SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
VOL. XXX JANUARY, 1927 No. 3
Editors EUGENE C. BARKER HERBERT E. BOLTON Associate Editors CHAS. W. RAMSDELL E. W. WINKLER CHARLES W. HACKETT Managing Editor EUGENE C. BARKER- THE GREENBACK PARTY IN TEXAS - Roscoe C. Martin - 161
- EXTRACTS FROM THE REMINISCENCES OF GENERAL GEORGE W. MORGAN - Contributed by Samuel E. Asbury - 178
- DESCRIPTIONS OF THE TEJAS OR ASINAI INDIANS, I - Translated and edited by Mattie Austin Hatcher - 206
- DIARY OF ADOLPHUS STERNE, II - Edited by Harriet Smither - 219
- NOTES AND FRAGMENTS: Exhibition of Relies at Fairfield, Texas - 237
CONTENTS
The Texas State Historical Association
PRESIDENT:
T. F. HARWOOD
VICE-PRESIDENTS:
ALEX. DIENST, GEORGE W. TYLER,
W. S. RED J. L. CLARK
RECORDING SECRETARY AND LIBRARIAN:
EUGENE C. BARKER
CORRESPONDING SECRETARY AND TREASURER:
CHARLES W. RAMSDELL
EXECUTIVE COUNCIL:
PRESIDENT T. F. HARWOOD,
VICE-PRESIDENT ALEX. DIENST,
VICE-PRESIDENT W. S. RED,
VICE-PRESIDENT GEORGE. W. TYLER,
VICE-PRESIDENT J. L. CLARK,
RECORDING SECRETARY AND LIBRARIAN EUGENE C. BARKER,
CORRESPONDING SECRETARY AND TREASURER CHARLES W. RAMSDELL,
EX-PRESIDENT MRS. ADELE B. LOOSCAN,
FELLOWS MATTIE AUSTIN HATCHER FOR TERM ENDING 1927.
E W. WINKLER FOR TERM ENDING 1928.
INGHAM S. ROBERTS FOR TERM ENDING 1929.
MEMBERS JACK DOTY FOR TERM ENDING 1927.
SAMUEL E. ASBURY FOR TERM ENDING 1928.
ADINA DE ZAVALA FOR TERM ENDING 1929.
HARBERT DAVENPORT FOR TERM ENDING 1930.
MRS. L. N. THROOP FOR TERM ENDING 1931.
PUBLICATION COMMITTEE:
JUDGE T. F. HARWOOD
EUGENE C. BARKER, E. W. WINKLER,
HERBERT E. BOLTON, CHARLES W. RAMSDELL.
The Association was organized March 2, 1897. The annual dues are three dollars. THE QUARTERLY is sent free to all members.
Contributions to THE QUARTERLY and correspondence relative to historical material should be addressed to Eugene C. Barker, Austin, Texas, or to Herbert E. Bolton, Berkeley, California.
Other correspondence may be addressed to The Texas State Historical Association, Austin, Texas.
FELLOWS AND LIFE MEMBERS OF THE ASSOCIATION
The constitution of the Association provides that "Members who show, by published work, special aptitude for historical investigation may become Fellows. Thirteen Fellows shall be elected by the Association when first organized, and the body thus created may thereafter elect additional Fellows on the nomination of the Executive Council. The number of Fellows shall never exceed fifty."
The present list of Fellows is as follows:
ADAMS, PROF. E. D. MARSHALL, PROF. THOMAS MAITLAND
BARKER, PROF. EUGENE C. MCCALEB, DR. W. F.
BATTS, JUDGE R. L. MILLER, PROF. E. T.
BOLTON, PROF. HERBERT EUGENE NEU, MR. C. T.
BUCKLEY, MISS ELEANOR C. RAMSDELL, PROF. CHAS. W.
CASIS, PROF. LILIA M. ROBERTS, MR. INGHAM S.
CHAPMAN, PROF. CHAS. E. SMITH, PROF. W. Roy
CHRISTIAN, DR. A. K. SMITHER, MISS HARRIET
CLARK, PROF. ROBERT CARLTON TUCKER, MR. PHILIP C. 3rd
COOPER, PRESIDENT O. H. TYLER, JUDGE GEORGE W.
COX, PROF. I. J. VILLAVASO, MRS. ETHEL RATHER
DIENST, DR. ALEX WEBB, PROF. W. P.
DUNN, DR. WILLIAM EDWARD WEST, MISS ELIZABETH H.
ESTILL, PROF. H. F. WILLIAMS, JUDGE O. W.
HACKETT, DR. CHAS. W. WINKLER, MR. ERNEST WM.
HATCHER, MRS. MATTIE AUSTIN WORLEY, MR. J. L.
LOOSCAN, MRS. ADELE B. ZAVALA, MISS ADINA DE
MANNING, DR. WILLIAM RAY
The constitution provides also that "Such benefactors of the Association as shall pay into its treasury at any one time the sum of fifty dollars, or shall present to the Association an equivalent in books, MSS., or other acceptable matter, shall be classed as Life Members."
The Life Members at present are:
ALLEN, MR. WILBUR P. KIRBY, MR. JNO. H.
ARMSTRONG, MR. B. W. MCFADDEN, MR. W. P. H.
ARNOLD, M. L. MILBY, MRS. C. H.
AYER, MR. EDWARD EVERETT MINOR, MR. F. D.
BAKER, MR. R. H. MOODY, COL. W. L.
BEAZLEY, MISS JULIA MOORE, MRS. JNO. M.
BENEDICT, PROF. H. Y. MOREHEAD, MR. C. R.
BUNDY, MR. Z. T. NEALE, MR. WM. J.
CLAYTON, MR. W. L. PARKER, MRS. EDWARD W.
COCHRANE, MR. SAM P. PEARCE, PROF. J. E.
COURCHESNE, MR. A. PEDEN, E. A.
CRANE, MR. R. C. PERRY, MRS. EMMETT L.
DAVIDSON, MR. W. S. RADFORD, MR. J. M.
DEALEY, MR. GEORGE B. RICE, MR. J. S.
DILWORTH, MR. THOS. G. RICE, HON. W. M.
DONALDSON, MRS. NANA SMITHWICK ROTAN, MRS. EDWARD
FARRISH, MR. W. S. RUGELEY, MR. HENRY
FORTMAN, HENRY F. SCHMIDT, MR. JOHN
GILBERT, MR. JOHN N. SCHREINER, MR. CHARLES
GLEASON. REV. JOSEPH M. SEVIER, MRS. CLARA D.
GUNNELL, MR. W. N. SINCLAIR, MR. J. L.
HANRICK, MR. R. A. STARK, MR. H. J. L.
HARWOOD, T. F. TERRY, MR. WHARTON
HEFLEY, MR. W. T. THOMPSON, MR. BROOKS
HOGG, MR. WILL C. TODD, MR. CHARLES S.
HOUGHTON, MISS KATE. WALKER, MR. J. A.
HOUSE, MR. E. M. WASHER, MR. NAT M.
HYDE, MR. JAMES H. WEBB, MR. MACK
JONES, MR. ROLAND WILLACY, HON. JOHN G.
KENEDY, MR. JNO. G. WILLIAMS, JUDGE O. W.
VOL. XXX JANUARY, 1927 No. 3
The publication committee and the editors disclaim responsibility for views expressed by contributors to THE QUARTERLY
Those familiar with the history of the so-called Agrarian Crusade will remember that the movement for economic independence among the farmers was inaugurated with the formation f the order known as the Patrons of Husbandry, or more familiarly, the Grange, which was organized by a group of government employees in Washington in 1867. The Grange reached Texas in 1873 with the organization of the State Grange, whose early growth presaged a period of prosperity for the order in this state. In truth, the Grange flourished in Texas until 1877-78, and it operated more or less actively until the end of the century; but it was never able to exercise any considerable influence over the politics of the state after the early eighties, and it was even then in a state of decadence. It is also apparent to the student of the movement that whatever influence the Grange may have had in the political world came as a result of sheer numerical strength, and not from actual participation in the politics of the state; for except for the candidacy of the Worthy Master of the order in the Democratic State Convention of 1878, no granger was ever mentioned for a state office. The Grange was of vast political influence, as has been pointed out, 1 but its importance arose from indirect rather than direct participation in politics.
Carrying out the work of the Grange politically was the Greenback party, an avowed national political organization which had in general a history similar to that of its predecessor. Like the Grange, it arose to gain certain specific ends; and, like the Grange, it was an ephemeral organization, dying away within a few years after its inception. Unlike the Grange, the Greenback party was organized for the purpose of carrying elections and possessing offices. It was thus a real political party as contrasted with the Grange, which taught and (in theory) practiced non-partisanship in political affairs. Its strength was concentrated in a few states, it is true, but its total popular vote entitles it to some consideration as a third party, for the years covered by the campaigns of 1876-1884 at least.
The Greenback movement is not to be considered as a political flurry separate and distinct from other movements of the latter part of last century. The Agrarian Crusade was the outward evidence of a deep-flowing current of unrest among the agricultural classes, and this unrest found various forms of expression, especially during the last quarter of the century. The Granger movement as an evidence of nation-wide discontent among the farmers lost strength rapidly from 1874 to 1876, and in 1875-76 it was supplanted by the Greenback party. The latter then was simply another phase of the great movement for reform which swept through the agricultural classes of the country between 1870 and 1900. It counted among its members a greater percentage of farmers than of any other class of laborers ; for although the party originated as a means of ameliorating conditions among laborers of the eastern states, it swept westward and southward and became an organization of discontented farmers clamoring for relief from conditions which the Grange had failed to remedy. Thus the Greenback movement must be considered as the second chapter in the story of the liberation of the farmer, and not as an organization isolated from others immediately preceding and following it.
Agitation in favor of an inflated currency became evident immediately after the War, when various organizations announced their opposition to any contraction of the currency. The first attempt at organized co-operation in behalf of inflation came, as has been intimated, from the laborers of the East; but, although the malcontents formed a political party and nominated a candidate for the presidency in 1872 2 little came of the agitation for several years.
The panic of 1873, which intensified the unrest among the laboring classes, convinced the working man of the futility of his case under the existing order. The farmers especially were vitally affected by the period of depression. Conditions were, it is true, better than they had been a few years before, but there was still much room for improvement. The Grange, founded six years before for the purpose of bettering the conditions under which the farmer was forced to work and aiding him to meet his problems, had indeed proved of some advantage to the agricultural classes, for many beneficial reforms had been brought about by that organization. In fact, it seems that the farmer might have been content with his lot but for one thing—a rather important exception, it must be admitted: the currency question was still unsettled, and there was little prospect of a solution's being reached which would look to the interests of the agricultural classes. Prices generally advanced considerably, while those of farm produce remained almost stationary. Money was scarce among the farmers, and the government proposed to increase the financial stringency tenfold by initiating a program calculated to reduce the currency in circulation. This at least was the immediate effect of the program most feared by the agrarian classes.
It was against this situation that the farmers rebelled. The Grange took cognizance of the problem in numerous demands for legal tender greenbacks, the repeal of the National Bank Law and the Resumption Act, and the remonetization of silver; but ere long it was discovered that that order was almost, if not quite, impotent here. The currency question demanded more positive action than the Grange was able to offer: direct political action appeared to be the most efficacious way out of the difficulty, and the demand for such action was answered by the formation of the Greenback party. The "social reform" period, during which the movement was dominated by the wage-earners of the East, came to an end in 1873-74 with the coming into power of the farmers, who ushered in a period of inflation more uncompromising than that which had preceded it. Thus the independent parties of the Granger period, which generally had not favored inflation, gave way to the Greenback party, whose primary purpose it was to expand the currency at any cost.
The Greenback party originated in a series of conventions which met from 1874 to 1876, and by the latter year the organization of the party had been completed. Its organizers included such well known agrarian and labor leaders as Ignatius Donnelly, Marcus M. ("Brick") Pomeroy, Solon Chase, Jesse Harper, James Buchanan, and Dennis Kearney, and the chief protest raised by these men in the platforms of the party was against the proposed stabilization of the currency. They demanded that the government levy an income tax, they supported woman suffrage, and they took a decided stand on many another question of public interest; but first, last, and always, they wanted more money. Hence they demanded the repeal of the National Bank Act and the Resumption Act, the remonetization of silver, and the issue by the government of greenbacks which should be full legal tender. And, since the agricultural classes bade fair to gain most in the event these demands were acceded to, the clientele of the Greenback leaders consisted for the greater part of farmers.
The party waged three campaigns for the presidency, beginning in 1876 when Peter Cooper was nominated. Cooper was already an octogenarian at the time of his nomination, and the burden of the campaign fell largely upon the vice presidential nominee, Samuel F. Cary. Cary conducted a campaign which was apparently less rather than more active, and the Greenback candidates received only 80,000 votes. From 1876 to 1880, however, the movement gained momentum rapidly : a number of combinations between dissatisfied groups were effected, and by the latter year the malcontent factions were able to present a front fairly well united. General James B. Weaver, of Iowa, was nominated to lead the Greenback ticket in the presidential election of 1880, and the General, carrying his case directly to the people in the first of all popular campaigns, polled 308,500 votes, as compared with the 80,000 polled by Cooper in 1876. The leaders of the party nevertheless were chagrined at the outcome of the election, and they began at once to plan for the campaign of 1884, predicting a victory for their party in the elections of that year. The results of the elections, however, revealed the true state of the party. Its candidate, General B. F. Butler, polled but 175,370 votes, or about 57 per cent of the total polled by Weaver four years before. In no subsequent campaign was the Greenback party represented; hence we must conclude that, in so far as presidential elections are concerned, the party was at the peak of its power in 1880, and that shortly thereafter a period of decline set in from which it never recovered.
In the meantime, the party had busied itself in local elections, and had met with a fair degree of success in some states. In 1877, the Illinois Senate elected an independent candidate, Hon. David Davis, to the United States Senate, and in the following year some fifteen Greenback candidates were elected from several states to the House of Representatives. A -few of these were reelected in 1880, although the party's representation in Congress after the elections of that year was considerably weaker numerically than it had been two years before. In fact, it became apparent to experienced observers as early as 1878 that the Greenback cause was even then enjoying its period of greatest strength, and that it was soon to experience a disintegration and a loss in power which were destined to mark the end of the party. The beginning of the end was seen by 1880, and by the middle eighties Greenbackism as a movement nation-wide in importance had gone the way of all third party movements. 3
The Greenback movement, just as had the Granger movement some years before, reached Texas several years after the establishment of the party as a national organization. The agents of Pomeroy (the national organizer of local units) were active in the organization of Greenback clubs as early as 1876, and the first state convention of the party was held at Austin in March, 1878. 4 A second convention which met at Waco in August of the same year nominated candidates for state officers, and the party was able to present a fairly united front in the elections of 1878. It is not until -the first of the year 1878 that definite information concerning the Greenback party in Texas is available. At that time, leaders of the State Grange made complaint repeatedly that Grangers were deserting to the Greenback party, and that that party was augmenting its forces from the ranks of the Grange. Newspapers also gave quite a bit of time and space to the movement, treating of its aims and ideals as well as of its actual organization and operation. A quotation will serve to illustrate the faith put in the party, by its backers, at least:
The Greenback party is not a mere sensational party, but a great, national party, although in its infancy, and again, be it understood, it is not the "tail" nor any other part of either of the old parties, but a distinct and separate organization of itself—a third, a NEW Party; and being founded on principles which are just, honest, and reasonable, which if adhered to will be crowned with success in the next State, Congressional, and National elections. 5
The same article announced the aims of the party as being to protect the poor man against the national bankers and bondholders of the United States, and outlined some of the ills suffered under the regime of the old parties, both of which it declared were corrupt. According to the same authority, the masses, no matter what their former political affiliations, were uniting under the Greenback standard; and the voters expected that the candidates of the new party would be honest, patriotic, and true, and capable of representing and caring for the interest of the laboring man.
