can be worked to advantage. At this place we leave the Rio Grand, 154 it is now one month since we struck it and all look forward with pleasure to the hour of leaving it— Our stay here has been protracted for the benefit of our Animals— the range is excellent and most of them are now in fine order— There is plenty of game here, so that we are enabled to keep a pretty good table— Yesterday we dined upon roast Venison, Turtle Soup, and rolled Dumpling— this morning we had milk toast for Breakfast— The Bread we now use is made from Wheat ground upon a steel mill— Flour was not to be had at El Passo, so we bought a mill and grind the Wheat as we need it— There is one young lady in company, a Miss Wayland from Western Texas—She is about sixteen and quite a pretty girl—I have claimed relationship with the Old lady, whoes maiden name was Cox, but she refuses to acknowledge me unless I will shave which is a condition that I cannot comply with. The weather is delightful—generally a good breeze throughout the day and at night cool enough for a blanket.
"Cooks Springs" Aug 4th. We are detained here today on account of sickness of one of the Company— his situation is truly alarming— He was one of a small party who came by the Presidio del Norte and whilst encamped one night somewhere between that place and El Passo his mess, consisting of seven men was attacked by a wolf—and before they succeeded in killing it it had bitten six of the number—the wolf was beleived to be mad. Two of those persons are in this Company, one received a wound in the leg, the one now sick in the neck— He has had fever three days and delirious last night, and this morning has strong symptoms of hydraphobia— Considering the notoriety of "Cooks Spring" I had pictured in my immagination quite a different looking place from what it has proven to be. The spring is situated in a low marshy place, and the water is bad— There is no wood here of any kind and the grass is more indifferent than we have had since leaving the River— The old Mexican trail to the Gila Copper Mines crosses our road at this place — 155 We expected to have heard here the result of Murchersons expidition—but no trace of him is left. The road from the Rio Grand to this place is the finest I ever saw. Water plenty and at convenient distances— distance seventy miles, general course, W.S.W. The second day after leaving the River the Company was thrown into great confusion and alarm by the appearance of an Indian— I had gone ahead in company with three others to prospect the road and look out a good camp ground, the train was strung along the road for about two miles, ox teams in the rear— The Indian rode up to the lead waggons and upon inquiry told them that there were a great many Apaches over the hills, and that there was one with us ahead, just then one of the men with me discharged his gun and the Company hearing the report beleived that we were attacked, the news went to the rear, and then another man discharged his gun to reload it—which caused the advance to believe the rear attacked—just at this time the Indian galloped off. Some one saw another join him and in a moment their immaginations converted every tree and shrub to be seen into an Indian— Orders were promptly given for the train to close up, and every man to be in readiness— I am told that such whipping and yelling of teamsters, such screaming of women and children, and such fuss and trouble generally is without a parallel, and all occasioned by one poor Indian— during the time my party were taking an evening siesta at the Spring ahead. It is believed there are a great many Apaches in this part of the Country. Those we have seen profess to be friendly—but no confidence can be placed in them— According to their moral code, stealing is a legitimate business, and as a good many persons on the road are now traveling by Walkers line I judge they (the Indians) have been tolerably successful. There seems to have been a great deal of travel on this road, and from the number of Oxen, waggons and different articles of plunder which we find at every camp it would seem that the emigrants ahead have met with much loss. This is an illustration of the difference between Texians and the citizens of other states in their knowledge of traveling and fitting out for an expidition like this— I do not believe that any member of our original Company has left property on the road to the value of twenty five cents.
Cluster Springs, Aug 6th. I think the above name appropriate to our present encampment— there are twenty or thirty springs here within an area of one or two acres— the water has a slight-sulphury smell but is clear, very cold and good tasted. We left Cooks Spring yesterday morning, expecting to find water in twelve miles, but about noon Mr. Harris met with an Indian, who told him that we would not reach water before 10 O. C. today— this satisfied us that we had entered another Jornada.—At 10 O. C. the train camped. Here we had the meloncoly task of paying the last earthly rites to poor Lockett, who died at 2 o. c. of hydraphobia—He was an Englishman, a Catholic, and a very worthy young man. It is ever hard to die, but to die thus, far from home and friends, amidst strangers in a strange land, with no mothers prayer or sisters tear to sooth the wretched heart in this last but fleeting hour, and finally to go down into the grave in this wild desolate plain. Oh how terrible it is—but there he lies, with nothing to mark the spot save the simple cross upon which his future hopes depend— May his souls eternal flight reach that blissful home where joy and love forever blend— At 4 o. c. the train again moved forward and traveled until 3 in the morning—finding no water by the way— at sun rise this morning again got under way and reached this place (Cluster Springs) about noon— Our animals are a good deal jaded and we will lay by tomorrow to allow them rest— distance from Cooks Springs, fifty-five miles— Road as fine as the world ever say—general course SSW.
