"The volume here presented," says Dr. Rippy, "is the first general survey of the diplomatic relations of the United States and Mexico that has appeared in any language" (p. vii). The publisher's advance announcement, and the author's assertion, to the contrary notwithstanding, this is not a general account of United States-Mexican relations. Historical scholars, however, need not be disappointed, but rather there is ample cause for rejoicing, for Dr. Rippy has given us, not the customary digest, designed for text-book purposes, of the monographic materials on our relations with Mexico since independence, but he presents an original, scholarly contribution to the histories of Hispanic America and the foreign relations of the United States.
Ostensibly the book covers the period 1821 to 1924, but in reality it is a detailed study of the years 1848 to 1910. The early relations, Texas, and the Mexican War are disposed of in a few words; the justifiable assumption being that Manning, Smith, and Rives have handled this period adequately. The years since the overthrow of the Díaz government are accorded an interpretative treatment in thirty pages; the author's explanation for his avoidance of the details of recent Mexican relations being that the most important sources are not yet available. But so acceptable is his summary of these remaining years, and so suggestive is his interpretation of events, that we wish he possessed the temerity of that numerous brotherhood of good standing in historical circles, which is engaged annually in the task of "bringing their books down to date."
There is a central theme, a single thread, which runs from beginning to end of this book: it is manifest destiny and expansion (territorial and economic). From 1836 to 1861 manifest destiny was most potent in shaping foreign policy and in giving unbridled license to the passion for territorial expansion. "Subsequent to 1865 they [expansionists] have been eager for commerce, investment opportunities, subsoil resources, and, occasionally, for a port of entry on the Gulf of Lower California, or an area of great strategic importance retained by Mexico with too fragile a grip, as the peninsula of Lower California" (p. 361). Factors promoting aggressive action of the United States upon Mexico were: (1) geographical proximity; (2) Mexico's fabulous natural resources; (3) the disorderly and bankrupt state of Mexico; (4) the active, enterprising, and aggressive people of the United States, who, "in moments of ecstacy . . . have exaggerated their ambitions, and overstated their sense of destiny, and this much to the perturbation of Mexico" (p. 361); and (5) the European factor which frequently served as a goad to drastic action, but more often was exaggerated by expansionist leaders to cloak their aggressive plans. Why, then, since the spirits of manifest destiny and expansion have been such powerful forces in the United States, has not Mexico succumbed to them? It was because "conflicting interests of sections and groups have often held the government in check." For example, "the slavery issue retarded rather than promoted expansion. Indeed, it perhaps saved Mexico from obliteration as a nation prior to 1860" (p. 363). The subjection of Mexico to the alternating influence of these sectional and class conflicts constitutes the subject matter of the book.
The earliest and most telling blows ever delivered upon the body of Mexico, the secession of Texas, and the Mexican War, are not recounted in this history. The events of 1821 to 1848 are summarized in a short introductory chapter, the author's purpose being to present a background for his second chapter, "The Unfinished Mission." Conflicting factions in the United States, the slavery question being the principal issue, saved Mexico from annihilation by a very narrow margin. The expansionists retired in 1848, temporarily confounded but fully determined, to complete the "mission" of the United States at the earliest opportunity. To demonstrate that the ardor for territory did not abate after 1848, Dr. Rippy quotes numerous expressions of destiny from contemporary periodicals and from Congressional debates. "These illustrations . . . indicate the prevalence of the spirit of expansion during the decade preceding the Civil War" (p. 28).
In such an atmosphere the diplomatic difficulties of the two countries were discussed. Little wonder that serious crises arose. The principal subjects of controversy were: (1) United States claims against Mexico; (2) depredations of American Indians upon Mexican lives and property; (3) raids of filibusters from the United States into Mexico; and (4) the boundary dispute. Each of these subjects is discussed in a separate chapter; the treatment is painstaking, detailed, and heavily documented. It has not been generally known how critical was the situaiton when James Gadsden was sent to Mexico in July, 1853. The principles at issue, the negotiation of the Gadsden Treaty, and the struggle for ratification of the treaty, constitute Dr. Rippy's greatest contribution to the study of our relations with Mexico. The reader is given a feeling of finality, something he does not feel after reading the chapters on Porfirio Díaz.
"The Gadsden Treaty, though one of the most important landmarks in the relations of the United States and Mexico, left unsettled several questions which were destined to furnish ample trouble" (p. 168). The question of claims and frontier disorders afforded no opportunity for an abatement in ill feeling between Anglo-Americans and Mexicans. In the face of a vigorous demand for intervention, and the seizure of Mexican territory as compensation for claims, President Pierce adhered to a policy of moderation. But not so Buchanan. Conditions called for a vigorous policy, and this he adopted. His administration was particularly featured by the iniquitous McLane-Ocampo Treaty, which, fortunately for Mexico, was killed by a conflict of interests in the United States Senate.