The Greenback convention which met at Austin on March 12, 1878, was no less sanguine as regarded the chances of the party for carrying the state elections. The proceedings of the meeting brought out declarations that Greenback sentiment in Texas had crystallized, that the Greenback men had organized in support of a common cause for a declared object, and that the party would be victorious in the ensuing election. The platform was proclaimed as the acknowledged creed of the majority of voters in Texas, and the principle that the workingman should receive a fair proportion of what was produced "by the sweat of his brow and the labor of his hands" was announced again. 6 The convention adjourned without making nominations, but with the understanding that candidates would be announced later.
Pomeroy and his agents had all the while continued their operations in the formation of Greenback clubs, and succeeded, as they had already done in the national Greenback organization, in splitting the forces of the party in the state into two groups. The convention mentioned above was that of the Independent Greenbackers. The convention of the Greenback Labor State party, which was much the stronger of the two factions, met at Waco on August 7 and 8. Some 250 or 300 delegates assembled, but the committee on credentials reported only 217 entitled to seats, and not all of these were present. The complexion of the convention indicated that the Greenback cause was recruiting its supporters in equal numbers from the Republican and Democratic parties. The party claimed all told 482 Greenback clubs, with the demand for charters constantly increasing. Permanent organization was effected with W. A. H. Miller of Travis as chairman of the convention, and the work of drawing up and adopting a platform and nominating candidates proceeded.
It is essential that we note here the platform reported by the committee on platform and resolutions and adopted by the convention, inasmuch as it contains the principles for which the party stood until its death some six years later. The essence of the program is contained in the following points: 7
1. We denounce as crimes against the people the law making the greenback only partial legal tender; the act creating the National Banks; the act exempting bonds from taxation; the act repealing the income tax; the act demonetizing silver; the act for issuing interest bearing bonds for the purchase of silver bullion to be converted into subsidiary coin; the act for the forced resumption of specie payments; the act providing for the contraction of the volume of the circulating medium; and all other acts passed under the direction of bankers and usurers for the purpose of robbing the many to enrich the few.
2. We hold that it is the duty of the United States to issue at once absolute greenback money in an amount equal to the United States treasury notes now in circulation and the bonds of the United States, said money to be full legal tender for all debts, duties, taxes, and purposes whatsoever, and to redeem the treasury notes and bonds immediately with such absolute greenback money. No tariff should be levied except for the purposes of revenue; all National Banks should promptly be abolished; and no more bonds should be issued by the national government.
Other planks demanded the repeal of the "smokehouse" tax law end the convict labor law, the abolition of all useless offices and a general and radical decrease in public salaries, the establishment of a free school system, the passage of an income tax law, the encouragement of immigration, further and more efficient curbing of the railroads, and a state tax limit of thirty-seven and one-half cents on the one hundred dollars, the county tax limit to be one-half that amount.
General W. H. Hamman of Robertson was named as the Greenback candidate for governor, his nomination being by acclamation. General J. S. Rains was nominated for lieutenant-governor, and a complete ticket for state offices was named. 8 Hamman made an intensive campaign, and the Greenback party was able to displace the Republican as the second party in Texas. 9 The Republicans polled but half as many votes as they had in 1876, while Hamman received 55,000 votes, approximately one-third of the total polled by the Democrats. The total vote was about twenty per cent larger than any ever polled theretofore in a state election, and the increase may be accounted for, in part at least, by the efforts of the Greenback party. The Greenbackers succeeded in electing ten representatives to the state legislature, although every candidate of that party for the senate was defeated. They also managed to elect one congressman, George W. Jones, of Bastrop.
Chairman Miller of the state executive committee issued the call for the Greenback convention of 1880 on April 15, 10 and the convention met at Austin on June 23. One hundred and forty delegates were present, of whom twenty were negroes. The meeting was called to order by Chairman Miller, who declared in his speech that the policy of the party was to reduce salaries and the number of needless offices. He held out as the only hope of the country active support of the Greenback party, which would put out a "straight-out, simon-pure, fresh greenback ticket." 11
The platform adopted by the Austin convention differed but little from that on which the party had based its existence two years before. Resumption was no longer an issue, having been accomplished in 1879; and the produce tax (referred to in the platform of 1878 as the "smokehouse" tax) had been removed in the same year. Except for the fact that these two points were not mentioned, the platform was practically the same as for the year 1878. The platform adopted at the national convention at Chicago was "most cordially and heartily" ratified and endorsed, and the candidates nominated for the presidential election were approved of. Before the convention came together, it was freely predicted that the Greenbackers and the Republicans would unite in support of a fusion candidate, but the leaders of the former party refused to hear to a compromise, nominating Hamman again. 12 As a result, the Republicans nominated a "straight-out" Republican ticket, persuading ex-Governor Davis to accept the nomination for governor, and naming candidates for every place. The Greenback party weakened considerably in the campaign of 1880, and Hamman finished third. The Republicans ran up a total of 64,000 votes, as compared with their less-than-half that number of the preceding campaign, while the Greenback vote was dropping from 55,000 to 34,000. The total vote showed an increase of approximately nine per cent, with the Republicans, headed by Davis, making by far the greatest gains. The campaign of 1880 marked the end of the political career of Hamman; for, although the Greenbackers remained in Texas politics for four or five years longer, he was never again named as a candidate. The Greenback representation in the House dropped from ten to three, and again no Greenback senatorial candidates were elected. George W. Jones was, however, re-elected to congress.
On June 29, 1882, the Greenback state convention met at Fort Worth. The Galveston Daily News of that date announced that fifty delegates had arrived several days before time for the convention to meet, and that 500 were expected to be present when the meeting opened. The 500 delegates failed to materialize, however, and the leaders of the party were forced to be content with a representation of 140 Greenbackers from 30 counties in northern and central Texas. Ward Taylor of Marion was chosen temporary chairman, and he was succeeded by Dr. Rankin of McLennan as permanent chairman. General J. B. Weaver, who led the party to its greatest popular vote in the campaign of 1880, addressed the convention, and 1,000 people came together to hear him flay the Democrats and Republicans. This he did to the satisfaction of all Greenbackers. Ex-Governor was the special object of his attack, and that gentleman and his party were upbraided unmercifully by the General.
If newspaper accounts of the meeting are to be credited, the Greenback convention of 1882 was one of the most hilarious ever held by a political party anywhere. Confusion, punctuated by profanity, reigned throughout the session; the speeches were tirades against the Democrats and the Republicans, with words of praise thrown in at proper intervals for the Greenback party and Greenbackers in general. One member barked like a dog, another rang a bell, and several swore roundly. George W. Jones was mentioned as candidate for governor, but no definite action was taken, and the convention adjourned to meet at the call of the chairman of the executive committee at a time not later than September 1. 13 On June 28, ex-Governor Davis had issued a call for a Republican convention, and in his call he suggested that all elements opposed to the Democrats and the Democratic regime unite in support of independent candidates. 14 The issue came up in the Greenback convention, but action was deferred until after the Republican convention should have indicated the policy of that party.
The Republican convention, which met at Austin on August 23 end 24, incorporated into the introduction of the platform of the party a pledge to support "candidates who come before the people for suffrage purely as independents, free from party nominations or other forms of caucus dictation." The resolution came largely as a result of the efforts of ex-Governor Davis, who carried into the convention the fight he had begun in his call of June 21. A committee of eleven, including Wright Cuney and Dick Allen, negro leaders of the party in Texas, was named to unite the Republicans in support of the candidate most favorable to the party's principles.
15Pursuant to the resolution adopted by the Fort Worth meeting of June 29-30, a Greenback convention met at Corsicana on August 31. The attendance was disappointing; not over 50 delegates were present, and the work of the convention passed off quietly enough. The platform of the previous meeting was "endorsed and affirmed"; the party went on record as favoring and supporting the "independent candidates in the ensuing elections who favor the principles in said platform"; and provision was made for the appointment of a campaign committee to unite the Greenbackers.
The "independent candidates" of whom the leaders of the Greenbackers and Republicans spoke were George W. Jones of Bastrop for governor, and E. W. Norton for lieutenant-governor. These men announced in the latter part of the summer, and the Greenback and the Republican parties united their support, forgetting for the time inherent differences in principles in their common opposition to the Democrats. Jones is referred to commonly as the Independent Greenback candidate for governor, but he ran on an independent ticket, and commanded the support of the Republicans just as he did that of the Greenbackers.
Jones made an intensive campaign for the governor's office, and his efforts were rewarded by the largest popular vote ever polled by a losing candidate in a Texas state election to that time. 16 His vote totalled 102,500, which was an increase of about 60 per cent over the vote polled by Davis, the Republican candidate, in 1880. The total vote for 1882 was some 10,000 less than for 1880, and the results of the election showed that the Democrats lost most heavily by this defection on the part of the electorate; for the vote polled by Jones was somewhat greater than the combined totals of the Greenbackers and the Republicans in the preceding election, while Ireland, the candidate of the Democrats, polled 15,000 fewer votes than Roberts, the candidate of that party in that campaign. 17
The vote for representatives in the state legislature, however, showed that the party was not as strong over the state as it has been two years before. One independent senator and several independent representatives were elected, but no straight-out Greenback candidate was able to carry his district. The same may be said for the congressional places. The opponents of the Greenback candidates were uniformly successful, and the Greenbackers in Texas found themselves without representatives in either the state or the national legislative bodies, unless the independent members of the legislature be considered as representative of the Greenback interests. 18 Thus, while the vote of the party's candidate for governor would seem to indicate increased strength throughout the state, a study of the election returns reveals the fact that the Jones vote was a fusionist-independent, and not a Greenback, vote, and that, as a matter of fact, the party was losing strength steadily even while the candidate it supported for governor was making a very good race.
The Greenback convention for 1884 met at Waco on August 26. The convention met at the courthouse with only twenty delegates in attendance, representing no more than ten counties of central Texas. A platform of the usual kind was adopted. The Democratic platform was denounced, as was the legislature ; and divine aid was invoked to guide the people "in ways they have not known." No candidates were nominated, but Wash Jones was favored for governor. A full Butler and West electoral ticket was nominated, and Dr. Andrew Young, a prominent Greenbacker from Cleburne, predicted that his party would poll about 4,000,000 votes in the presidential elections, and he was but little less sanguine in considering the state elections. 19 The newspapers paid little attention to the proceedings of the convention, and at least one of the leading papers of the state failed even to record its adjournment. 20
When the Republican convention met at Fort Worth on April 29, it was without the leadership of E. J. Davis, 21 who had led the fight to support the independent candidates in 1882. Delegates to the national convention and candidates for presidential electors were named; but the work of making nominations for state offices was left to a later convention. The second convention met at Houston early in September, and the question of nominating candidates arose at once. Cuney, the Galveston negro, took Davis' place in the fight against a straight ticket; and, although there were prominent men present who favored a Republican ticket, the committee on platform and resolutions reported for independent candidates. A minority report objected, but the report of the majority of the committee was accepted. The "independent candidates" referred to were, it was understood, headed by Jones, and the speeches hinged on the chances of that candidate as compared with those of any Republican candidate that might be put forward. It was argued on the one hand that Jones was a big-brained, broad-minded man who was personally popular and who had more than an even chance of being elected. The opponents of the fusionists argued that to support Jones would be to split the Republican vote; that that candidate was not palatable to good Republicans because of the fact that he had been a Democrat; and that it was time for the Republicans to come into their own, to announce candidates for themselves, and to set about seeing them elected. 22 As a result of opposition to the support pledged to independent candidates by the convention, a "straight-out" Republican convention, composed of the malcontents of the Houston meeting, met at Dallas on September 23. A. B. Norton of Dallas was nominated for governor, and in this way all coalition between this wing of the party and Greenbackers or independents was repudiated.
While the Republicans were trying to iron out their differences, Dr. Young (the gentleman who had prophesied a victory for the Greenbackers in the national elections), fearful lest no worthy independent candidate should come out for governor, announced his candidacy for the office. He gave out a typical Greenback platform, on which he planned to base his campaign; but he stated in his announcement that he would withdraw if or when Wash Jones should announce. 23 It seems that the independent leader of the preceding campaign was slow to commit himself, and it was really feared in some quarters that he would refuse to make the race. Dr. Young's action evidently had the desired effect, how- ever, for not long after, Jones announced and Young withdrew from the race.
Jones announced his candidacy as an independent, however, although it was understood generally that he had the support of the Greenbackers and of the fusionist wing of the Republicans. Again was on the decline. Too, Governor Ireland had proved his mettle, an active campaign was waged, but the cause of the Greenbackers and there was no particular reason why he should not be reelected. He was popular personally, and the high esteem in which he was held was evidenced by the overwhelming popular vote he received. His opponents together polled but little more than half his total vote, which reached 212,000. Jones received 88,500 votes, as compared with his 102,500 of the preceding election. His vote might have shown a slight increase but for the defection in the ranks of his erstwhile Republican friends, who gave Norton 25,000 votes; but is safe to say that in no case would this gain have been commensurate with the increase in the total popular vote.
The campaign of 1884 was the last to be waged by the Greenbackers in Texas. The state conventions of the party for 1882 and 1884 showed a marked decrease in the strength and vitality of the party. Only twenty delegates attended the convention of the latter year, which was able to do no more than approve the candidacy of the independent candidates. In 1886, no call for a state convention was issued, and the party thus was recognized as being moribund. No effort was made to revive it, and it passed out of Texas politics, dying a natural death as a state, as it already had done as a national, organization. Thus ended the first phase of the agrarian movement in Texas, a period characterized by the rise and fall of the Grange and its successor, the Greenback party. The loss in strength of the Greenback party from 1880 to 1884 may be explained by a combination of circumstances; and since there was of course a close reciprocal relationship between the welfare of the national organization and that of the various state units, the same factors account for the disintegration of the movement throughout the country at large. In the first place, the Democratic party in many states and the Republican in many others drew the support of the Greenbackers, thus taking away locally the enthusiasm and support necessary for an effective organization. It will be seen at once that this is exactly what happened in Texas. The Greenback party in this state was at best no more than a group of dissatisfied Democrats and Republicans, political malcontents who were only too willing to return to the fold of their respective parties after a few years of experimenting without tangible results. Too, it must be remembered that occasionally one of the old parties read the handwriting and acknowledged the demands of the Greenbackers in its platform : thus we find the Democratic party appropriating a plank from the Greenback platform now and again, while the Republican party also made certain concessions to Greenbackism on occasion. This, of course, had the effect of mollifying the dissatisfied groups, so that they were able to return to their parties with good grace. In the second place, the absorption by the Greenback party of socialists and socialistic elements had tended to ally that party with the extreme radicals throughout the country, and the popular reaction which came with the assassination of President Garfield fell largely upon the heads of the Greenbackers, however innocent the members of that party may have been. In the third place, the old party men naturally felt a hesitancy in breaking away and supporting the candidates and principles of the new party; and so the Greenback party, when it had drawn off a few thousand discontented members of the old parties who were lukewarm in their profession of political faith, found itself facing the impenetrable wall of party solidarity. It is perhaps not necessary to call to mind the fact that Texas has been since reconstruction days one of the most staunchly Democratic states of all the Solid South. In the fourth place, various factions appeared within the party, and numerous organizations sprang up outside its ranks to draw on its strength. Such, for example, was the Anti-Monopoly movement, which was well under way by 1884. In the fifth place, the party simply failed to accomplish the purposes for which it had Leen organized, and to gain the acceptance by the government or by a majority of the voters of the program which it advocated. It protested against the Resumption Act, asserting (in Texas, at least, with the support of the leading newspapers) that resumption would be impossible for the next twenty-five years. Nevertheless, resumption actually was accomplished without a great deal of inconvenience, in spite of the declarations of the opponents of the Act. Again, the Greenback leaders condemned the National Bank Act, notwithstanding the fact that the banks were daily proving themselves to be invaluable aids both to the government and to private enterprise, and that the value of their assistance continued to increase with the passage of time. In short, while some of the demands of the Greenback party were given favorable consideration by the old parties and by the government (both state and national) the movement bore no fruit in so far as its fundamental principles were concerned. The voters, realizing that they were accomplishing little as Greenbackers, were ready after a few years to become Democrats or Republicans again—not that they repudiated the principles of Greenbackism, but simply that they realized the futility of their cause when urged as an independent political issue. These several factors, then, contributed to the decline and fall of the Greenback cause, in Texas and throughout the country at large. It must not be supposed, however, that the farmers and those who supported their cause were discouraged beyond all hope by the failure of these first efforts in behalf of the debtor classes. Indeed, repeated rebuffs apparently but gave them new heart, for even with the death of Greenbackism, there was born a new and a greater movement, a movement which pressed the cause of the agrarian classes to such good purpose that the older parties were constrained to make a campaign in 1896 on the issue made paramount by Populism. It was not until the spectacular debacle of Bryan and free silver that the farmers were content to accept as final the decision which had been returned against their cause in election after election since reconstruction days.