August 8th. We have at last reached the waters of the Pacific—Our camp is made on a small creek that rises in the mountains to the South and runs in a North Westerly direction— It is skirted with large timber principly Pecan Sycamore and Live Oak. The seasons appears to be much later here than on the Rio Grand— the grass is young and everything looks green and fresh. There are but five waggons now encamped here, we came on ahead, beleiving that the spring ten miles back or midway would not accommodate the whole train at one time— The balance of the train should have been up with us tonight—but a member of the Company has just come up who states that they have lost some mules and oxen—supposed to have been run off by the Indians— A good many Indians have been seen lately by different members of the Company—Some have appeared frank and friendly—others were skulking about and made off when discovered. It is singular but no less true that I have not seen an Indian since we started—which makes me almost beleive those reported by others to be immaginary— I am satisfied at least that many of the supposed Indians were in fact animals or inanimate objects which their fertile immaginations, under some circumstances could fancy into any shape. An evidence of this or at least an argument in support of my position may be made of the following— When in the road to this place yesterday I was riding several miles in advance of the Company, and discovered in a valley to the right of the road six or seven objects which at first I supposed to be horsemen. Upon nearing them, however, and after watching their manaeuvors awhile I became satisfied that they were Antelopes. When Mr. Harris and others came on with the waggons they saw the same objects and are in the fixed beleif that they were Indians— possibly they were— There is but little game along here and that little is so wild as to defy the cunning of our best hunters — I have found wild Cherrys here of the finest quality, very large and fully ripe— There are a few flowers, some of which I have gathered and will endeavor to preserve— I believe Camp life is generally considered lonesome and monotonous—but I must say that I have not experienced a moment of ennui on the road— The greater part of my time is taken up with Camp duties—and my leasure moments I devote to reading and Scribling. Shakespear is often my Companion. I prize the book beyond almost anything I have—for beside its own worth and the entertainment it affords me there are associations connected with it which renders it doubly dear. I beleive I never take it up but thoughts of the donor, fill my heart with love and gratitude towards one of the best friends I ever had, as well as one of the most Superior women in the World —
Aug 10th. The Company all came up last night, but as there are some repairs needed we will lay by one more day— I hope it may be the last for really I am impatient of so much delay— The missing stock that I have mentioned belonged to Thorn and Shackleford—they followed their trail some distance but did not succeed in overtaking them. they have lost seventeen head which has crippled their teams very much— This little trick of the Apaches has greatly outraged our men, and a war of extermination has been declared against their tribe— So in future they had best give us a wide berth.
Aug 12th. Since writing the foregoing remarks we have been progressing slowly. Yesterday traveled twelve miles and today fifteen. The country has been undulating, well watered, and admitting a fine road. Since crossing the divide the face of the Country has materially changed and the mountains are covered with Timber, and the little branches and ravines in the valleys are generally skirted with Cedar and Live Oak. The weather has become much cooler, in fact, the nights are quite chilly— The first dew that we have had since leaving the waters of the Colorado fell last night— Two Mexicans came into camp this morning, who profess to be on their way to El Passo—and to have come from Sante Cruix, [Santa Cruz] a small town about eight days journey on our road. before leaving us one of them exchanged a little mulemanship for a silver dollar —
Aug 14th. Another days detention, it seems that we are doomed to a six months voyage—but I will not Complain, "Alls well that ends well," and I trust to fortune ߞ We are now encamped in the pass of the mountain which Cook had so much difficulty in getting his waggons through. 156 I do not know the distance through this mountain. We have already come seven miles and it is probably as much more to the foot of it. One of the waggons broke down yesterday, which will detain us until tomorrow— there is good grass here and a stream of excelent water—Timber plenty. It is worthy of remark that every variety of Timber here is different in some respect from that of the same species in Texas—for instance the leaf of the Sycamore is in color and shape very like the wild Peach, and the Walnut Tree, I have frequently mistaken for Pecan—the nuts are even smaller— We find many notes here from the Companys ahead—among others one from Capt Murcherson—he states that he was unsuccessful in finding gold on the Gila—and is now pushing for California— We intersected the Lanas [Janos] road at the entrance of this Pass, 157 it seems to have been much traveled, but principly by pack mules.
Aug. 24th. Ten days have come and gone, during which time a good deal has transpired that I would like perpetuate, and which by the way will severely tax my recollection now. Were it not for the great interest now felt in everything connected with this distant region, together with the desire I have to preserve some memorandums of this trip with which to refresh my recollection in after years—I should unhesitatingly throw aside this book, for the great trouble and inconvenience of writing on the road must necessarily confine the Journalist to a meager account of the most prominent events, and his production in the end will reflect but little credit on himself. however, I can claim for my own one distinction, that of being unlike any other—a journal original—in other words, a literary curriosity. On the 15th inst. we left our Camp in the Mountain and made that day about fifteen miles—encamped at night on a small stream seven miles from the foot of the mountain. The next day moved on four miles and camped at an old Mexican ranche, now deserted— from the delapidated appearance of the premises it cannot have been inhabited for a good many years past. No doubt the settlement was broken up by the Indians— 158 the land is rich and water plenty, but timber scarse— The guard having heard the lowing of cattle overnight, 159 in the morning several of the Company started out in search of a beef—which they procured, but of a different kind from that commonly used in the white settlements. I.E. Bull Beef. they killed two of the Rio gentlemen and brought as much as they could pack into camp— thus encouraged the Company determined to lay by a day and supply themselves, but in this we were disappointed for in the evening every man returned to camp as bloodless as he left it— They found but very few, and they being more familiar with the entanglements of a Chapparel than their pursuers made their escape— The morning of the 18th the Company again decamped and traveled that day twenty miles— About 10 o. c. we passed the grave of Capt. Murcherson— he met his untimely death on the 28th of July by the accidental discharge of his own gun. I was never more shocked than when I found the grave, and there read his name. He is buried upon the bank of a little brook beneath a large Cedar—his death is deeply deplored by all who knew him— This is a parallel case to that of poor Fuller, and should be a constant warning to us of the danger of the careless use of fire arms —