Since the most rabid expansionists had hailed from the South, we need not be surprised to read, "That these leaders [Confederate] contemplated the ultimate absorption of a part or the whole of Mexico hardly admits of doubt" (p. 230). In "The Mexican Projects of the Confederates" we have a most interesting and illuminating chapter on a hitherto little noticed subject; it presents a side of the struggle of the Confederacy which has been all but neglected in the past.
The next chapter, "Seward and French Intervention," affords equally fascinating reading, although here is a subject upon which countless volumes have been written. Dr. Rippy is most enthusiastic in his admiration of Seward's diplomatic astuteness. From his claim that Seward's Mexican policy "was founded upon expediency and dictated by sound common sense" (p. 259), we do not dissent. We are of the opinion, however, that the author's manner of treatment might lead to the assumption that Seward has been accorded greater credit than he deserves for the withdrawal of the French. The collapse of Napoleon's project was written in the book of time, whereas Seward's service was in the preservation of American neutrality. American assistance to Juarez in the last days of Maximilian's stand is worthy of mention.
With the conclusion of the Civil War and the re-establishment of Mexican independence, a new era in the relations of the United States and Mexico was inaugurated. Formerly the American attitude had been one of aggression and eagerness for territory; henceforth it was to be marked by a strong desire for investment opportunities and commercial intercourse. "Manifest destiny was giving place to economic penetration" (p. 278). The new era was not to be born without travail. The greatest impediment to friendly relations in the decade subsequent to 1867 was the state of affairs on the border. The accumulated grievances occasioned by Indian raids, smugglers, filibusters, and border ruffians reached a crisis in 1877-1879 after Porfirio Díaz had seized the Mexican government. The Hayes administration chose, as did Secretary Hughes respecting the recognition of Obregón, to insist on a formal treaty of guarantees as the price of recognition. It is significant that both attempts failed, although the Díaz victory was more complete. It is likewise significant to note that on both occasions the American government was forced to forego its demands because of the pressure of American interests which had various motives for wishing to resume relations with Mexico. Although "Díaz refused to grant [concessions] by open and formal proclamation from the housetops he gradually yielded in the secret places of the palace" (p. 311). Recognition received, he invited a flood of American capital, which came near submerging his nation. It indeed appeared that Seward's "expectation that Mexico would eventually be acquired by the gradual process of Americanization which would result from the emigration of capital and colonists from the United States" (p. 277), was to be realized. By the close of the year 1911, American holdings in Mexican railroads were valued at almost $650,000,000, and American mining properties were worth $250,000,000. American holdings in farms, ranches, and timber lands reached almost $80,000,000 by 1912. This does not suggest the vast extent of the holdings, however, since lands were acquired at a few cents an acre. The large holding was the rule. Dr. Hippy presents an impressive list of American land grants, which includes the 250,000-acre Hearst estate in Chihuahua and the American owned Piedra Blanca ranch of 1,240,000 acres. And finally we are told (too briefly, however) how the American oil interests invaded Mexico.
Although the American movement into Mexico was attended by certain material advantages for the Mexican people, apprehension and later opposition was aroused. How potent was his Yankee favoritism in bringing about the final overthrow of Díaz, is shown in the fact that "nearly all of the charges preferred against the Díaz régime are connected directly or indirectly with his policy toward the United States" (p. 329).
In proportion to the rest of the book, the Díaz régime receives restricted treatment. The author has anticipated this criticism, for he says, "The thirty years which followed the advent of Porfirio Díaz were marked in general by a pacific intercourse yielding comparatively little for the historian to record" (p. vii). The "Pacific Penetration" of Mexico is worthy of more detailed treatment, since this is one of the salient features of the Díaz rule. The change in the mining law of 1884 might have been set forth, since it was attended by far-reaching consequences. The methods whereby the lands were acquired to pass them on to the foreigners should have been mentioned. The intervention of the United States in the Mexican-Guatemala dispute, United States-Mexican mediation in Central America, and Díaz and the Monroe Doctrine are subjects that should have been developed.
The author presents his material in a clear, dignified style. From the literary and historical standpoint this is a work worthy of the highest praise. The copious citations to United States and Mexican official publications, periodicals of the two nations, and to other materials, bear witness to industry and painstaking scholarship. There is an excellent bibliography at the end "for whoever desires to make a fuller study." Despite the omission of a word on the first page (line 17), the author and publisher are to be congratulated on a remarkably clean copy.
J. LLOYD MECHAM.
How to cite:
" The United States and Mexico.", Volume 030, Number 1, Southwestern Historical Quarterly Online, Page 75 - 79. http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/publications/journals/shq/online/v030/n1/review_16.html
[Accessed Wed Mar 17 16:39:06 CDT 2010]