[Editorial note by the Contributor: Through Mrs. J. C. Nagle, now of Dallas, Texas, but for many years a resident of College Station, Texas, I first heard of the manuscript of General George W. Morgan, then in the hands of her father, Colonel James Morris Morgan, of Washington, D.C. The two Morgans were not related. Colonel James Morris Morgan sent me the typewritten copy he had made of the original manuscript, suggesting publication in THE QUARTERLY. The original manuscript is not available. The story of the duel (pages 187-193) was published in The Military Historian and Economist, I, 467-473.]
Major General George W. Morgan was born in Washington County, Pennsylvania, on the 20th of September, 1820. He was the son of Thomas Morgan and Katharine Duane, his wife. Thomas Morgan was an intimate friend of both President Andrew Jackson and his wife, as can be seen by their intimate correspondence. Katharine Duane was the daughter of Colonel William Duane, Editor of the Philadelphia "Argus." The Duanes were descendants of the Irish patriot, General Sarsfield, who was the Earl of Lucan. Thomas Morgan was a son of Colonel George Morgan of the Revolutionary Army. It was at the home of Colonel George Morgan, "Morganza," near Washington, Pa., and about sixteen miles from Pittsburgh, Pa., that Aaron Burr made known his plans for a South Western Empire. Colonel Morgan was indignant and was the first person to inform President Jefferson of Burr's treasonable intentions. (See Letters of Jefferson, also letter to Mrs. Katharine Duane Morgan, now in Congressional Library.)
Colonel George Morgan and his sons John and Thomas were witnesses against Burr at the trial in Richmond, Va., and Colonel William Duane, accompanied by his daughter Katharine, was also there reporting the famous trial for his newspaper. It was there that Thomas Morgan first met his future wife, and became engaged to her.
The manuscript of General George W. Morgan came into my possession some twenty odd years ago when his widow and daughter, both of whom have been dead for some years, were visiting at my home in Washington, D.C. The writing that is not General Morgan's is the penmanship of his daughter Sallie. If my memory serves me correctly, a part of the original had been somewhat blurred by the upsetting of an inkstand and his daughter had copied while it was still legible.
Owing to the partiality of General Sam Houston, George Morgan was given a commission of Captain in the regular army of the Republic of Texas, and at the age of eighteen he was in command of the Post of Galveston. He resigned this position to accept a cadetship at West Point but did not graduate, as he resigned as a second classman and went to Mount Vernon, Ohio, where he studied law. His widow told the writer that "General Morgan never would tell anyone why he left West Point."
On the outbreak of the war with Mexico young Morgan was made Colonel of the 2nd Regiment of Ohio Volunteers and served in the army of General Taylor. When the 15th Regular Infantry regiment was formed George Morgan was made its first Colonel and it was sent to serve with General Scott. It was at Churubusco that he was badly wounded and was brevetted a Brigadier General at the age of twenty-six, the youngest in the Mexican war.
At the close of the war he resigned from the army and returned to his practice of the law, but his wound was long in healing and President Pierce sent him first as Consul to Marseilles and as soon as there was a vacancy at Lisbon he was sent as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Portugal where he remained until the commencement of the Civil War, when he returned to America and was at once made a Brigadier General. He saw much service and gained great reputation among military men for his masterly retreat from Cumberland Gap while being continually harrassed by the Confederate Cavalry General, John Morgan, of raiding fame. He succeeded General Sherman in the command of the 13th Corps, U.S.A. and was at Vicksburg.
President Lincoln consulted General George Morgan as to the advisability of using negro troops in the Union army and General Morgan strongly advised against doing so. He left the presence of the President under the impression that his counsel would be followed, and when he found that he was mistaken he at once resigned his commission, and resumed the practice of the law, and served several terms as a member of Congress. When Seymour & Blair were nominated by the democratic convention, the many friends of General Morgan strongly urged his nomination for President at one period of the proceedings.
General Morgan died at Fortress Monroe, Virginia, on July 26, 1893.
It is not my purpose to write a history nor yet an autobiography; but to give a narrative of incidents connected with events with which I had personal knowledge or played an humble part in some of the stirring dramas in actual life which constitute the very soul and poetry of our history.
On both sides of my parentage I am connected with a line of soldiers. My mother was descended from Sarsfields of Ireland, and her father William Duane, was a Lieutenant Colonel and Adjutant General in the army of the United States; and my paternal grandfather was Colonel George Morgan who served under Washington, while his elder brother, Dr. John Morgan, had been a lieutenant in the British Colonial army and served as a Surgeon under Wolfe at Quebeck; and was also the first Surgeon General of the United States Army.
The eldest son of Colonel George Morgan, my uncle John, was aid-de-camp to that General Buttler who was killed at St. Clair's defeat. Young Morgan was cashiered for personally denouncing St. Clair as the calumniator of his dead chief.
My kin also served in the war of 1812; in the Army of the Republic of Texas; in the war with Mexico; and in the great civil war. The descendants of old Colonel George Morgan held commissions and did battle in both of the opposing armies. Therefore it is scarcely strange that I should have served in three wars, that of the Texas Revolution, the war with Mexico, and the great war of Secession. And it is mainly of incidents and anecdotes connected with these contests and the great men who conducted them that I propose to write.
I was not yet sixteen when I left College to enlist as a private Soldier in a company organized by my brother Thomas Jefferson Morgan, in September, 1836, to aid Texas in maintaining her independence against the rapacious and chaotic government of Mexico, and it was in the "land of the lone star" that I first knew Sam Houston, who as a patriot, statesman, and soldier deserves to rank in history as one of the ablest and grandest characters whose names adorn the annals of our country.
I knew Houston as intimately as a boy can know a man who has achieved greatness with maturity. He was my cordial friend to the hour of his death.
In his early boyhood he had been a soldier, received wounds and won distinction before the down appeared upon his cheek; this fact doubtless procured for me his sympathy and regard; and his friendship for me only died with his life. Now that he is gone, and my beard has grown gray, I venerate his memory and with admiration think of his great deeds and lofty character. He was as great and pure a patriot as Washington, and had he been a man at the time of our protracted struggle for National Independence, and had there been no Washington, no man living could have so well filled the position which that grand character so amply occupied, as Sam Houston. He was as wise and great as Washington, but personally, as eccentric as the great Frederic, and were the grand achievements in statesmanship and war to be eliminated from the life of either of them, either might, at times, have been taken for a madman instead of a great man—but for all that, wiser statesmen never shaped the destinies of Nations. And now I cannot proceed with my story without speaking of my brother; for he was the noblest and most truly chivalrous and unselfish being that I ever knew. He had the eye of an eagle, the heart of a woman, the courage of a lion, and withal was a man of great ability—his mind was at once brilliant and profound, and his organization was refined and sensitive. Instinctively he espoused the cause of the weak when the weak was wronged and oppressed.
When he was about eighteen years of age, an Englishman named Gould, came to Washington, Pennsylvania, where we lived; and proceeded to deliver a series of "Abolition Lectures." He was a man of great eloquence and produced a profound sensation. At that time the mass of the community regarded an "Abolition Lecturer" as an evil which should be abated, and a mob of about two hundred citizens gathered outside of the church where the lecture was being delivered and -from shouting proceeded to actual violence. Eggs and stones were hurled through the windows until at last it became evident that the lecturer could not proceed. To remain in the church was to risk being maimed or killed. The audience was composed of men, women, and children—How was Gould to be rescued?
Doctor Francis Julius Lemoyne, born of a sturdy Scotch mother by a versatile French father, was a man of great ability and singular peculiarities of character. He is the same Lemoyne who afterwards became the founder of the doctrine of cremation, and built the first crematory ever established in America. He was a reasoner of immense power, and in debate could have confronted Webster or Calhoun. He was an earnest and fearless Abolitionist, and Gould was his guest. The Church door was reached when Lemoyne, cane sword in hand, placed himself on one side of Gould, and Samuel McFarland of Scotch-Irish descent, on the other, while two or three sturdy citizens brought up the rear, and with brother Tom, hickory cane in hand, at the head of the little column they left the church.
Urchin as I was, armed with a stone in each hand, I threw myself out as a flanker. The mob yelled as only a mob yells, and several times the little party of defenders were forced to seek shelter in door ways, or houses on the wayside, until there was a lull in the storm; when the march would be resumed, and the residence of Lemoyne was finally reached.
A mob is the most beastly and cowardly of animals. Composed of many, it is generally organized to attack the few, and being without conscience is ready for any crime of which blood and fire are the chief ingredients.
In defense of Gould, Lemoyne would have killed, and so would my brother. The mob seemed to recognize this fact, and as there was no desire to kill either one of the self constituted defenders, the only persons who were hurt were my little self, and John Ruth one of the leaders of the mob. He was a quiet and inoffensive citizen, but had caught the general contagion of wanting to "kill an Abolitionist." I was on the flank, near Mr. McFarland when the mob surged forward with a ferocious yell; I let fly with a stone at Ruth hitting him on the head. For a moment he seemed stunned, then rushing forward he hurled me to the ground and was stamping on me when McFarland called out: "Hold Ruth ! Remember he is only a boy!" The instinct of generosity thereupon overcame Ruth's anger and raising me from the ground with a little shake he exclaimed: "There now! Will you behave yourself."
My brother was not an Abolitionist, but lived and died a friend of his own race, and a lover of fair play. For my part I was too young to know or care anything about the matter, but I was old enough to feel that my brother who was my idol was in danger. It was but a few months after this event in my life that our country was shocked by the horrid tragedies of the "Alamo" and "Goliad," which were only relieved by Houston's brilliant victory of San Jacinto and his superb magnanimity toward the perfidious Santa Anna, who had become his prisoner.
A Mexican Army of considerable strength was concentrating at Matamoras and loud boasts were made of its purpose to subjugate Texts. It was then that the government of the Republic appealed to the people of the United States for aid; this was in 1836. Felix Huston a distinguished lawyer of Natches, Mississippi, contributed ten thousand dollars towards equipping and organizing a body of cavalry for service in the army of Texas and as their commander led them to that country. His rank was that of a Brigadier General. My brother Tom was just out of College and I was a freshman. Tom at once organized a company of Volunteers in Washington, Pennsylvania. A second company was organized in Zanesville, Ohio, and a third at Mount Vernon, Ohio, and in this there was a singular coincidence, for I was born in Washington, Pennsylvania. Zanesville was the residence and birthplace of Miss Sarah H. Hall who became my wife, and Mount Vernon, Ohio, became my permanent home.
The general sentiment of our Country was with Texas; but the sympathies of an aggressive minority were against her. My brother, Captain Morgan, raised a pole in front of the Court House from which floated the flag of the lone star with the legend, "Liberty or Death." It was at the time of the general muster, and the generals of the Militia, whether of their own accord, or at the instigation of others, took umbrage at the foreign flag being raised, as they said, over the Stars and Stripes: when in fact no such thing was done. The objection was frivolous and absurd. My brother and his men would have died for the Stars and Stripes, they only wished to aid the cause of liberty in Texas, with the hope, perhaps, that the lone and lonely star would one day become one of the brilliant constellation on our own National Ensign.
The Militia Generals, in their blazing uniforms, called up my father's residence to demand of my brother that the flag of Texas should be hauled down, and intimated that if it was not lowered by him, they would pull it down themselves.
The general Muster had brought together several thousand men. The parlor in which the Militia Generals were received became crowded by civilians in military uniforms and other citizens who pushed their way into the room, actuated by motives of curiosity or feeling. My father and brother received the Generals with courtesy; but when their demand was made, my brother spring on to a chair and in indignant tones demanded to know by what right they invaded the sanctity of his father's house, and by what authority they threatened to take down the Texan recruiting flag; adding: "If I am violating law, I am ready to respond to the law; but show me the law under which you pretend to act. It is you and not I who are the disturbers of the peace; and if evil comes of this, the responsibility will be yours. And new I warn you that I will defend that flag, and the first man who dares molest it shall be shot down by my orders!"
This language brought about a truce, and it was finally agreed that the flag of Texas should be allowed to float in front of my father's residence.
The full complement of my brother's company having been enlisted, we marched to Wheeling, and there took a little stern wheel boat, named the "Loyal Hannah," for Louisville, Kentucky. Before we started, however, a boat arrived from below with word that it had passed another steamer bearing President Jackson,— she had stopped at Marietta, Ohio, but would soon be along. I was the color bearer of the company and had received the flag from the hands of my sister Catherine a high spirited girl who would have gone to the rescue of Texas had she been a boy. The musicians and color bearer were ordered to the hurricane deck, the company was formed., and the flag unfurled, ready to salute the coming hero. When we met his boat the music struck up "Yankee Doodle," the flag was lowered in salute and three cheers were given for Andrew Jackson.
Lemoyne, the great Abolitionist, was on that boat and demanded of the President, why it was that armed bodies of men were allowed to be recruited in the United States to make war upon Mexico. To which General Jackson replied: "That Americans had the lawful right to emigrate and to bear arms"—The truth was that the heart of Jackson was with Houston and his patriots. He committed no overt act in favor of Texas, but it was generally known that his warmest sympathies were with his cause.
Just below Louisville the three companies commanded by Captains Charles Colerick, George H. Burroughs, and Thomas J. Morgan, rendezvoused in September, (1836) and were detained there for some time awaiting transportation to New Orleans. Because of the delay, my parents came to Louisville, and remained there for three weeks. This incident I mention to correct the erroneous impression entertained by some people that I had run away from home to go to Texas. On the contrary I went with their full approval and consent. My father having gone to Philadelphia to purchase arms for my brother and myself. My mother had the spirit of a Roman matron, and although she did not say: "Come back with your shields or on them," we knew that she meant it.