On the 19th we traveled fifteen miles. This day the hunters were more successful having killed two or three Beeves. About night we were visited with the severest storm that we have had on the road. Within ten minutes from the commencement the tents were all prostrated, and our Camp ground was at least six inches under water— Many light articles about camp were carried off by the water before they could be gathered up, and the little ravine close by which was dry when we stoped was in that short time roaring and plunging like a Cataract— We all passed a disagreeable night, cold, wet, and weary, the next day was occupied in drying beef and getting things in order —
21st. Train moved on ten miles and encamped in a valley affording good water and grass. On that day I had my first lesson in Bull Hunting which is certainly the rarest sport that I have engaged in— On the occasion alluded to there were three of us in Company and having ridden many miles without seeing a living thing, were just inclining our course Campward when we suddenly came upon five of these "individuals" quietly ensconsed in a Mesquite grove— they soon became aware of our approach and immediately made off in double quick time. Our first impulse was persuit, and each one shouted a charge—the race was short and quick, one of them apparently more daring than the rest, determined to engage our attention whilst his companions made their escape. Well at it we went— the old fellow seemed bullet proof. At each report of the Rifle he would but shake himself and charge again— the engagement was long and sanguinary, an observer would have awarded the victory to either side alternately, as it was pursued or pursuing— but finally he fell—and with a last long lingering heave gave up the Ghost— We returned exultingly to Camp and made a supper of liver and beef— I had at first some compunctious visitations about eating this kind of meat— the idea seemed to satisfy my appetite quite as well as the material, but after seeing others use it awhile and seeing the Ladies too so fond of it—I concluded that it was a foolish prejudice with me and determined to acquire a taste for it. I now think it as good as the best— Tis strange that no other class of cattle are found here—I am of opinion that the stock will eventually run out. The 22nd arrived at our present camp ground which we suppose to be on the River San Pedro—distant from last encampment fifteen miles—the road from the mountains thus far has been good, well watered and affording excelant pasturage. The valleys are rich and covered with the most beautiful flowers, many of which I have seen cultivated at home, but those most attractive are entirely new. One is a species of sensative plant which exceeds anything in richness that I ever saw. it has a bloom about three inches in length of a light crimson color— another bush a yellow bloom very like the Ratania. Four-O-Clocks and Morning Glorys are perfectly abundant—
Aug. 25th. One of the ladies in company is quite sick which detains us at this place— how much longer the future will determine. When? will we reach San Francisco at this rate of traveling— I cannot make the calculation, but rather think it will be when men shall appear in sheeps clothing. We will have to leave the Ox teams and hurry on— they have become too tender footed to travel— Our animals are in fine condition. Our bread stuffs fast failing. It is easy then to determine what is best. This is certainly the rainy season here for every day we have a shower and sometimes two— Our course for the last fifty miles has been South West— More beef in Camp this evening— Some of the Men got in chase of one and ran it within a hundred yards of Camp, where it stoped panting, coughing and staggering with a dozen streams of gore pouring from his sides— it was mercy to end his sufferings and so Bob thought for with a heart felt aim he terminated his eventful life— This "individual" must have been born in the last century, for his horns were wrinkled to the ends and he had not a tooth in his head, to use Bobs expression he had "worn out his teeth and commenced on his lips—"
Sunday Aug. 26th. Mrs. Mudget is some better today, but yet too feeble to travel. the balance of the company are able to eat their allowance which is presumptive evidence of health.
September 1st. We finally left the camp of the Wild Bull on the 27th ult., and that day traveled eight miles up the valley of the San Pedro— We were now once more in a pure atmosphere—and more than ever felt the necessity of leaving our last camp. The quantity of fresh meat that had been brought into Camp had attracted millions of flies—and the smell of the Old Bull had so poisoned the air that had we protracted our stay I am satisfied that sickness would have ensued— The next day our road left the valley and entered the hills in a westerly direction— ten miles brought us to a small stream, which we ascended until our day travel amounted to twenty miles— A great portion of the road that day was very wet— Wild cherrys plenty—grass good and musquitoes immense —
Yesterday we reached the town of Sante Cruix 160 distant from our last camp fifteen miles, in reaching which place we encountered much bad road in crossing the mountains. This place has a population of about fifteen hundred—composed cheifly of the lower order called Peons— There is an Arsenal, a Church, and several grist mills in the place. The chief productions of the valley are Corn, Wheat and Beans— the corn is in roasting ears and proves the excelent quality of the land. Wheat is worth $3 per Fanagar, Flour Six— Mrs. Harris laid in a good supply of vegitables, Eggs, and Chickens—which we are enjoying with an Epicurians taste. We stoped but a few hours in town and then moved down the River six miles to a deserted Ranche. 161 This was a beautiful place and had once been in a high state of improvement— The orchard supplied us with an abundance of Peaches of the finest Kind—but the other fruits such as Apples, Pears, Quinces—and Pomgranets were not ripe— Today we have parted with our friend and fellow traveller Mr. Mudget. His wife seems unable to stand the fatigue of traveling and he has determined to rest until the next train comes along— This morning we passed a deserted Mission 162 and obtained a further supply of Peaches. The valley of this Stream (Sante Cruix) is very rich and affords enough timber for farming purposes— I killed a fine deer today, and we are now living upon the fat of the land—in fact we are living upon the road —
Sept. 5th. The 2nd and 3rd inst. we traveled twenty-five miles each day over a fine road and beautiful country— I discovered another remarkable species of the Cactus— it grows thirty or forty in height and as much as two feet in diameter— Passed another Mission called San Gabriel 163 occupied by Mexicans and Indians—the Elacia was really a splendid looking building, the interior of which presented a solemn and imposing scene— It is nine miles from San Gabriel to Tosone, [Tucson] near which latter place we camped the evening of the 4th 164 I have omitted to mention that the Sante Cruix River sinks about twenty miles above Tosone — Almost all articles of merchandise and especially dry good are in great demand at Tosone— Some of our Company have made handsome profits upon their little stocks finery trinckets &c. The town gave a fandango the night of our arrival in honor as two said of the Americans— I did not attend but learn that it was an affair extra— We met with some Mexicans here just returned from the mines of California— their report is encouraging and corroberates the accounts we have previously had— One of these persons brought home about twenty thousand dollars in dust which was exhibited to our Company. We have replenished our stock of provisions at this place—and some of the company have purchased a few Cows—they are worth $12. It is beleived by the Mexicans that Ox teams cannot make the trip across the desert— Many will however make the trial— Our course since leaving the town of Sante Cruix has been North and North West— the weather is becoming much warmer.
The morning of the 5th we bid adieu to Tosone and its friendly people and camped that evening at a water hole three leagues distant. The next day traveled ten miles and stoped to graise— at 5 O. C. hitched up and moved on thirteen miles and pitched camp for the night—grass good—but no water. at 7 O. C. A. M. we again got under way and reached water in twelve miles. at 11 O. C. camped in a small valley affording good grass and water— We lay by here until 3 O. C. the next evening, at which time we again set out—leaving Thorns train in Camp. At 5 O. C. we passed the graves of two defunct emigrants— We shortly entered upon a vast and arid plain— road good—night warm—but fortunately a shower had crossed our path in the forepart of the night—which somewhat cooled the air—and also furnished a drink for our animals— On and on we rolled until 9 O. C. of the morning of the 9th when we came to water and grass one mile from the River Gila—making the distance from our last camp thirty five miles— there is no permenent water from Tosone to the Gila, 165 a distance of thirty leagues —
The weather at this time is extremely hot and sultry— I am forceably reminded of the days spent on the Pecos and the Country too is the very counterpart of that along the Pecos— the Gila River too is in character with the other—deep muddy and swift. We have traveled a North course from Tosone to the Gila— The road from this point inclines to the West and strikes the River Obliquely. Our camp was soon filled with Indians of the Pimos and Mericopas tribes— 166 their villages are about fifteen miles below our camp— they seemed very friendly and brought Corn, Wheat and Mellons to trade— The 12th we moved on nine miles and camped on the bank of the River— I had been unwell some time and was now very sick—in consideration thereof the train lay by three days—at the end of which time I was able to be hauled on. The weather was now intolerably hot— on the 15th the Thermometer ran to 106— that day we moved on to the village, where there was not a particle of grass and we had to buy grain for our animals— The Indians seemed to have no established price for their produce, but were reasonable in their charges—and any kind of clothes or ornaments is a better currency with them than gold or silver— The California travel has effected a great change in the habits and appearance of these Indians. Originally they wore no other covering than a breach clout and I suppose were as happy in their nakedness as Adam and Eve before they had tasted of the Tree of Knowledge— But now how changed— you rarely see one of these Indians who had not on a Shirt, Coat or pair of Pants—though never an entire suit— I was much diverted at the singularly uncomfortable appearence of one who come into our camp the first day— he was a tall fine looking man, young and well formed—and indeed seemed proud of his propotions— but to his dress—the first object that attracted my attention was the black two story hat which with one hand he ballanced upon his head— next and lastly, he had on a heavy blue blanket Coat all buttoned up to the Chin— this I suppose constituted his wardrobe—for his lower extremities were in a state of entire nudity— the poor fellow looked fit to expire— the persperation poured from his body, and coming down his legs, fell upon the burning sand like a refreshing shower—he seemed too to have selected a position favourable to his views and stood with his arms crossed upon his breast in deep thought, apparently taking a Daguerreotype view of our little Camp— now and then however with a slow and mechanical movement he would raise one corner of the Coat and wipe the oily water from his brow— "Where ignorance is bliss, tis folly to be wise."
Having been a little improvident on the road, I had not a dollar left on reaching this place—and having to recuperate our stock of provisions a little, I was forced to the last expedient—that of selling a part of my outfit—a Pistol Blanket and Shirt was all that I sacrificed. The morning of the 16th we moved on twelve miles and pitched our tents with Thorns train and two other Companys who had been waiting for us two days— A report had reached them that there was a band of Guerillas about fifty miles ahead laying in wait for the emigrant trains—and they therefore determined to wait for a reinforcement. We were opposed to uniting again with the Ox teams—but to avoid any unnecessary risk—have to submit to the seeming necessity of the case— The evening of the 17th found us again in motion, the order of march being Ox teams in front—and the Green Waggons or Great Western bringing up the rear— At this point the River makes an elbo to the right—and the road inclines to the left passing round a high mountain. Our way bill says fifteen leagues to water— The night was pleasant and road good but dusty— We rolled on until 2 O. C. making probably twenty miles—at day light resumed the march and at sundown came to the River again—distant from the last water and grass forty-five miles— at this point we found an abundance of Musquite Beans (which are a good substitute for corn) but no grass— We found a company of Missourians camped here who lost twelve Oxen in crossing the Jornada— They have abandoned four waggons and considerable plunder in consequence. The Gila River at this point is about two hundred and fifty feet wide—4 feet deep and muddy—the banks are skirted with Cotton wood timber and the valley is covered with Musquite—the land is rich but generally subject to overflow— Our company continue in fine health, notwithstanding the hot weather and fatigue of traveling— we have met no enemy yet.
The subject of this sketch was born in Baltimore, Maryland, in the year 1807. He had an elder brother who left Maryland for the West about 1825, and was never thereafter heard from. He had two sisters, Mrs. Harriet R. Hyatt, who died in Washington City about 1915, leaving several children surviving her, one of whom, Alpheus Hyatt, who is now or was a few years since, a professor of history in Cambridge. The other sister, Mrs. Louisa Stearns, died some thirty-five years ago, leaving two children, William B. Stearns, who was a prominent railroad builder in Massachusetts, and Frances L. G., who married Major Simms, and she died some two years ago.