General Thomas J. Chambers, a citizen of Texas, had been authorized to enlist a corps of reserves and had contributed ten thousand dollars for that purpose. Through his instrumentality a large flat boat was built to transport the troops, and finally we cast loose from the wharf at Portland, to float down the beautiful Ohio, and the grand and turbulent Mississippi, to our destination. The trip was a joyous one. The troops fraternized, and discipline had not yet crystallized. In fact it was more like a lawless pleasure excursion than an advance of organized soldiers, until one day, while we were tied up to the river bank at a wood yard, engaged in cooking our rations, one of the floating steam palaces of the great river, bound for New Orleans, came majestically plowing through the water, and as she rounded to, whether from reckless malice, or from carelessness on the part of a pilot, she struck our flat boat with a force which caused it to quiver from stem to stern. Colerick, who was the senior captain by age, determined instantly to turn the incident to good account. He set men to work on one side of the boat to work the pumps, while on the other side, men with buckets were actively engaged in dipping water out of the river and emptying it into the old Ark. While this was going on, the three Captains went on board the steamer and notified her Master that he must pay for the damage done. At first he was disposed to treat the matter as a jest, but when informed that his boat could not leave until reparation was made, a compromise was effected, whereby it was agreed, that the steamer should transport the three companies and their munitions to New Orleans.
On arriving at New Orleans we found a company from Norfolk, Virginia, awaiting us, and after a few days delay, we embarked on board of a "Bangor Brig," commanded by Captain Mitchell, bound for Matagorda.
It was in November, and the equinoctial storm had not yet burst upon the Gulf. The weather was beautiful and there was every indication of a pleasant and speedy voyage.
On the first night out, while the moon was shining brightly and the men, packed like sardines, were slumbering on the deck, a little black cloud passed over the rim of the moon. From its first appearance it attracted the attention of the vigilant skipper. He began at once to take in sail. The cloud spot increased rapidly in size, soon obscuring the moon. A sudden peal of thunder which seemed to make the very sea tremble, and the tropical storm in sublime and terrible fury was upon us. In a voice as sharp and clear as the blast of a trumpet, Captain Mitchell sang out: "Every man of you below or you will be in hell in less than three minutes!" Headlong the men rushed below, and immediately the hatches were battened down, while great waves swept over the deck where our men had a few seconds before been so quietly sleeping.
The first lieutenant of our company was John L. Gilder of Philadelphia, who had come from the great city to join my brother. A braver, truer man, never stood by friends in the hour of peril. My brother, Gilder, and myself were seated on a bench which was fastened to the deck with its back to the framework of the companionway leading to the cabin. At Gilder's suggestion we kept our seats, and where he got it I do not know, but with a rope he quickly fastened us to our seat, and thus we witnessed the grandest, the most sublime, and terrible night I have ever experienced. It seemed as though all the furies of hell had burst loose and were enacting their deviltries on sea and sky. The shrill, loud, metallic crashing of the thunder, rattled and roared as though the universe were being torn asunder. There was an incessant change from the blackest darkness to blinding light when sea and sky seemed in a blaze of fire. The wind howled and shrieked—spars cracked, broke, and were whirled away, the cracking of a mast was heard, and down it came, then the heroes of the sea, guided by the clarion call of Mitchell's voice, cut the wreckage adrift and it too was swept overboard and into the seething sea. The cargo was light and the little brig pitched and tossed in a most dreadful manner, several times she was on her beam ends, but always righted herself again.
We three were very quiet and calm; we were fascinated by the storm. Between the crashes of the thunder, I once said to Gilder: "Can the vessel live?" "Not unless the storm abates at sunrise," he replied.
About dawn the danger of the bursting clouds subsided, but it was still blowing so hard that the sea was a level, seething cauldron of froth. Mitchell, aided by a seaman, had the wheel, while like a phantom the fated vessel flew before the wind. We passed a small steamer floating bottom up, and by a freak of the waves her pilot house had been thrown upon the hull.
The whole coast was strewn with wrecks but at last we were landed safely on the shore of Matagorda Bay.
he braved the storm are photographed upon my memory. The little Brig, we learned, was shortly afterwards wrecked on one of the I can never forget Captain Mitchell-His face and figure as West India Islands, and the story we heard, told how the crew were all saved by the sagacity of Mitchell's dog, a noble animal, worthy of such a master. A light rope, attached to a cable, was fastened around the spaniel's neck, the brave beast swam ashore, people on the beach made fast the rope to some rocks, and one by one the crew, in safety, reached the land.
My brother's company reached "Camp Independence" on the "LaBaca" river in the latter part of November. Brig. General Felix Huston was in command. He was a born Hussar. In a corresponding field of activity he would have become as distinguished as "Murat," and like Murat, he was dashing, generous, and brilliant; with an audacity which bounded on recklessness. He required a firm hand to hold him in check, and a cool head to give general directions to his actions. He was possessed of a fiery eloquence, and was as ambitious as Cortez, and under like circumstances would have most probably done all that Cortez did. But he did not seem to have any idea of discipline as a principle, but absolutely controlled his troops by his personal magnetism. His love of tactics amounted to a passion, and he enjoyed maneuvering his troops as a society youth loves the waltz. Like Cortez, it was his thought by day, and his dream at night, to march a conquering army into the "Halls of the Montezumas." During the intervals of drill, when his soldiers were addressed, and sometimes while they were in double column closed "en masse," he would pour forth floods of burning eloquence and arouse their passions by allusions to the massacres of the "Alamo" and "Goliad," and in glowing colors portray the tropical beauties of the land far beyond the Rio Grande, the home of the Pine Apple, the Orange, and Lemon, the Guava, the Pommegranite, and Banana. And then with an innuendo as keen as the edge of a scimitar, he would ask: "Why they had been invited to come to Texas if it is not to fight? Why should brave men be kept in idleness, while the vaunting foe was marshaled beyond the Rio Grande" and his blue gray eye would emit sparks of fire as his tall and slender form moved to and fro as a mighty tree sways and bends and rears itself again when torn and lashed by the storm. Had he chosen to do so, he could have marched that army to Columbia with the avowed purpose of driving Sam Houston and the Congress then in session into the Brazos River.
Most of the rank and file, and probably a majority of the officers were entranced by his eloquence.
This dangerous state of affairs was communicated to Albert Sidney Johnston, then Adjutant General of the Republic of Texas, by Major Gray, and Captain Thomas J. Morgan.
Felix Huston was a man of might, but there was a mightier and far greater man in the executive cottage at Columbia. That man was Sam Houston, the President of the young Republic. Without military escort, accompanied by only two or three officers, without a Herald and without parade, he suddenly appeared at Camp Independence.
Felix Huston was over six feet two inches in height but the hero of San Jacinto towered above him. His manner was calm and solemn, and his noble countenance impressed all who saw him for the first time, while the few veterans who had fought by his side at San Jacinto, gathered around him as soldiers always cluster around a loved chief under whom they have fought, suffered, and conquered.
Houston's first act was to visit the hospitals, and inquire into the condition of the sick, and utter to them kind words of hope end cheer. The next day he reviewed the little army, witnessed their evolutions, and then caused them to be formed in column closed "en masse." The scene was on one of the flower carpeted prairies of that beautiful land. The ground was covered with wild flowers, and standing on a little knoll, he addressed the men as a kind father would speak to his wayward children. Without telling them that they were at fault, he complimented both Felix Huston, and them, upon their soldierly bearing, and excellence in drill. In the name of Texas he thanked them for coming from their far away homes as LaFayette and Steuben, De Kalb, and Kosiosco liad done in the days of Washington to maintain the cause of Liberty and Independence. He told them that the eyes of the civilized world were upon them, and appealed to them to disprove the calumnies sown broadcast against Texas, and Texans, by those, who were in sympathy with the Tyrants of Mexico." His sonorous and mellifluous voice like the tones of a mighty organ, rolled over the column, penetrating every heart—For a time at least the army deeply felt his influence and it seemed as though all danger had passed. He returned to the capital.
As soon as the wonderful magnetism of Houston was removed Felix Huston regained his influence over the men. The spell was broken, and it was then that the Congress of Texas passed an act authorizing the appointment of a "First Brigadier General," and Colonel Albert Sidney Johnston, the hero who afterwards fell at Shiloh, was promoted over Huston, and sent to take command of the army at Independence.
No two men could have been more unalike than Albert Sidney Johnston and Felix Huston, morally and physically. The former was a dark brunette with tawny colored eyes, dark and heavy brows, thick and rather coarse dark hair which easily stood erect; a firmly cut mouth and square chin indicating massive strength of character; he was nearly six feet in height, was taciturn, cold, proud and haughty in his outward bearing, but those who knew him best, loved him with devotion, and friends and foes alike entertained for him a proper respect. In the war of the Texas Revolution, that with Mexico, and the great Civil War, it was conceded without argument that he was a great man, and I believe that the appreciation was just. I did not know Johnston well, indeed I knew him very slightly, and I did not feel that I knew him at all. He was many years my senior and I looked up to him with awe. With Sam Houston, and Felix Huston, it was different—I did know Sam Houston well, and entertained for him a sentiment of devotion—I also felt as though I knew Felix Huston well, and was greatly attracted by his happy, dashing, daredevil style.
He was as fair as Johnston was dark and there was a slight cast in his blue gray eyes which rather added to than detracted from his general appearance; he was a rollicking cavalier, and would have been a fit mate for Hot Spur.
If I possessed ability of any kind it was as a soldier. I took to drill and military duties naturally; I had become first sergeant of my company, when one afternoon, Felix Huston had been maneuvering the command in evolutions of the line. We were standing at rest, when there came in sight a party of three or four horsemen. They proved to be the dark browned Albert Sidney Johnston and his staff, composed of Colonel Morehead, his assistant Adjutant General; Major Reed, I believe (for it was fifty two years ago as I write, 1888); and one or two others.
We had heard that Johnston was coming, to take command of the army, and as the party approached we felt certain that the new General had arrived. The two chieftains saluted each other with the most distinguished courtesy and after a few minutes conversation, General Johnston and his staff, accompanied by Major Ross and Captain Izard proceeded to a small cabin, the quarters assigned to Johnston and his staff, for there was not much style, and less of comfort, in that little camp on the LaBaca. I felt that a duel was imminent between these two chieftains, and I said to my brother, who stood on the right of his company— for it was before his promotion—"Tom, those men will fight"; "Tut, tut," he replied; "there is nothing to fight about. Did you not observe their courtesy to each other?"
"Yes"; I said; "but tomorrow morning those men will fight." It was a volunteer command and with Dr. Coates I messed with, and occupied my brother's quarters. The walls were made of unhewn logs, with a tent fly stretched over them. Early in the night Dr. Ezra Reed, a brother of Judge Nathan Reed of Cincinnati, called and borrowed from Dr. Coates a small case of surgical instruments, saying that he was about to amputate the finger of a man. When Dr. Reed was gone, I turned to my brother, and said: "Those instruments are for the duel tomorrow!" He was still incredulous, however, though Dr. Coates seemed to be quite serious. The next morning at "Reveille" while in the act of calling the roll of my company I heard in quick succession two pistol shots. I at once gave the order: "Break ranks; march!" and then shouted: "Boys; Johnston and Huston are fighting!" and we all ran for the river bank from whence the reports of the pistol shots came.
The combatants had crossed to the opposite side of the La Baca and were screened from our view by a belt of trees from whose branches in dense folds hung the long and gloomy gray Spanish Moss.
From whom I learned what had taken place I cannot now recall, but this is the story: "Huston invited Johnston and his aids to take supper with himself and staff. The invitation was accepted, and the evening passed away pleasantly with every evidence of cordiality; but scarcely had Johnston reached his quarters when he was waited upon by Major Ross with a challenge from Huston, who said in his note: "There is no man in Texas for whom I entertain a higher esteem, or under whom I would be more proud to serve, than General Johnston; but the President and Congress have done me a personal wrong, and it is impossible -for me to obtain from them personal satisfaction; therefore, I must ask General Johnston, as their representative, to name an hour, and a place, for a personal meeting,"
Johnston promptly replied, "General Johnston reciprocates the courteous sentiments expressed in the note of General Huston, and it will afford him pleasure to comply with his request. General Johnston refers General Huston to Colonel Morehouse as his friend."
Johnston as the challenged party had the choice of the grounds and weapons. He was not a duelist, but duelling was the common law of Texas, and there was but one man in the Republic who could and did refuse to fight a duel without losing caste—that man was Sam Houston. As a young man he had fought his duel, and brought down his antagonist, and his superb form bore the scars of four wounds received in battle.
Johnston was not only not a duelist, but he had never pulled the hair trigger. On the other hand Felix Huston was an expert with the pistol, and his own weapons were the only dueling pistols, strange to say, in that camp.
Morehouse urged Johnston to choose the rifle, with which he was a good shot; but Johnston declined to do so on the ground that the pistol and the sword were the recognized weapons of the duello.
Huston not to be outdone in chivalry, proposed, through Ross, his second, to equalize the contest as far as possible, that each combatant should hold his pistol with his arm extended to its full length, the elbow pressed against the hip where it was to remain and at the word the antagonists were to raise the forearm to a level with the elbow and fire in that position and so it was done. Huston knew that the spring of one of his pistols was weak and liable to miss fire, he therefore insisted on using that one himself. At the first fire Johnston's ball cut a twig which fell at Huston's feet. He picked up the twig and bowing to Johnston said: "A capital shot, General."
"Not so good as yours, sir"; replied Johnston running his finger through a bullet hole in the lapel of his coat. In the second exchange of shots, Johnston's ball struck the ground but a few paces in front of him, and Huston's pistol missed fire. For a few moments the fight was suspended while Huston whittled a twig into a wedge with which he braced the weakened spring.
The seconds now proceeded to reload the pistols, when Huston observing a flaw in the bullet which was to be shot at him, quietly said: "Excuse me, Colonel Morehouse, but there is a flaw in your ball," and drawing a perfect one from his pocket, said, "Here, take this one." The third shot was without result; but at the fourth fire Johnston fell dangerously wounded. He raised himself on his elbow and said: "Gentlemen, I call upon you to witness that this duel has been fairly fought."
Johnston was borne on a litter to his quarters and Huston remained anxiously watching by his bedside for twenty four hours, without leaving him for a moment.
Johnston instead of having presented his side as a target for Huston's pistol, must have squarely shown his full front, for the Lullet struck him in front, near the hip, and was cut out on the opposite side.
Never was there a more chivalrous duel and never did braver men confront each other on the field of honor. But a dark cloud has ever hung over the affair.
Early on the morning of the fight, whiskey made its appearance in the camp, and kettles filled with it were passed from tent to tent. Where it came from I do not know. I not only believe, however, but I am morally certain that Felix Huston was wholly ignorant of the fact. Nevertheless had Huston been killed, and Johnston survived the encounter, the latter would never have lived long enough to die at Shiloh; and the chances are that this narrative would never have been written, for my gallant brother and his men would have stood by Johnston and I would have died or lived with them.
So deep was the abhorrence of the contemplated treason, that strange as it may appear, no one alluded to it and now for the first time in all these years I refer to the fact. I have never heard it mentioned but once and that only a few years ago, when Jacob Sappington, a member of my brother's company, who then did, and may now, reside near Danville, Indiana, with his grandson, made me a visit at my home. He told me that it was the first time since the dark transaction that he had ever spoken of it, and he did so, in a very few, solemn words.
Within two or three months after the Johnston-Houston duel, mutiny again broke out in that Texas camp. My brother had the good or evil fortune to be captain of the guard on the night of the rescue of the mutineers, who had been arrested, and were in irons in the guard house.
Not long before, on a black and tempestuous night, when the roar of each thunder peal had sounded like the discharge of a park of Artillery—Colonel Teal, of the Regulars, was murdered in his tent. On the day preceding that night, Colonel William Cook, universally esteemed as one of the best citizens of Texas, arrived at the camp, and became the guest of Colonel Teal, who insisted on Cook's occupying his narrow cot, while he, Teal, wanted to sleep upon his Buffalo robe spread on the ground. Teal was the senior, and Cook refused to accept the courtesy, and by doing so saved his own life.