In 1827, Amon B. King bade his mother, then Mrs. Mary Ann Camp, wife of Dr. Joseph Camp of Baltimore, to whom she had been married after the death of the father of Amon B. King, and his two sisters above named, farewell and started on his western journey to gather furs.
His immediate family never heard of him any more until soon after the battle of Goliad, when they learned in a roundabout way, that he was murdered.
Amon B. King landed in Paducah, Kentucky, in 1832, and in 1833, 1834, and 1835 he was city marshal of the City of Paducah.
In the late fall of 1835 Captain Wyatt, with his Georgia battalion, came down the Tennessee river on their way to Texas and stopped off a day and two nights in Paducah, and while there marched upon the streets of Paducah with their band of music, making talks and appeals throughout the City as they went, telling of their mission to Texas and urging young men to join them on their mission.
Amon B. King became enthused with their appeal, resigned his office of City Marshal, bade his sweetheart a final good bye, assuring her that immediately at the close of the Texas Revolution he would return for her and they would be married. Among the effects of Amon B. King at that time was a large woolly dog to which he was greatly attached, and he left this dog in the care of his expected wife, joined the Wyatt Company and sailed down the Ohio to the Mississippi, and thence down the Mississippi to Natches where they landed. From Natches they marched across the country through Louisiana, landing at old Washington, on the Brazos the day before Christmas, 1835.
Here the men all regularly enlisted in the Texas army, but in the meantime Amon B. King had organized a company of his own, largely from Maryland, and had been elected Captain of said company, and his selection as Captain was ratified and approved by General Sam Houston.
On December 27, 1835, Captain Amon B. King, with his company and others, were ordered to march across the country to Copano Bay in order to prevent invading Mexicans from further invading Texas.
Captain Amon B. King finally drifted into Fannin's command, and shortly before the battle at Goliad, he was ordered over to Refugio to protect the women and children from the Mexicans. Upon his arrival at Refugio, he found a large force of the Mexican army on the ground and at once sent back to Colonel Fannin for assistance, which was granted. Captain King and all these men were soon overpowered by the Mexican army, and on April 16, 1836, Captain King, after having his arm broken by a Mexican ball, and after he and his little remnant of men had been lashed and caused to walk through prickly pears with their bare feet, Captain King and his men were all shot down and given no sort of chance to defend themselves.
A majority of the Texas historians call him Captain Aaron B. King, but this is a great blunder and error. The one-third league headright of Captain King, as also his 640-acre donation and 1920-acre bounty, are all located and patented in Bosque County.
In 1890, parties in King William County, Virginia, brought suits in the Federal Court at Waco, to recover all this land, on the ground that they were the legal heirs of Aaron B. King for whom all these lands were intended. The writer was employed by the heirs of Amon B. King above named, to defend and assist in defending these suits, and try to prevent their recovery from the heirs of Captain Amon B. King and their vendees.
The heirs being able to furnish but little data as to the family of Anion B. King, and all of them being non-residents of Texas, the writer was forced to occupy the two-fold position of attorney and client.
The writer began his investigation first finding that the head-right certificate was issued by the Board of Land Commissioners of Washington County, in 1838, and it was issued to the heirs of Aaron B. King. Upon examination of the donation and bounty land warrants, it was found that the donation for 640 acres was issued to A. B. King, while the bounty for 1920 acres was issued in two bounty warrants of 960 acres each, one to the heirs of Amon B. King, and the other to the heirs of A. B. King.
Upon digging into old records of the Comptroller's office found in the basement and rubbish of the capitol at Austin, made in 1839, old records were found showing that in 1839 Mary Ann Camp and her husband, Joseph Camp, had visited Texas, produced satisfactory evidence that she was the mother of Captain Amon B. King and obtained his pay warrants. The records in the General Land Office gave similar evidence, but not so strong as to the name, whether Amon or Aaron. The original patents to these lands were all issued following the certificates.
The Virginia heirs of Aaron B. King established the fact that there was a man named Aaron B. King who left King William County, Virginia, in 1835, saying that he was going to Texas, and that he was never heard from after he left until after the battle of Goliad when it was reported that he had been killed.
These and other facts not necessary to mention, raised an issue of identity as to the King for whom the certificates had been intended, and as to his name, whether Amon or Aaron.
Some old Texas histories made a brief note of the fact that Captain King hailed from Paducah, Kentucky, and a full investigation of these facts was made. The result of this investigation was that King had been City Marshal at Paducah when he resigned his office to come to Texas. As City Marshal he had been required to make bond, and upon searching the old city records his original bond was found but it was simply signed. "A. B. King." Three old people were found who remombered King and the fact that he was City Marshal, one of whom was the lady with whom King had made his promise of marriage immediately at the close of the Texas Revolution, and with whom he left his woolly dog. The depositions of these people were taken, but neither of them except the affiancee knew the Christian name of King, but they all accounted for him so clearly and the fact that he left with Wyatt and his men, as to be convincing that he was in fact the man who fell at Goliad.
A photograph of this old official bond was taken, exact size, and a certified copy procured. It was then learned from history that a short time before the battle of Goliad, Fannin and all his men had petitioned the Legislature to grant to the Texas Army certain concessions, etc.
Again, a dive was made among the old rubbish in the basement of the capitol for this petition, and luckily it was found, but again the signature thereto was simply A. B. King, but it clearly appeared to be the identical signature made to the bond of City Marshal at Paducah. A photograph of the signature to this bond was taken, exact size, a certified copy procured and depositions of the two photographers, one in Paducah, Kentucky, and the other of Austin, so as to admit both photographs in evidence.