Some time during the night, while the storm raged, the hour and the name of the assassin have never been revealed—the murderer stole to the side of Teal's tent and taking advantage of a flash of lightning which revealed Teal's couch, fired, lodging a bullet and several buckshot in Teal's body. The noise of the discharge of the musket, and the rumbling of the thunder, were so blended, that it was not until the next morning when Cook awoke, that he became aware of the fact that his host was dead. Several arrests were made. My brother was captain of the guard. The mutineers—several hundred strong—went to the guard house and demanded the release of the prisoners. Captain Morgan addressed them in an earnest manner, appealed to them as comrades and good soldiers, to return to their quarters. He warned them that if they attempted to force the guard house he would fire upon them, let the cost be what it might.
The mutineers were brave men who had, little by little, become demoralized by the speeches of Felix Huston—the want of pay— the want of rations—and the want of comfortable quarters. They lived on beef, tobacco, and coffee. Above all they needed an enemy to fight. As I have said, these mutineers were brave men, and would have proved themselves heroes in the face of an enemy. They admired pluck—so they cheered Captain Morgan and dispersed. The threatened storm seemed to have passed over. But later in the night the whole camp turned out howling like so many tigers, where they found the guard under arms with Captain Morgan at their head, determined to resist the mob to the death. The officer of the day arrived on the scene and seeing that resistance would be futile he ordered Captain Morgan to dismiss the guard. The mutineers cut the irons from the mutineers' limbs and released them.
Now that the mutineers had succeeded in their unlawful attempt to free their comrades, quiet, but not discipline, pervaded the camp. One of the results of the uprising was that my brother was promoted to the rank of Major; and shortly afterwards Sam Houston made one of his master strokes of policy. He gave an indefinite furlough to the whole volunteer army. The Mexicans had not dared to cross the Rio Grande and there was no immediate prospect of an active campaign. Naturally the volunteers hailed the announcement of the furlough with delight.
Shortly after the foregoing stirring incidents had occurred, I received an order to report at the office of the Secretary of War. The serious wound of General Johnston confined him to his bed. He wished his thoroughbred horse to be sent to a Mr. Bell, a planter who resided near the Capitol and I was instructed to ride the noble animal to that point. My brother accompanied me as far as "Menefee's," where we stayed all night. Frontier hospitality in all civilized countries is well known, and no more hospitable people lived than the planters of Texas. Supper was a home made meal, which means that it was excellent, and to us it was luxurious after the rough fare of the camp.
In the bed room there was no carpet but the floor was clean enough to spread a feast upon. In one corner lay a buffalo robe and on the opposite side of the chamber was a bedstead adorned with pillows and sheets as white as snow, all of which was surmounted by a thick feather bed. Everything suggested comfort and repose.
It was in the month of February. We sat by the fire chatting for an hour or two and then turned in. The soft bed yielded beneath our weight and every time we turned over it seemed as though we were going to fall through. We tried to sleep, but each felt that the other was awake. Finally my brother said: "George, are you asleep?" I replied: "I can't sleep—what is the matter?" He answered, "The feathers; lets try the Buffalo robe." Up we got—spread the robe on the hard floor, drew a quilt over us and in a few seconds we were sound asleep.
The next morning immediately after breakfast my brother started on his return to the camp and I set out for Columbia. There was no road leading over the "Grand Prairie"; such was its name, and such it was in fact; and I do not know how far I had ridden, nor can I tell now the distance from "Menefee's," on the Navadad to Bell's Landing, on the Brazos; but this I do know, I got lost on the boundless prairie which seemed without limit. Fortune would have it so—I came across a herd of deer, and left the trail. So tame were the deer that I approached within twenty paces of them before they noticed my presence. A noble buck with spreading antlers turned his head and seemed to inquire what I wanted. I touched the horse so as to get still nearer when the herd started to move away. General Johnston's pistols were in his holsters—I fired and missed the whole herd, which scampered away with me in hot pursuit.
After a time I bethought me that I had better return to the trail, and I checked my horse, and looked and searched for it in vain. The trail was gone, and I was like bark upon the waters of a mighty sea without a compass. I was but a boy, and nothing daunted pressed on over the pathless prairie in the direction I supposed I ought to follow; at length I came to a clump of trees, dismounted and removing the saddle and bridle, picketed the noble steed.
Some one had been there not long before my advance; for there was the remains of a little fire—the ashes were not yet cold. A small supply of Flour had reached the camp a few days before I had started on my journey, and without yeast or rising of any kind, I had tried to make myself a few light cakes, whose component parts were flour and water. These I now tried to masticate, but finding that I could make no headway against them I wet them with water from my canteen and thus somewhat softened I fed them to the horse.
I was a green campaigner in those days or I should have baked some meat to guard against the chances of such a journey. I was tired, hungry, and afraid to kindle a fire, lest the smoke should attract unwelcome visitors. I looked to see that the flints and priming of my pistols was all right, and folding my blanket around me, with the saddle for a pillow, I was soon lost in a deep sleep and was only awakened at dawn by the neighing of the horse. I sprang to my feet, now really hungry—anxious—and for the first time fully realizing that I was entirely alone. The horse, a Kentucky thoroughbred, acted as though he comprehended the situation. He had been refreshed by the heavy dew on the thick prairie grass, and was in better condition than his rider. Mounted again, I rode beyond the little island of timber and examined the waste in order to determine the direction I was to take. I looked at the sun and rode in the direction from which it came and began also to carefully scan the prairie. I believe that the horse knew I was lost for he would steadily stare as if in search of trail or road, and then turn his head and look at me. On and on I rode, now and then moistening my lips from the canteen. A feeling of awe came over me—and I was so hungry. It took an immense deal in those days to depress or daunt me, but the immense deal was upon me—However, I pressed onward always keeping on the left side of that wild flower garden which reached away and away into the dim distance. At last I spied a dark speck far off on the bosom of the prairie. Without being able to discern whether it was White man, Red man, Beast or Devil, I determined to speak it, and galloped until the speck grew larger and larger, until at length it took on the outlines of a wagon with two mules picketed near by. Uttering a shout of gladness, I rushed toward them and a man aroused by the noise, got up from the ground, stood erect, and looked at me.
I was soon beside him. I believe that he looked more woe begone than I felt. It was Captain McFarland, who commanded the Battery at "Camp Independence." He had left camp a day before I did, and he, too, was lost. We shook hands and told each other who we were, for although we had lived in the same camp we had never come into personal contact before.
I relieved the horse of his saddle and let him graze, for without food or rest, we had traveled all that day until late in the afternoon. We threw ourselves on the grass, both hungry, both weary, both glad to hear a human voice again.
After an hour's rest the Captain and I determined on the direction we would take, and side by side we moved onward over the prairie.
I do not know how far we had traveled when Captain McFarland suddenly exclaimed: "Yonder is a stream!" Away in front of us was the dark straight line of timber always to be found on the banks of the water courses of Texas. We now had an object to guide us, and at length reached the river. Should we follow it up or down? We decided to go up, but could find no ford. We were about to despair of finding one before morning, when we heard the barking of a dog, a most welcome sound, as it gave promise of a crossing and a house. A bridge was reached—we crossed—and were most kindly welcomed by Mr. Elam, a planter, who lived on the banks of "Caney Creek." We were as hungry as wolves, and the supper placed before us would have tempted the sated appetite of a gourmond—Broiled chicken—Hot coffee, and biscuits, with rich milk and golden butter—and afterwards a comfortable bed.
The next morning we set out for "Columbia," where we arrived without further adventure. Captain McFarland went to a hotel and we never met again. I went to the plantation of Mr. Bell, where I was instructed to leave General Johnston's horse.
General Houston and his cabinet were stopping at Mr. Bell's place. I told Mr. Bell that I would like to stop there, too, while I was compelled to remain at Columbia, but he said it would be impossible as he "did not have a vacant bed in his house"—"All right," I replied; "but assuredly you can entertain me at supper— I wish to see the President."
After a time President Houston came in accompanied by J. Pinckney Henderson, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and the other members of his cabinet all able men. The President asked me where I was stopping; I replied: that I desired to stop with Mr. Bell, but that he had informed me that every bed in the house was occupied. At this answer he smiled, and turning to his private secretary a handsome gentlemanly looking man, who had had the misfortune to kill his opponent in a duel in Alabama, and asked him if he could not take me for a bed fellow for a few nights, which he kindly consented to do.
The next morning I called at the War Office and reported to Colonel Hockley, the Secretary of War, who informed me that I would receive my orders in a few days.
I called at the Executive Office several times, President Houston always received me in a most kindly manner. I recollected afterwards that often he looked at me earnestly and seemed interested in my conversation. It never occurred to me that I was only a boy of sixteen, and was in communication with men of great ability and high public trust.
One day, it was at supper, the President turned to me and said: "Young Gentleman, we want to send dispatches to the Government at Washington. A vessel is about to sail from Galveston for New York, would you not like to bear them?"
"No sir!" I replied; "I came to Texas to be a soldier, and wish no other employment,"
"Well sir," he said with a kindly smile; "You shall have your wish—you shall be a soldier."
The next morning when I went to breakfast I found a formidable looking document on my plate addressed to "George W. Morgan, Second Lieutenant of Artillery." Without ceremony I broke open the envelope and found my commission, also order to proceed to "Bell's Landing," take charge of some recruits, and proceed to Velasco, where an additional number of men would be turned over to me by Captain Snell of that post, when, with my command, I was to continue on to Fort Travis on Galveston Island.
I fear I did not thank the President for my promotion, but took it as a matter of course—and yet—I could not have behaved very badly, for ever afterwards Sam Houston remained my friend"
General Morgan's narrative breaks off abruptly at this point and the writer will have to insert extracts from other fragments so as to continue the story of this most adventurous life.
It seems that a mutinous epidemic broke out in the Army of the Republic which spread to every post in Texas. After the affair at Camp Independence, "Velasco" next suffered; Lieut. Sprowl joined the mutineers and was shot and instantly killed by Captain Snell, commanding the garrison. There were two companies at Galveston under the command of Lieut. Col. Lynch, the disease next attacked them. The men had never been paid, for Texas had no money. The soldiers had no proper food, having lived on fresh fish for three weeks at a time; their clothing was in rags. These privations combined with inaction, caused the demoralization of the army.
Lieutenant Berth, who had been a Seargent in the United States Army, was Adjutant of the Post. He was as cold and precise as a machine, and the soldiers detested him. He received a warning not to sleep in his quarters, and that night a shell exploded under his bed, blowing it to pieces. Berth at the time lay concealed in the high grass—the next day he fled from the Island.
Adam Glendenen, young Morgan's Captain, was very unpopular. He was young, haughty, and brave. A note was sent to him demanding that he leave the Island. He treated it with contempt. The next night while Glendenen and Morgan were in their quarters, built of sand sod, knotted together by the roots of grass, Herculano, a Mexican servant, came running in, exclaiming, "The soldiers! The soldiers!"
Seizing their swords the young officers rushed out and found three soldiers loading a cannon which was pointed at their sand-sod but, and not fifteen paces from it. They rushed toward the gun, and the would be assassins took flight in the tall prairie grass and disappeared. The officers spiked the gun, and left it standing where it was.
The next morning while Glendenen and Morgan were at breakfast, the report of a musket was heard, and a ball crashed through the wooden slats of a window in front of the table at which they were seated. A prompt but fruitless search was made. They returned to breakfast and consulted as to what was best to be done. It was decided that Glendenen should apply for orders to proceed to Houston, and report the condition of affairs at the War Department.
He had made but one step outside of the door, when again the crack of a gun was heard, and a bullet whistled close to his head. He took the first boat for Houston.
First Lieutenant Beaumont resigned, and Morgan was left in command of the company. A committee of three, composed of First Lieutenant Agnew, a half breed Indian named Smith, and another, called on Morgan to assure him that he had nothing to fear if he did not interfere. The boy replied: "That it was their place to obey his orders, not to give them; that he was in command of the company by the authority of his commission and would do his duty—"
The military routine went on as usual, but the mutineers were in frequent consultation. The day and night passed quietly, but towards morning Morgan was awakened by Ordnance Sergeant Keogh who told him that Smith was the ring-leader of the mutiny: that he was trying to persuade the men to kill the remaining officers, seize a "Brig" then lying in the bay, and put to sea. He also told Morgan, that in the coming night, a general consultation was to be held in the street formed by the huts of his company. That ten of his men and Sergeant Grover remained true, but feigned to sympathize with the mutineers. By prearrangement these men were detailed for guard duty, with Morgan as Officer of the Day.
The new Guard was mounted, the day passed and unusual quiet reigned over the camp. At night Morgan directed the faithful Herculano to conceal himself in the grass and watch the mutineers. Toward midnight he crept to Morgan's quarters and informed him that they were assembling. The Mexican was sent with written orders to Sergent Grover to meet Morgan with his men in the rear of the Company Quarters. The tall grass concealed their approach—their muskets were loaded with buck-shot—the guard noiselessly filed between the huts. The mutineers stood with their backs turned towards them. The surprise was complete. Morgan had cautioned the guard not to fire unless he gave the order.
Suddenly he commanded; "Make ready!"—The half breed endeavored to draw a heavy "blunderbuss" pistol but was instantly struck over the head and knocked senseless by the butt of Grover's musket. Morgan then told the men that he believed only seven of them were to blame and calling their names, ordered them to step to the front, or he would fire upon them. They came forward, were ironed, and marched to the guard house. The rest were ordered to their quarters. The surprise—the fall of Smith—the sense of guilt—and the chance of being regarded as innocent—demoralized them.
In the meantime Captain Glendennin had not been idle. He gathered a number of officers in Houston, who had been recently furloughed, and a number of citizens, who were keen for pay. They took a steamer and reached Galveston the night following the arrest of the ringleaders. It was well they came. Towards the morning of the preceding night, the mutineers had regained their courage by force of numbers—had overawed the guard, and liberated the prisoners. When Glendenen's reinforcements landed the mutineers retired to their quarters. On the beach, near Colonel Lynch's quarters, were two heavy guns, which he now turned towards the barracks and ordered the men to parade. The order was obeyed, and the ringleaders were returned to the guard house.
Ten minutes afterwards Colonel Lynch by Surgeon Shepard sent a challenge to Captain Clendenen. It had been reported to Lynch that Clendenen had made serious reflections upon his conduct at Houston. The challenge was peremptory—and was instantly accepted, the duel to take place immediately after the adjournment of the Court Martial which was to assemble at once to try the mutineers. Lynch was President of the Court, Clendenen was a member thereof, and Morgan, as the junior officer was appointed Judge Advocate.
The Court assembled—the accused were jointly tried and found guilty. The Court considered all the circumstances in mitigation, and the sentence was lenient ;—"All pay, and one thousand, two hundred and eighty acres of bounty land was forfeited, and the mutineers were dishonorably discharged, banished from the island and warned never to return."
Colonel Lynch and Captain Clendenen proceeded from the court to the beach, and while Lieutenant Morgan was writing up the proceedings of the Court, he heard the reports of the pistols of the combatants. The principals, at the word, wheeled and fired. Clendenen was struck in the side, but the ball glancing from a button, the wound was, fortunately, only slight. Lieutenant Morgan was immediately promoted to a first lieutenancy and on the reorganization of the army under President Lamar, he was made a captain in the first regiment of regular Infantry—Colonel Burleson—and at eighteen years of age he commanded the important Post of Galveston.
George Morgan enlisted as a private in the Army of Texas on September 6, 1836, and resigned his commission as a Captain of Artillery on September 6, 1839. He was then nearly nineteen years of age. Returning to the United States he entered the Military Academy at West Point as a cadet. The position must have been a trying one for a man who had already commanded an important military Post. He stood the ordeal for two years, when owing to an unfortunate misunderstanding with one of the Civilian Professors, he refused to speak to or have anything to do with him, consequently he declined to answer his questions with the natural result, that he was forced to resign. Too proud to go home, he supported himself by taking any employment he could find in various towns in Pennsylvania and Ohio. In one place he was a clerk in the Post Office, and in another did night work, while he studied law during the day.
Letter from Sam Houston
Columbia, Texas, 31st January, 1837. Dear Madam:
Since I had the pleasure to address you last, I have visited the Army and met with your noble sons, and I really think if asked for your jewels you might well give the answer of Cornelia and point to your boys.
I was much pleased with both, but felt a peculiar interest in George he being so young an adventurer in our cause. Their standing in the Army is very high and they bear the stamp of worth, honor and valour upon their manly features. The indications of their future usefulness and distinction are as palpable as any I have ever met with. The Army was in fine health and improving in discipline daily. The troops at this time have abundant supplies and so far as we can learn the enemy are not yet on the advance.
The consequences of Santa Anna's release, can not be calculated, as we are not advised of the state of Partisan Mexico. All direct intercourse with the frontiers is cut off, and we generally receive news by way of New Orleans.
Up to this time we only know by rumour of the arrival of General Santa Anna at Washington without learning whether anything was effected by him there.
The necessary (Special) of General Jackson has been received and we are at a loss in Texas to know what course matters will take or in what attitude we are to stand to the U. States or the world generally. We hope a pleasant one when our claims of recognition, at least, are acted upon.
I have not remarked to you, Madam, the strong resemblance of Captain Morgan to his grandfather Colonel Duane whose friendship I had the pleasure to share in former times and whose merits I so highly valued.
When I left Camp I requested your sons to write to me.
Be so kind, if you please Madam, as to make my salutations to Mr. Morgan and your family. Whenever my leisure will permit it will afford me pleasure to write to you.
I am very truly your obliged servant and friend SAM HOUSTON. Mrs. Catherine Duane Morgan.
In another fragment of a manuscript, General Morgan says: "In 1852 Sam Houston was a United States Senator from Texas. My brother William Duane Morgan was at the time Auditor of the State of Ohio and resided at Columbus. It was our joint wish that Houston should be made the next Democratic candidate for President. We arranged receptions for him at Cleveland, Columbus, Cincinnati, Dayton, Newark, and Mount Vernon—my home.
His passage through the State was a triumphal march. Vast crowds assembled to welcome him. He was escorted by committees sent forward from each of the cities where he was to stop. He was made the guest of the State, and insisted that I should accompany him on the tour. Ladies and citizens of all parties called to greet him. Nowhere was the demonstration more marked than at Cincinnati. The "Burnett" house was constantly thronged with prominent citizens, and the ovation tended him that night was grand. After the Oration he was escorted back to the hotel by a host of admirers and he and they were alike gratified.
We had adjoining rooms at the hotel, with a door opening between them, and when left alone for the first time, I spoke to him of the Presidency. The subject had evidently been previously suggested to him by letters. After listening attentively to me, he said: "George, the South Carolinians would never permit my nomination. They want disunion, and know that I am for the Union"—By South Carolinians he meant the Calhoun element throughout the South which was strong in numbers and composed of able men.
I then named the States that I thought he could certainly carry, but he replied: "National Conventions have become worse than the caucus system and my nomination would be impossible. If there was any chance for it I would be willing to run as Jackson, Clay, Crawford and Adams did in 1824. Now remember what I say: If two more National Conventions are held after this year; there will be a bold attempt made to dissolve the Union. It will first be necessary for the Calhoun men to disrupt the Democratic party—and probably there will be civil war."
Although Seward had proclaimed that the question of slavery was "irrepressible" and a small number of men in the North advocated abolition by force of arms, and we all talked more or less of the danger of dissolution, but few in the North and West believed that war would follow. I was one of those who regarded such a thing as impossible. But his words were prophetic ! Two more National Conventions were held. At the one in Charleston (1860) the Democratic party was fatally divided for a time, and on the 14th of April in the following year the first gun was fired at the National flag and civil war burst upon the land. At that time Sam Houston, who had been twice President of the Republic of Texas, was Governor of that State. He was deposed from his office by the secessionists for the reason that he was friend of the Union. But to-day, no name save that of Washington is so loved and revered in Texas as that of Sam Houston, and in the very Capitol in which he had been deposed, there to-day stands a superb marble statue in perpetuation of his memory, and also of the glory and magnanimity of that great commonwealth.
As a race they have withered from the land. Their arrows are broken, and their springs are dried up; their cabins are in the dust. Their council fires have long since gone out on the shore, and their war-cry is fast dying out to the untrodden west. Slowly and sadly they climb the mountains and read their doom in the setting sun. They are shrinking before the mighty tide which is pressing them away; they must soon hear the roar of the last wave that will settle over them forever. Ages hence, the inquisitive white man, as he stands by some growing city, will ponder on the structure of their disturbed remains and wonder to what manner of person they belonged. They will live only in the songs and chronicles of their exterminators. Let these be faithful to their rude virtues as men, and pay tribute to their unhappy fate as a people.—Sam Houston, Speech in the United States Senate.
I FRAY FRANCISCO CASANAS DE JESUS MARIA TO THE VICEROY OF MEXICO 25
August 15, 1691. Most Excellent Sir,
Because of the many reports I have received of the zeal that warms your Excellency's Christian and Catholic heart, I am induced to write these few lines— as, owing to my duties, I have had no time in which to finish a long report which I am engaged in writing— in order that your Excellency may learn in detail the few things I have seen, experienced, and learned during this year. I am also induced to write this letter and this brief report on account of the information which certain chiefs of the Province of the Cadodachos and certain chiefs of this Province of Texas— known also by the name of Asinai— have given me. I am likewise moved to write you this letter and to send you this brief report of the things I have thought most necessary to call to your attention at this time for the encouragement of the conversion of these souls of the Lord in order that His Most Holy Name and that of His Blessed Mother may be praised among all nations.
Report
Most Excellent Sir,In the first place, I offer your Excellency a thousand congratulations on so great an enterprise and one so pleasing to Our Divine Ruler as that of winning the souls of those who are in the power of the enemy of all the people of these dominions and provinces. In the second place, I wish to report to your Excellency the following facts:
[The Land]
This province of the Asinai is very fertile, suitable for anything that may be planted here. So rich is it that I even venture to say that it is better than the soil of Spain. It has but one fault, that of being very thickly covered with a great variety of trees. Furthermore, there are few stretches of open country. There are three places in this province here—I will not say pueblos, but—cities can be built. There are other places which are not so large but still very good. They consist of hills and valleys and are inhabited by Indians. There are a great number of hills but they are not very high, for none of them will exceed a thousand varas in height. On many of them there are great quantities of rock; and all of it is very soft. Although I am not a judge in the matter, I believe that the soil contains minerals; for, once when I was climbing a hill, I saw about half way up some very heavy rocks. In some were small hair-like holes glittering like gold. As I have seen something like it in New Spain, I judge that it must be gold. I believe minerals will be found in many parts of the province. One of the men who had worked in mines made a test and declared that there was gold and silver in the rocks. There are also many deposits of clay from which the Indians make pretty pots; and I believe that in the same way they make pots they might also be able to make tiles [tejas] and bricks. There are also some mines of almagres so fine and so much prized by certain distant tribes that they carry it away to their own country. The soil in this province—so far as I have seen and examined it—is generally black. During heavy rains this soft dirt becomes mud. But, as the soil also contains some sand, it does not retain the water long.
[The Rivers]
In the whole provine there are only three rivers. One of them is named La Santissima Trinidad. This is crossed about ten leagues before one reaches the settled portion of this province. The second, called El Arcangel San Miguel, is about three leagues within the inhabited portion. On the banks of this stream, your Excellency's mission has been founded. Because the first cross was erected on the day on which the church celebrates the anniversary of the victory of Vienna, the name Santissima Nombre de María was bestowed upon the mission. It is in every way a very convenient location. The third river is about ten leagues from the last named stream; and, because I happened to find it on the day of Pascua del Espíritu Santo, I have given it the same name. This province contains some thirty arroyos in which water is always running. Names have been given to some of them. One is called La Venerable Madre de Jesús de Agreda. There are also an endless number of water holes. But I have not been able to count them because there are so many. There are lakes on nearly all the level prairies, some large and some small. In the large ones there are fish of various kinds, such as are also found in the rivers.
[Trees and Fruits]
The kinds of trees found are walnuts and nearly all the different species of nut-bearing trees. There are also many mulberries and other kinds of fruit trees, such as chestnuts. However, the chestnut is not so large as that of Spain. The other kinds of fruit are not known in that country but they are very good. For instance, asses and plums are not like those in Spain; but I believe that they would be just as good if they were well cultivated. I do not know the names of the other trees; but I do know that their fruit is very good, because I have eaten of all of them. There are also many species of acorns, all of them good. Some of them are as sweet as chestnuts. From the other kinds the Indians make a kind of food which serves as bread, just as if it were corn. Throughout the entire province there are many pine trees, very tall ones, too. There are also trees of different kinds that serve only to delight the eye through the variety of their flowers. The rest of the trees are of very fine wood for manufacturing anything that one might wish to make. There are also different kinds of plants such as the blackberry bush and innumerable other vines, some entangled among the trees and others in the form of stubby vines growing in the open spaces. There are so many that they look as if they had been planted by hand. Some of the vines bear very fine grapes. They only lack cultivation. There are also a great number of passion flowers, which in New Spain are called passion flowers of Peru.
[Vegetables]
There are also many kinds of herbs, very good to eat. There are edible roots which, like sweet potatoes, grow under ground. They all grow wild. Among the seed which the Indians plant at the proper season, is corn of two kinds, which they plant in abundance. One kind matures in a month and a half and the other in three months. There are five or six kinds of beans—all of them very good, also calabashes, watermelons, and sunflowers. The seed of all of these, mixed with corn make very fine tamales. They also use another kind of seed like cabbage seed which, ground with corn, make a kind of meal. But it is necessary to have water at hand, since it is like flour and, when eaten in a dry state, is liable to stick in one's throat.
[Animals]
This country contains various kinds of animals that are good to eat, such as wild hogs. They are quite large and savage like those in New Spain. There are many deer, prairie chickens, and wild ducks; but these are to be had only in the winter time. There are two other kinds of ducks, much smaller, but good to eat. There are likewise many kinds of fowls not so large as chickens in Spain. They come at the same time as the wild ducks. Rabbits are also to be had in great numbers and many kinds of birds that stay in the country the year round, such as partridges, quails, herons, and an endless number of birds that sing very melodiously in the spring.
[Hunting]
The Indian men have only one occupation, hunting. Although they are very skilled in shooting arrows, they are not able to kill a sufficient amount of the game mentioned to supply their wants ; buffalo. So, at various times in the year, the Indians come together for the purpose of going out to hunt buffalo. The nearest place they can be found is about four days' travel from this place and, it therefore becomes necessary for them to make use of the The reason for their going in bands to hunt the buffalo is fear of other Indians, their enemies.
[Food, and Feasting Customs]
The ordinary food which these poor wretches have for their sustenance is corn, beans, and the other articles mentioned above. Of meat they never have more than two kinds, one boiled and the other roasted. They eat while seated on benches of wood, all of one piece and not very high from the ground. The ground, or their knees, serve as a table. For table cloths and napkins, they make use of the very first things they can lay their hands upon. They wipe their fingers on whatever they find in this way, no matter whether it be a piece of wood or something else; while those who are not so nice will use their feet. But, in spite of all this, they lick their spoons—using for this purpose the two fingers of the right hands. The plates they use are round earthen pans; and, as the Indians always eat their meat boiled or roasted and without broth, they put it on very pretty little platters which the women make of reeds. When they are in the part of the country where they have none, they use leaves or the ground itself. While those who are not very polite use their own feet. The usual way of sitting is with one knee raised. The way they give thanks is to take a pipe with tobacco. Of the first four whiffs they take, they blow one into the air, one toward the ground, and the other towards the two sides. It seems that whenever they eat they try to finish up everything set before them. They take a long time to eat and while they are eating, they sing and talk, and, from time to time, whistle. Those who eat everything placed before them consider themselves great men. Sport is made of those who eat but little, while those who eat to surfeiting are detested. It is a habit with them whenever they arrive at a house, never to ask for anything to eat. For it is customary to set whatever a host may have before a visitor as soon as he arrives. After eating, the guests are supplied with the requisites for smoking. Before the meal, however, they take nothing until a portion of everything is first sent the to the caddí If the host is a chief, he invites the whole village to come to his house on a certain day. The caddí goes with all the rest and the feast begins. The caddí takes something of everything and throws a portion into the fire, a portion upon the ground, and a portion to each side. Then he retires to a corner; and while all the others form ready to dance, he speaks— first to the corn, asking that it allow itself to be eaten. In the same way he talks to the other things they use. He tells the snakes not to bite, the deer not to be bitten. He then consecrates the whole harvest of the house to God and ends by declaring that God has said that they may now eat and that if they do not they ought to die of hunger. Everybody falls to and they eat until they are gorged—for their way of eating always comes to this. If the host is an Indian who cannot afford the expense of arranging such a feast, he takes something to the caddí who is highest in rank before the others begin eating. As soon as he returns, he throws food into the fire and to the four winds, saying that he is now going away and that they may begin eating. The privilege of seating themselves on an elevated seat is granted only to the grand xinesí and to the caddices. None save these officials have high seats in their houses. These seats are called tapestles and are like tables. The high officials seat themselves thereon and place their feet on a high bench. Whatever this official says or does is carefully heeded, just as the Catholics obey the Holy Gospels. If he issues a command it is more strictly obeyed by these Indians than the ten commandments are observed by the Christians. Therefore, the leaders do not take their seats on this elevation except for a special ceremony.
[Clothing and Costuming]
For clothes these poor creatures usually wear only buffalo skins and very carefully dressed deer skins. During the very hot season, the men generally go about the house naked; but the women, even when very young, are always covered from the waist down. Neither the men nor the women lack articles of adornment for their festivities, such as collars, ornaments, and pendants like the Mexican Indians wore when they were heathens. These Indians knew neither gold nor silver. Many of their ornaments they have secured from other nations, such as glass beads, bells, and other things of a similar nature which are not to be found in this country. At their festivities some of the guests pride themselves on coming out as gallants, while others are of so hideous a form that they look like demons. They even go so far as to put deer horns on their heads, each conducting himself according to his own notion.
Their custom of painting themselves for their mitotes is ridiculous. They use paints of various colors and all gather together in one place whenever they are ready to set out on a war expedition. They claim that the paint serves to keep their enemies from recognizing them. They do the same thing for the same reason whenever they know that visitors are coming from some other tribe.