A few other matters were brought to light, when, upon examination of the Virginia Kings and their attorneys, it was simply admitted as being clearly, proven, that the King who fell at Goliad was "AMON" and not Aaron, and the suits dismissed.
Many other immaterial points could be stated showing the fact that it was Amon and not Aaron, but they are not deemed necessary. This article is written with the sole view that our Texas histories may be unswervingly true, and in memory of one whom I never knew, but one who gave his life to redeem this beautiful Texas soil and pass it on down to those of this day.
JAMES M. ROBERTSON. Meridian, Texas, July 4, 1925.
HAYES TO BRYAN
MILITARY ORDER OF THE LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES, Headquarters Commandery of the State of Ohio. Office of the Commander. Fremont 3 March 1885 My dear Guy:
The Pecans, after three months, reached here today in excellent condition. Lucy pronounced them the finest she ever saw. Certainly they are very fine. I shall plant some of them.
We have had an unusually severe winter, and some business failures that involve me somewhat. I am liable on the paper of a Harvester Manufacturing Company to the extent of thirty thousand dollars. My total liability will be about thirty five thousand. Of this I must pay about twelve to fifteen thousand. This with my other debts will make the load too heavy for comfort. But with economy and careful management I hope to pull through without large sacrifices of property. Uncle subscribed for the stock as a public spirited citizen for the benefit of the Community. To carry out his views I have become involved in it. It is now important to me, personally, to have an early return of good times.
I like the indications from the President elect. His letter on the Silver question is wise and bold. Indeed, I see nothing from Cleveland that is not full of promise for good.
I expect to go to Atlanta during the month on the Slater Education business. It will be done, if the Senate adjourns in time. I will be the guest of Gov Colquitt.
Lucy and all are in usual health.
Sincerely R. B. Hayes.
BRYAN TO HAYES
Bay Lake (Shoal Point P. O.) Galveston Co., August 20th, 1885. Dear Rud:
It has been a long time since I have heard from you. The last letter I got was in April when I was in the interior of Texas seeking improvement of health. I wandered about a good deal for drier climate than on the coast—on account of head and throat. I returned here, and have (since latter part of June) had my children with me. Guy went from Ann Arbor to Hollins, Va., and came to Texas with Hally. I had hoped that I could go on to Ann Arbor and take Guy via Fremont with me to Hollins, but I could not. For your kind treatment of Guy (which won his heart to you and Mrs. Hayes) and for the sake of all our past and my present feelings I would like to reciprocate by having you at my unpretentious home sharing my homely fare, but I am aware all the time I cannot invite you an Ex-President—and that my old college chum cannot shed this the balance of his life,—and "old Rud" is in the past, save now and then for a few moments when alone with an old friend. I will be sixty-five next Jan. I am getting to be an old man and liable to cross the river at any time. My general health is (for me) pretty good but my catarrhal troubles involving the throat makes me dread the coming winter. If I were not so much averse to office seeking I would try to get official position in a genial clime. But although my party is in power I have not applied and do not expect to apply for office. My last effort for Federal office was with you. Cleveland is doing right. God grant him power and good common sense and nerve to hold out against politicians. I think this now as I thought when you were in the White House. If he holds out the people of the States, and the whole country will sustain him. I am glad of the good feeling that prevails North and South. Grant's death gave an occasion for its manifestation on part of the South—it was spontaneous evidencing their loyalty to the government under which they live. Grant as a man had his faults as well as virtues—the South paid tribute to the latter, and in death forgave the former. I notice your presence at his funeral in New York. My children with exception of Laura are absent—Hally in Galveston, Willie on plantation, and Guy at Independence on a visit to his uncle Austin and family. I expect them all back in two or three days.
Give my love to Mrs. Hayes, Fanny and your sons.
As ever your old friend and chum, Guy M. Bryan.
BRYAN TO HAYES
"Bay Lake," Shoal Point P. O., Galveston Co., Texas. New Year Night, 1886. My dear old friend:
As I lay in bed thinking of the past I think of thee. I have dressed, I am up with pen in hand. Nearly half a century dates our acquaintances. Forty-six years our intimacy, our friendship. We have heart memories that will not die; age makes us cling closer to them and rest our hearts upon them. The old school days—Gambier hill, Columbus in vacation, the white house there, the green sward — your sister, mother, Uncle, Mr. Platt all are before me. I feel with Albert Pike and his spirit stirs and moves me. I enclose his letter. 167 It is "the old oaken bucket," that starts the crystal springs of memory and stirs the deep fountains of the heart. As I wrote in my last to you but for the high position you have filled we might be together in my humble home, but my poverty will not permit me to entertain an Ex-President,—for when you move you are the Ex-President, and no matter how much you may wish to throw it off you cannot with others. It is the price of power and place, and we are all willing to pay this price. I would like so much that we could in our last days be more together. Christmas morning Guy awoke (sleeping with me) saying, "Father, this time last year I was with the Hayeses—they were so good to me. I like President Hayes and Mrs. Hayes so much." Guy speaks with delight of his visit, and the treatment he received from you, Mrs. Hayes and each one of your children.
My health is better than it was at this time last year; I was then in San Antonio under medical treatment. My children all were with me on Christmas Day; none are with me now. Guy and Laura (my oldest daughter) are with the Ballingers in Galveston. Hally with my brother Austin's family at Independence, Washington Co.,—and Willie on the plantation in Wharton Co. I am glad you find employment in benevolent works; it is becoming your position. Ex-Presidents should be provided for by the National Government, for when they retire they are Ex-Presidents until they die and the great government of the States should make provision for them appropriate to the position they filled as Heads of the Nation.