[The War Dance]
Before going to war, they dance and, sing for seven or eight days, offering to God meat, corn, bows, arrows, tobacco, acoxohi> [cf. acoxio, an herb], and fat from buffalo hearts, praying for the death of their enemies: They pray also for strength to fight, for fleetness to run, and for valor to resist. There is plenty to eat. In front of those who are dancing there is a pole and on it hangs a portion of everything they are offering to God. In front of the pole a fire is burning. Near by is a person who looks like a demon. He is the person who offers the incense to God, throwing tobacco and buffalo fat into the fire. The men collect themselves around the blaze; each one takes a handful of smoke and rubs his whole body with it. Each believes that, because of this ceremony, God will grant whatever he may ask—whether it be the death of his enemy or swiftness to run. On other occasions the incense is not offered by burning in this way. In this case a kind of a burned pole is taken and set up by the fire. This pole and the fat for the incense—which has already been burned—they offer to God. Every time a dance begins, a man steps forward as a preacher does and tells the people what they are to ask God for in the next dance. In these gatherings there are many abuses. They pray also to the fire, to the air, to the water, to the corn, to the buffalo, to the deer, and to many other similar things, asking some of them to permit themselves to be killed for eating. To others they pray for vengeance. They ask the water to drown their enemies, the fire to burn them, the arrows to kill them, and the winds to blow them away. On the last day of such a meeting the caddí comes forward and encourages the men by saying, "Well, now, if you really are men, think of your wives, your parents, or your children, but I charge you not to let them be a hindrance to our victory." I trust in the Lord that when their language is learned, we can garner in a great harvest because many tribes are gathered together in these meetings.
[Occupations]
The nature and inclination of all these heathen tribes—so far as I have learned on many occasions—is very good in many respects. They are quite willing to work to secure supplies for their sustenance during certain seasons of the year ; since there are times of cold rainy weather when the Indians can not leave their houses. They are likewise handicapped by the lack of clothing, since ordinarily they have only a deer skin or a buffalo robe. During this season they entertain themselves around the fire by making handwork. The men make arrows, moccasins, and such other little things as are needed by those who till the soil. The women make reed mats, pots, earthen pans, and other clay utensils for domestic use. They also busy themselves in dressing deerskins and buffalo hides—the women as well as the men; for all of them know how to do this, as well as how to make many other little things that are needed around the house.
[The Asinai Confederacy]
By nature these Indians are tractable and obedient to the commands of the grand xinesí who is like a petty king over them. He holds office by the direct line of descent. If one dies, the nearest blood kin to him becomes his successor. To him are subject the nine tribes named below : The first is the Nabadacho who are also called the Inecí. Within the bounds of this tribe is located the mission of Nuestro Padre de San Francisco, as well as the mission I have founded in your Excellency's name, called Santíssima Nombre de María. 26 The second tribe is the Necha. It is separated from the first tribe by the river Archangel San Miguel. These two tribes are located toward the northeast. To the south east is the Nechavi tribe. Another tribe, located about a half a league away is the Nacono. To the north of the boundary of the Nechavi is a tribe called Nacachau. Between this tribe and one called Nazadachotzi—which is located toward the east on the road to the home of the grand xinesí, about half way between the tribes is another called Cachae. Their boundary begins at the home of
the grand xinesí. Northward of the boundary of this tribe are the Nabiti. Adjoining and to the eastward are the Nasayaha Indians. These nine tribes occupy about thirty-five leagues and they are all subject to the grand xinesí.
[Tribal Government]
In each tribe there is a caddí. He is like a governor ruling and commanding his people. The office of caddí also descends through the direct line of blood relationship. Each caddí rules within the section of country occupied by his tribe, no matter whether it be large or small. If large, they have certain officials called canahas. Of these, there are then seven or eight to aid in governing. If the tribe is small, there are only three or four. It is their duty to relieve the caddí and to publish his orders by reporting that the caddí commands this or that. They frighten the people by declaring that, if they do not obey orders, they will be whipped and otherwise punished. These canahas, in turn, have their subordinates called chaya. They do everything the canahas tell them to do. They have still other officials whom they call tanmas. These are the officers who promptly execute orders. They whip all the idlers with rods, beating them on the legs and over the stomach. The canaha has to call the old men together to the home of the caddí for the discussion of any matter. When the Indians go out on the warpath or to hunt buffalo for meat, the canaha gives orders for fitting up the place where the caddí is to rest, to eat, and to sleep. Whenever the caddí wants to smoke the canaha brings a pouch filled with tobacco and puts the pipe of peace into the mouth of the caddí. The peace and harmony among the officials described is so great that during the year and three months [we have been among them] we have not seen any quarrels—either great or small. But the insolent and lazy are punished.
Now a word concerning the women. The wife of the xinesí and the wives of the caddices—and each official has only one wife—are designated by one general title, which is aquidau. When this name is used it is immediately understood that the person spoken of is either the wife of the grand xinesí or of some caddí. Each of the other women in the village has an individual name.
[War Practices]
All the men who have achieved some victory in war are called amayxoya in addition to their own names. This means "great man." The arms and banners they must carry are the skins and the scalps of the enemies each one has killed. The grand xinesí has skulls hung up in a tree near his house. In conclusion it may be said that these Indians practice no greater cruelty than their enemies do. They tie a captive's feet and hands to a post, like a cross. Here they tear him to pieces, drinking the blood and eating the flesh, half roasted.
[Communal Labor]
As regards other features of their government, these Indians help each other in such a manner that if one's house and all his possessions are burned up, they all gather together, build him a new house, and furnish him whatever he needs for his subsistence and comfort. All these things they do together. At planting time, they come together and plant whatever each one has to plant, according to the size of the family—beginning first at the home of the grand xinesí. There they plant only a small spot in front off the house in order that he may have something green to enjoy. All of the Indians give him portions of what they have so as to dress and clothe him. Next, they plant the corn and other crops for the caddí. Then they work for the other officials and the old men. In this way they continue working from the highest to the humblest until each has planted what he needs for the year. The caddices work like the rest, but the grand xinesí never goes out of the house for anything except to take a walk or to make certain visits. Therefore, in the home of each caddí and of the nobles there is a certain bench which nobody is allowed to approach except the grand xinesí himself when on a visit. In all of these houses there is also a high bed like an alcove where the xinesí may sleep and rest. The Indians have one very wise custom, that is, the men do not work with the women, but apart from them. Those who hunt work steadily, for they are obliged to supply food until the planting is finished. During sickness, these Indians visit and aid each other with great kindness, trying to give to the sick all possible consolation by taking them something nice to eat. Some of them present the trinkets they own, others lend them. Among them there is no exchange, save by bartering. It seems that everything they own they do not hold as personal property but as common property. Therefore, there is no ambition, no envy to prevent peace and harmony among them.
[Etiquette]
They are timid by nature; and, therefore, they have great respect for the grand xinesí, for the caddices, and for the leading men. If the caddí wants to do anything, he calls the old men together, listens to each of their views, and then decides to do what he thinks best, explaining his views to some of the men and urging agreement. So all go away satisfied and of the same opinion. In these meetings it is not considered polite when one is speaking for the others to talk. Instead they all listen, only giving signs to indicate that they are listening attentively. When one speaker stops, another begins. In this manner each speaks in order, according to his age. This deference to age is observed not only in talking but in sitting down, and in all other courtesies that Christians are accustomed to observe. There is another custom followed in these meetings. No one is allowed to enter the room where the councillors are assembled. If something comes up, some one appears at the door, and by signs makes known his desire. Whereupon the matter is soon decided. The old men severely reprimand the young men if they seat themselves or talk in their presence. It has happened on various occasions when I was sitting and talking with old men, and young men wanted to mingle with us, that the old men not only censured this action but, with their own hands, struck the offenders. The respect and obedience they show the grand xinesí is remarkable. Everybody tries to keep him satisfied by giving him something of everything he has and by going out to hunt something for him to feast upon. Finally, in controlling them he has only to say, "I want this or that done." All obey because they fear his frown. They agree that his proposition is very reasonable, and that it will be best that nothing except what he says should be done.
(Continued.)
Thursday 10th Jany 1839 Rain &muddy all the day, waiting on Judge Briscoe in the evening, who gave back the papers to me, with his views on my memorandum; with which I am so far satisfied, with the exception of his not fixing the rate of compensation— No Judge or Attorney who has, or may practice, in the Courts can put an estimate on the exertions of any person situated as Mr Hugh Grant, or his Agent, are—without papers or documents of any kind; and even, every mouth shut against their enquiries— When information, even, of the slightest nature has to be gleaned with considerable management and at a great loss of time &expense
Friday 11th Dry weather, but the streets still muddy Called at Probate Court and spoke to the clerk about advertising the Sucession of Dr Grant— Called at Mr Watrous Office twice, but did not find him— Called at the General Land Office to see about the Certificates, Mr Borden was quite struck with the acknowledgement of the payment of all the $30,000 by Grant to the Govt. of Coahuila &Texas dated the 30th May 1835— We went together to the Secretary of States Office to enquire if the Decree of the 5th April 1835 was among the Laws compiled by Cavajal— the translator was out, so we had to go out also—leaving the papers till another time with Mr. Amory
Newlands gave a grand party last evening—
Saturday 12th Jany 1839 Called at Mr Watrous office—not there— Went to the Secretary of States Office, and there learned that the Law passed the 5 April 1835 empowering the Governor of Coahuila &Texas to raise money to defray the expense of raising a force to repell Santa Anna's usurped orders, was among the number compiling for translation &publication by the public Translator— Sent off a Box of garden seeds to Mr John McCroncklin, Blacksmith, at Coles Settlement, pr. John Lord, wagoner to a Mr. Madison, who lives about 30 miles beyond Washington on the Bastrup road care of Messrs Bailey, Gay &Bowen, and wrote a letter to each pr the wagoner Spoke to Mr John Buchanan, Surveyor from Texana, who informed me that he had two Mexicans in his employ, keeping stock, who were with Dr Grant at the time he was killed, one named Cayatana and the other . . . [blank] a Mr Bryant also can give some information about Dr. Grant, he lives at Texana— The "Rufus Putnam" came up this afternoon, brought the passengers, from the "Cuba" but no mail— The SB "Correo" having the contract no other Boat will take up the mail—!!!
Waited in Mr Watrous' Office after dinner until I met with him— He admitted having the Titles to the 100 Leagues of Land, also the Contract between the Aliens and J A Newlands, as the day was far spent, I proposed coming on Monday to take copies &extracts from these papers— He said he knew nothing of the claims on the Govt that Mr Toler had attended to these himself
Sunday 13th Mr Hall started for San Antonio at 12 oclock— The Sam Houston came up in the afternoon &brought the mails Monday 14& Wrote to Mr H Grant &to Mr Bangs pr the Cuba &sent pr "Rufus Putnam"— Called on Mr Watrous, conversed with him about the 100 Leagues— He said that the contract between Dr Grant & the Govt of Coahuila &Texas was the most perfect of anything of that kind he had seen— He could prove the contract and the handwriting of all the parties—But he was afraid of the surveys not standing, for various reasons— the date thereof—the short space in which these were run of— He entertained no doubt about obtaining sufficient testimony to establish the claim, but was not so sure of any Judge taking on himself to pronounce judgement in favor of it—for fear of popular feelings, in the present adgitated state of the country
The case would not come on until next fall &that at the new seat of Government
He could not lay his hand upon the Aliens &Newlands contract, but promised to look for it against tomorrow Tuesday 15th— Called on Mr Watrous, and obtained the perusal on the Aliens Contract with Newlands which agrees with the copy given to me by Mr Hugh Grant— Mr W. still persists in saying that an agent cannot execute the will of a deceased person in place of the proper Executor— the testater never intended such a transfer &that although the Court had acted upon this belief, it was not according to law. He admitted this practice was, even, common in Louisiana, but that it was proper he was convinced it was not so—and that none but the Executor's name in the Will could execute it, in propria persona— He said Mr Jack had the Titles and would get them for my perusal some early day from him— That he felt disposed to give me every possible information in the business
I spoke to him on the subject of the other Certificates, and he said it would require a separate suit for them— That it was supposed the Congress would pass a Law to prevent any more suits being instituted against the Govt. but that it would not take place this Session However if he thought there was any danger he would slap in a Suit at once, and amend it afterwards Spoke to Mr Evans about Mr Bangs' house who said that Lewis had taken possession in consequence of a misunderstanding with Reed, and that when Mr Bangs came there would be no obstruction in the way, but for any other person to begin with pistols &Bowie Knives would be a piece of folly— Spoke to Mr Kelsey also, who went on the same strain
Had a conversation with Mr Alex Macdonald late of San Antonio, who informed me that James Brown on his way to the U. S. from Monclova, visited him at Matagorda being entirely destitute of clothing, that he supplied him therewith, and learned that he had many papers belonging to Dr Grant in his possession— that he heard some time ago that Brown died in Mexico, on his way from Matamoros to Monclova— Says also that Mr McGlone is well acquainted with the affairs of Dr Grant 28—
Had a visit from Newlands at Mr Chassaigns store this evening strange— Not a record on the affairs of Dr Grant Wednesday 16th Northerly wind, and dry Spoke to a clerk of McKinney &Williams &enquired for Mr Williams address, he said the last accounts they had of him, he was at New York, but it was uncertain where a letter would find him, as he was driving about every where on business
Spoke to a Mr Forbes from Columbia, who told me he saw Van Horne there the last week, and he promised to get my letter sent by some persons going there soon— He said E S Nash had disappeared from that quarter. He knew nothing of Peter Griffin
Thursday 17 Jany— Went in quest of J Hedrick, escaped from Matamoros who informed me that Dr. Cameron was liberated about the month of May last year &had gone up to a place near Monterrey— that Gilmore of Matamoros was his correspondent there—that Brown died about the first of April last there, said to have some papers of Dr Grants that Brown has a brother, a Blacksmith in Mexico—and another is a stabler here
Met Mr Thos McKinney of McK &Williams and asked him concerning the 100 Leagues of Land in company between them and Dr Grant, Said that he brought them from New Orleans lately, where they had been for safe keeping during the troubles, and that he had given them to Mr Watrous, when Mr Toler was here &by his consent& I askt his opinion regarding the ultimate chance of recovery, which he seemed to think would result to the advantages of the holders
Mr. Alxr Macdonald tells me there is a woman at Matagorda who has been 4 times married, who knows much of Dr Grant's affair's and she also has the Doctor's gold watch
Mr Fisher told me in the Lobby of the Capitol that there were several letters for me at his Office
I went there instanter, and found them to be from Mr Salzman &Mr Leplecher pr Cuba, and not delivered until now!!— what a pity—
Saw Mr Ebr Folsom, from Montgomery, who said he had recd. my letter— He appeared sickly Said he could not sell any of his goods for cash Intends moving westward in the Spring, to try that part of the country— Rainy evening
Friday 18th— Rain during the night, but dry at dailight— Muddy— Sent off my letters for Van Horne dated the 14th pr Mr. John Buchanan
Conversed with Mr John Dunn about Dr Grant, who said he had heard that the Doctor brought a quantity of money, chiefly in gold to San Patricio, and if a certain person would speak out, (whose name he did not mention) we might come to the knowledge of what became of it
That he knew the Dr. exerted himself manfully in raising men & equipping them for the defence of the country and that much information could be got about San Patricio respecting these matters
Saturday 19 Jany 1839 Found Mr Watrous at his Office at last who said that Mr Wm Jack was not in town, (without saying when he would be in town) and of course I must wait the pleasure of these men ! for days &months, to get a peep at the Titles &papers which they have belonging to the Succession of Dr Grant Lent Capt. Bredall all the Powers &contract between Mr Bangs &myself, to take copies thereof (which he afterwards returned to me).
Sunday 20— Dry all day until sunset, when it began to rain— continued till dailight.