Give my love and compliments of the season to Mrs. Hayes and to each one of your children.
As ever your friend, Guy M. Bryan.
HAYES TO BRYAN
Spiegel Grove Fremont, O. 24 Jany 1886 My dear Guy:
I was very much touched by your welcome letter. We are indeed marching rapidly on to the inevitable close. An acquaintance and intimate friendship that dates back almost half a century is something to think of with growing interest. The letter of Albert Pike struck me as it did you. I was so pleased with it that I had it copied as you see. Cicero on old age is worth reading now. It is better than it was when we had it as a task at school. Try it some day. I now read it in a translation.
Dear Guy. He entirely won all our hearts. Give him our love. All of our children were with us Christmas and on the 33rd anniversary of our wedding day! Fanny is at school in Farmington, Ct. Scott in an industrial, school in Toledo. We are all in the best of health.
You have hit the nail on the head. The Ex-Presidential situation has its advantages, but with them are certain drawbacks. The correspondence is large. The meritorious demands on one are large. More independent out than in place, but still something of the bondage of the place that was willingly left. On the whole, however, I find many reasons to be content.
I hope we can meet next summer. My home is a good place to meet. You will be the welcome guest here always. By the by we missed Laura Ballinger, by not knowing she was so near to us until it was too late. Always count on us—all of us. Mrs. Hayes joins in all regards.
As ever, R. B. Hayes.
BRYAN TO HAYES
Bay Lake, Shoal Point P. O., Galveston Co., May 5th, 1886. My dear Rud:
You must not think my long silence has been from want of appreciation of our correspondence or your reply to my last. When it came I was sick and as soon as I got better I was called off to my plantation where I was attacked by severe nervous rheumatism since when I have been in great pain. Last week I went to Galveston to consult a Doc., since when my pains have been less, and in a few days I will take Guy and go to San Antonio, where the dry climate will I hope soon rid me of my troublesome disease. I have thought so many times I would write you, but my mind and body were not in such frame as I could say anything pleasant and I would postpone. So I sit down now to postpone no longer.
I am glad you liked Pike's letter; I knew you would; and thank you for the reprint you sent me, especially for the photographs. Hally seized on them at once and appropriated them; she has never forgotten her visit and the kindness of Mrs. Hayes and Fanny. Nothing would give me more pleasure than to accept your invitation to visit you next summer, but I shall not be able to do so. My children are all well, my daughters grown, and Guy with me. My daughters [are] now in Galveston on a visit to the Ballingers. Willie [is] on the plantation.
For your cordial and emphatic expressions of friendship and kindliness accept my thanks. For nearly fifty years we have known each other, most of this time on intimate terms, and we have never had a quarrel or estrangement, although we were in the field on opposite sides with arms in our hands true to our convictions of duty. How glad I am that the sections are, and ever will be at peace, and that good will prevails over the land. Could you have had your way it would have come sooner, and I believe you did more than Tilden could have done in bringing it about. You must not take my silence for your example, but write me soon and I promise in future not to delay writing so long.
What think you will be the end of these labor troubles? The foreign element in our midst bring their socialistic views to transform the acts and views of our laboring people in the cities. If people can seize and injure another's property at will, and be held harmless, where is the end? Law must fix the morals of the railroads, they have no souls, and money is their object. Yet the owners are entitled to protection as others are in their property. I hope that the legislation to protect both the roads and employees will result in protecting effectually the community.
Give my best wishes and regards to your wife and children. Guy sends his love to you and Mrs. Hayes.
As ever your friend, Guy M. Bryan. P. S. Have you any monied friends that want to invest in good lands in Texas?
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTICES
Arredondo's Historical Proof of Spain's Title to Georgia. Edited by Herbert E. Bolton, Ph. D., Professor of American History and Director of the Bancroft Library, University of California. (Berkeley: University of California Press. 1925. Pp. XVII, 382.)The opening statement of this interesting document as translated is as follows: "Historical proof of the right of the Catholic King to the territory held today by the British King under the name of New Georgia in the provinces and Continent of Florida, by which is proved the unquestionable title of the King of Spain as far as north latitude 32° 30', inclusive, where lies the harbor of the island of Santa Elena, the point by which the limits of the respective possessions in this part of the world, between Florida and Carolina, should be marked. Havana, March 20, 1742."
The English translation of this document including one hundred and eight pages is followed by the Spanish text embracing one hundred and four pages of this volume. Arredondo showed that from the discovery of America Spain had preceded all other nations in taking possession of the new world. He maintained therefore that the French and the English should have recognized the prior claim of Spain which was based upon discovery, exploration and occupation. He devoted considerable attention to the conflicts between France and Spain and between England and Spain on account of the disputed possession of the territory which afterwards became South Carolina and Georgia.
Professor Bolton points out that this document "makes clearer than any other work hitherto published the nature of the long contest between Spain and England over the coast region of South Carolina and Georgia. It was written by a trained man who saw service on the disputed frontier as diplomat and soldier. In 1736 Engineer Antonio de Arredondo was sent from Havana to Frederica to protest to Oglethorpe against the establishment of the Georgia colony. In succeeding years he served at intervals in Florida, drawing maps, writing reports, and perfecting the fortifications for the forthcoming struggle with England. In 1742 he was chief-of-staff in the Spanish campaign against Georgia." The document was written at the "request of Guemes y Horcasitas, captain-general of Havana, who directed the Georgia expedition."
Professor Bolton is eminently qualified to edit this document which is concerned with Spanish-American history, since for several years he has devoted so much attention to research in this field. In the preface, in the introduction and in the editorial notes he has furnished sufficient information to enable one to understand and to appreciate the significance of this document and the relation which it sustained to the international struggle which was in progress at that time. In the introduction covering one hundred and ten pages under the topic of "The Debatable Land," he discusses the struggle which went on over the possession of Georgia. He devotes attention to the "Spanish Pioneers in Georgia and South Carolina," the "Anglo-Spanish Contest for Georgia," the "Contest for Western Georgia," the "Diplomatic Controversies over Fort King George and Oglethorpe's Colony," the "War of Jenkins's Ear," the "Neutral Ground and the Final Struggle." The footnotes, the editorial notes, and the bibliography show conclusively the thoroughness with which Professor Bolton has investigated every phase of the struggle with which this document is concerned. In addition to all that is included in the volume to amplify, to interpret, and to make more intelligible the document and its significance, there are several maps and other illustrations and an index.
The Colonization of North America, The Spanish Borderlands and other books and publications by Professor Bolton are sufficient to convince one that his "interest in the early history of the Caribbean area and the 'Old Southeast' is one of long standing." He has done much to stimulate the interest of other scholars in Spanish-American history.
Professor Bolton's literary style is so well known that it is unnecessary to call attention to it. Possessing the rare gift of combining accurate detailed research with a pleasing narrative style, it should be a source of satisfaction to him to know that his books will undoubtedly command the interest of the reading public. He has undoubtedly made a decided contribution to American history by publishing such a book in which he has presented, not only, a most interesting document, but also given the results of his own scholarly research extending over a period of several years.
PERCY SCOTT FLIPPEN.
The Expansionist Movement in Texas, 1836-1850. By William Campbell Binkley, Ph. D., Associate Professor of History, Colorado College. (University of California Publications in History, Volume 13.)The United States has been an expanding nation from its beginning, so much so that expansion can almost be considered as the chief characteristic of the American people. It is not strange, then, that the Texans, as soon as they had partially settled their difficulty with Mexico should take up the burden of extending their boundaries at the expense of their enemy. It is with this phase of Texas history that Dr. Binkley deals, and he has made a real contribution to the increasing literature of Southwestern history.
The first problem confronting the author is the problem of the boundary of the Republic of Texas. By a careful examination of sources he comes to the conclusion that there was little if any claim on the part of Texas to the Rio Grande as a boundary. Dismissing the claims of Texas to the Rio Grande, the whole question becomes one of expansion at the expense of an enemy nation. In this connection he cites letters showing plans to secure California for Texas, the efforts of Lamar as president to negotiate a treaty for a boundary extending to the Pacific, the expedition to Santa Fé—also under the administration of Lamar—and the race between Texas and the United States for an outlet on the Pacific.
The second problem is the period of transition from an independent republic to a state of the United States. Here the author takes up the relation of the United States to the boundary claims of the Republic of Texas. This aspect of the question serves more as a prelude or introduction to his third problem, which is the controversy between the United States and Texas as to boundary after annexation. The declaration of war by Mexico before the boundary of Texas had been definitely determined by Texas and the United States relieved Polk of the embarrassment of refusing to recognize the claims of Texas, when seemingly the war was fought in order to establish the Rio Grande as the western boundary of Texas. He could now claim that New Mexico and the parts of Mexico east of the Rio Grande were annexed as an indemnity against Mexico for her responsibility in starting the war. Texas, however, insisted on the validity of her claims until the final settlement in the Compromise of 1850.
While various aspects of the problems involved in this study have been treated elsewhere, it is a valuable contribution since it brings together all the elements in the expansion of Texas to fill in a certain definite boundary. It also presents in a connected way the consistency of Texas, in spite of frontier conditions and partisan politics, in planning to accomplish its ends.
The author has carefully examined the known sources and has thoroughly annotated his study, and the conclusions he has reached are entirely in accord with the authorities. A good classified bibliography, and an index, and several well executed maps are included. The reviewer noted no errors of fact nor any due to careless proofreading.
A. K. CHRISTIAN.
Westward The Course of Empire: The History of Texas From Exploration to Annexation in a Sequence of One-Act Plays. By Mary Matlock Griffith. (The E. L. Steck Company, Austin, 1925.)This little book presents the heroic phases of Texas history in a series of dramatic flashes. It is based on painstaking study, and the episodes are chosen with true appreciation of the essential factors in the making of the period. It is not, and does not aspire to be, a history text, but it is a successful attempt to express the historical spirit of the period vividly and veraciously. Judging from the frequent requests that come to me for pageant material on Texas history, there is a demand for such a book, and it should meet, as it deserves, a welcome reception.
EUGENE C. BARKER.
THE QUARTERLY OF THE TEXAS STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
The management wishes to announce that the back volumes of THE QUARTERLY can be purchased and that a complete set is now available. The first four volumes have been reprinted, and will be sold at the following prices, on the installment plan, or for cash on delivery:
- $5.00 per volume unbound;
- $6.50 per volume bound in cloth;
- $7.00 per volume bound in half leather.
Volumes V and VI are still to be had in the original copies for the following prices:
- $4.00 per volume unbound;
- $5.50 per volume bound in cloth;
- $6.00 per volume bound in half leather.
All the remaining volumes can be had for:
- $3.00 each unbound;
- $4.50 for a cloth binding; and
- $5.00 for the half leather binding, through volume XVI.
The Association will undertake to have loose numbers bound for members, charging merely the binder's price.
ADDRESS THE TEXAS STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION AUSTIN, TEXAS.
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How to cite:
"Issue View", Volume 029, Number 2, Southwestern Historical Quarterly Online. http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/publications/journals/shq/online/v029/n2/issue.html
[Accessed Thu Mar 18 15:45:51 CDT 2010]