Monday 21— Mr Dunn obtained copies of Mr Whiteheads 2 Leagues of land from the Genl L. Office can do no more, recommends Mr W. coming out and attending to the business in person— and he requests me to say so in case he does not have time to write— requires also a remittance
Called at Mr Watrous Office— Saw Mr Franklin who informed me that he did not know any thing of Dr Grant's papers— that Mr Wm. Jack lived at the Brazos— that he knew of no office he had here— Went to the Land Office to meet Mr Borden on the subject of Mr Bangs 2 Leagues of land on the Brazos—was introduced to a Col. Peirson, who was appointed Surveyor in Sept. 1834. we examined the Title and found the plat to be above Webb and Morrow's Leagues, and on a survey of old Mr Robinson, but there being no Surveyor's name to the field notes, and the Title not recognized by any one in that quarter, it was looked upon as spurious
Saw Genl Chambers on this business, who expressed his sorry [sic] at the publicity I was giving to the affair, that as soon as Mr Bangs came here he would give him the papers and forever after shake his hands clear of him—. That the defect in the Titles arose from Mr Bangs long absense from the country and not being here at the struggle &c &c— A title that cannot bear the light is not worth having, and the sooner it is exposed the less trouble will attend it
Tuesday 22d— The "R Putnam" came up at 9 A M brought no letters— Met Capt Longcope of the "Empresario," who told me Mr Bangs could not get off this trip from N. O. as his wife had not come down the river yet—that she had been twice wrecked on her way— Asked Mr N. F. Williams when he expected his brother Saml. out, &he answered, in the course of a month or so Old Judge Williamson, took the head [right ?] of his friend Mr Canfield who advanced him some $800 or $900 some years ago, by way of Interest
Mr Dunn told me the Congress would adjourn on thursday— Dry, northerly wind Wednesday 23 Jany 1839 Mr Delmour informed me that an attempt was made in Congress to restrain people from locating lands in the neighbourhood of the Salt Lakes between the Rio Grande &the Nueces, and to appropriate the Salt Lakes to the Govt of Texas, which measure was lost, a majority being of opinion that the land &Lakes in question, was not within the limits of Texas yet
Notwithstanding, the Atty General Mr Watrous would pledge all he was worth that he would show a contrary view, and maintain it also—
Thursday 24th— Rain this morning &muddy Went to the Congress, and then the matter respecting the land between the Rio Grande &the Nueces was again agitated, but was lost by a small majority— The chief object was to prevent patents issuing to those having located their Headrights on the margin of the Salt Lakes
Another Bill concerning the issuing of Patents was presented, but met a similar fate with the former— The members seem to be bent upon the destruction of all claims to Lands, where they are not actually occupied by the proprietors— The Congress adjourned sine die
Friday 25th Jany 1839 Mr De Brot died last night— Wrote Mr Hamilton Hall, Mr P Delmour, Mr. John Buchanan &Mr W Hy Van Horne— and sent them off by sundry persons Saturday 26— Capt T. M. Thompson brought a letter from Mr R Pearse to day dated 18 Decr.
Wrote to Mr Bangs to go pr Empresario, enclosed one to J D Cleary from his former partner
Mr Watrous came up to me at the City Hotel and told me he had got these papers at his Office where they would be for my inspection at any time I thanked him and said I would call on Monday to overhaul them— He also added—and any other papers I might require— The Congress man [sic] are clearing out by dozens— Horses in demand— prices high
Wrote Mr J. A. Moody of Victoria thanking him for his efforts in behalf of Mrs. Dean &children and sent it pr Mr Edward Linn, the surveyor
Capt. Thompson went off pr Friend this evening—bound for Galveston, then to Velasco in the Sch "Wasp"— was introduced to Dr. Archer, in speaking of Ricord he remarked that he was always too generous for his means
Sunday 27th— Fine day— looks rainy
Monday 28 The Correo came up last night, brought some passengers, but no mail from the "Cuba" Wrote to Mr Wm Brookfield, Labaca, pr Mr Neil of San Antonio, concerning the 11 &the 5 Leagues surveyed by him— Octr 1835
Tuesday 29th Jany 1838 Wrote to Mr Salzman &to Mr Leplecher and forwarded them pr Mr Myer to put on board the "Cuba" on his arrival at Galveston Judge Woodward left pr "Rufus Putnam" also Called at Mr Watrous' Office, not there
Wednesday 30th Mr Wm P. Delmour started at 11 A M in company with Mr Maverick for San Antonio— Cold, northerly wind— Called at Mr Watrous' Office three times this day not in either time— So unpleasantly cold could not write
Thursday 31st— Snow on the ground— sleet during the day— cold raw weather— nothing doing—called several times at Mr Watrous Office
Friday 1 Febr— Dry, but cold.&& All day at Mr Watrous Office copying Spanish documents relative to the 100 Certificates, brought there by Mr Thos McKinney of Galveston, the outside cover of which has this superscription "Papers belonging to Mr Saml M Williams of Texas"— Capt Gerald Navan was not at the taking of Bexar, he joined the army at Gonzales after that event so says Mr Chas. Mason
Mr. Maverick says that Mr J. M. Smith and be conducted the attacking party against San Antonio, and another person residing there now can bear testimony to the fact of Dr Grant being there, and of other important circumstances relative to the Doctor Saturday 2d Feby— Cold, dry, northerly wind— Completed copying the papers at Mr Watrous Office— Was informed that Patents would be issued to certain lands belonging to certain privileged individuals—but that the virtual owner of land would have to wait a while for their patents
Sunday 3d— Cold— dry— northerly wind more mild today— The "Correo" came up— She reports the water only 2 ft 8 In on Cloppers-bar—the Sam Houston aground on the bar— The New York expected in today
Genl T. J. Rusk arrived this evening from Nacogdoches Monday 4th Rain during the night &morning wind northerly cold &muddy— A dinner given to Dr Shackelford at the City Hotel— Tickets $5& Speachifying plenty— Hoxy a heap
Tuesday 5th— Rain all night— ceased toward dailight drizzly all day— The "San Jacinto" came up— raw northerly wind— The Bayou overflowing its banks &the current so strong as to prevent the Steam Boats' going down
Wednesday 6th Feby 1839— Snow during the night— cold, disagreeable weather—nothing doing— The Bayou rising fast— Icacles all round— trees loaded with frost
Thursday 7th& Rain all the night— Cold— & uncomfortable weather& The bridge over the Bayou, underwater— trees falling in all directions— The Bayou rose above 3 feet today Friday 8th— The sun came out this morning, the water rose in the Bayou up to the corner of Doswell &Adams Store— up to the eaves of the Ferry House &close to Fisher &Co' store Trees falling some from the weight of the Ice &some from the action of the axe
Called on Genl Rusk &obtained his order to the Auditor for the papers of J D Cleary— went then to the office of the Auditor, and after a search of two hours, came away without getting any satisfaction— Simon Weiss appears to have been the assignee of Martin Pruet— claim $32— approved 12 May 1838— I saw a copy of Jas Goulds discharge, that was all that could be found Mr Moody said he would continue the search, and I told him I would call again next week
The way I had to wade through the mud was a sin to Crockett— While down at the landing observing the effects of the flood Mr Fisher told me there was some letters for me in his office— These were one from Mr Bangs and a parcel of papers from D McLeod I went immediately in search of Mr Moore, to get an answer respecting the employing of Mr Bangs, but did not find him, left a message with Mr Nicholson on the subject
Saturday 9th— Spoke to Mr Moore, who informed me, he had a Spanish compositor in his employ, and for the present did not need another
The "R Putnam" came up at 1 P M. The Bayou rising still— 1 1/.2 feet over the floor of Fisher's Store— Wrote to Mr Bangs and to Mr Hugh Grant Sunday 10th Spoke to Mr Francis Brookfield son of Mr Wm Brookfield, going to join his father at La Grange— Weather changed to the better sunshine— wind northerly— The water supposed to be at its height— still very muddy
Monday 11th Fine weather— the Bayou water fallen 4 feet since last night— closed my despatches to Mr Grant, Mr Salzman &Mr Leplecher, also to Mr. Bangs at Galveston— Saw Genl Baker on Mr Bangs business— who would do nothing more— Evans promised to fix everything when he goes down— Gave up the note of $1000 to Mr Evans,— Drew on Mr Hugh Grant for $100 in favor of Mr John Chassaign at 30 days sight
Wrote to D McLeod &inclosed it to Mr L on Tuesday 12th. packet up R Pitkins papers and sent them off a Mr DeVoux of New Orleans to be forwarded by first Boat— Sent off Mr Bangs trunk also— Fine weather
Wednesday 13 Feby Mild weather— Called on Genl Rusk again spoke to Newland— &c
Thursday 14, mildweather again called on Genl Rusk &Newlands again
Friday 15— The Friend &Correo came up &brought plenty of passengers from the Cuba— also letters &papers Wrote an answer to Mr H Grant &sent it off under cover to Mr Salzman to go pr Cuba
By the National Banner of this day I observe the following sums paid by the Treasurer to the Estate of James Bowie during the month of January last $33.66 $100 $100 &$137.40 together $271.06— under the head of "Military"
Saturday 16th— Delightful weather for the season— Wrote to Mr Bangs enclosing my last letter pr Empresario to him pr Mr Borden of Nacogdoches
Sunday 17th Fine weather— The Bayou fallen to its former stage
Monday 18th— Dry weather, rather cold, could not write— Tuesday 19th— Dry weather— Mr Shultze went down passenger pr Friend to go to New Orleans
Pepin, the Saw Mill man was shot in a duel by a confectioner this evening
Bodman informed me J Ricord owed him over $2000 Salary— Overhauled all his papers, but found none of mine among them Wednesday 20th Small rain this morning— At the Land office on business— got Acct of dues on 6 Leagues of land Thursday 21 The "Rufus P." came up— No mail from the "New York"— She went down at 1 P M— Wrote to J. D. Cleary about Genl Rusk's conduct &scolding him for not answering my letter of the 8 Ulto.& Wrote to Mr Salzman &sent them off pr the "R P."
Wrote to Mr H Hall and inclosed it to Mr Wm P. Delmour, sent pr . . . [blank]
Wrote a Memo. to Mr Jewell, the Surveyor, to enquire all about the Half League on the Trinity and to see whether John W Adams will buy or sell & what price, and to advise by mail
Mr. Saml Maass late clerk in the Land Office left pr. "Rufus Putnam" for Galveston and then to N Orleans
Friday 22d— Began to rain at 4 A M &continued till noon— The Friend came up— The Sam Houston brought Mr Graham clerk in the House of John A Merle &Co, who consents to carry an order to Col Crosby for the Titles of Mr Salzman
Two Mexicans arrived from Matamoros in 16 days bound for New Orleans
By comparing the contents of Mr Leplecher's letter with other facts I perceive that the Aliens got 120 certificates from Newland
Major Allen offered the 20 unlocated certificates to Mr. H. Grant in July 1837— Consequently the Aliens must have them yet
The mail pr New York is said to be on board the "Friend" &will be up in the course of Providence
This is the way they do public business in Texas!! Called on Mr G Fisher &got back Mr Bang's Title to the town Lot
The rain continued all the day in partial showers Saturday 23d Rained heartily during the night The Friend came up at 2 P M— got letters -from Messrs Rueg, Leplecher &F. W. Ricord— to whom wrote answers right off and returned pr the Friend to overtake the "Columbia"— Rain all day &night— Gave Mr Graham the order on Col Crosby for the 2 1/2 League titles to be sent from Washington or San Felipe by mail
Sunday 24th— Dry this morning &muddy The Friend went off at one P M— The weather fine &improving
Monday 25th— clear dry weather— Spoke to Mr. Bodman &informed him I had received a letter from Mr Ricord's Br.
Tuesday 26th clear dry weather Mr Graham started after breakfast, but had to come back after getting all his things wet
Wrote Mr Bangs pr San Jacinto, to inform him that Mr Belden was enquiring after a League of land &c said the late Mr Rossio's title was dated only the day after Bangs'— That a widow was on the land— nevertheless he seemed anxious to buy with all these clogs
Wednesday 27th Feby The "R Putnam" came up this morning mid brought the translations from New Orleans— also letters from Mr Leplecher &Mr Salzman& Mr French also came up from Galveston to hunt up Evans for money &c
Thursday 28th— The "Rufus Putnam" started at 10 A M— Wrote Mr Salzman &Mr Leplecher— Wrote a note & delivered it in person to Mr Newlands requesting copies of sundry papers, which he said he would get between this &Sunday That he had to go over to Aliens for them That some were in Spanish and asked me if I knew the language— Volunteered my services to help in copying them— This too [k] place at noon in his office in presence of another person whose name I know not.
Mr Delmour's horse was brought in today an old woman claims him, But long Joe swears he is the very horse— Tom undertakes to pay $5 for bringing the horse in &agrees to feed him while here, and take him up for nothing to Mr Delmour of San Antonio— Called at the District Court to see whether any suit was pending against any party where Dr Grant was concerned— and found none— Nor at the Supreme Court I saw Mr W. Fairfax Gray the clerk on the subject— Wrote the clerk of the County Court of San Felipe to prepare a copy of S F Austin's Deed to Dr Grant for the Half League of Land and to advise me pr mail of any other Deed on the Records
Friday 1 March 1839— Dry, strong wind, called at Newlands in quest of a Mr Gaines, to sell a military scrip for $500— no go— Mr French sold it @ 55c to Mr Cutter
Mr. Myer having discovered that Newlands had reclaimed $ . . . [blank] dues on Goods imported in July last from the Govt. called on him along with Wechmyer the 2d Auditor— Newlands observed that he would look into the matter ∧ ascertain it, but never admitted the truth of his having got the money— A day was however appointed, and the time had now arrived— Myer called, and instead of getting any satisfactions, he was handed to the door by the arm, and told by Newlands that he had not leisure to be bothered with him at present& This is a sample of Texian justice— from a J P.
Saturday 2d— The aniversary of Texian Independence at dailight a salute was fired at the Armoury
The City Hotel gave champaigne to all hands at dinner very little festivity otherways— very dusty
Sunday 3d Cold— dry ∧and; dusty Monday 4th— Cold— dry but not so dusty—the water froze in the basins— Called on Newlands saw no intention on his part to open the subject of my business with him— Had to begin myself— He remarked that the 100 Leagues would be a fortune, if they could be maintained— That they were all located previous to the Declaration of Independence— That the Titles were with the Aliens— That the originals were at the Land Office of which the Aliens had the duplicates
Had he known we faired so ill at the city Hotel he would have invited me to his house— Asked if I had heard from Toler— asked if I had seen Pilie [?] Jr that he had fixed up a House for him, and had never seen him since the day he engaged it
The weather being too cold to write, agreed to call tomorrow— By Col Miller, heard of the death of Mr Hamilton Hall at San Antonio on the . . . [blank] Saw some patents to No 18 at the Land Office preparing for the 10 acre Lots sold by the Govt. in Galveston Island— Was told Dr Hewitson lives at Saltillo gets Hoxie at times and keeps it up for a week or two on a stretch, during which he is quite useless to himself ∧and; to society— at other times he never drinks a drop
Major LeGrand died this morning at the City Hotel Tuesday 5th— The "Friend" arrived at 9 A M "Rufus Putnam" 10— departed at 1 P M Wrote Mr Bangs and sent down the Title to his Lot in Houston also the Title to his 2 Leagues of land on the Brazos pr R Putnam— Wrote also pr Friend stating the above ∧and; answering his letter of the 2d Inst just received— Major LeGrand was interred after dinner— None of his pot companions went to the funeral— all deserted when the grog stopped Called at Mr Watrous' Office— Not in town,
Wednesday 6 March 1839 The San Jacinto came up this morning— Beldin, Watrous, ∧and; . . . [blank] came by her
Called on Newlands, who said he had only a few letters of Dr Grant's which he would give to his brother as they were of no further use to him
That he had given up to the Aliens the original power of Attorney given to him by Dr Grant, as he conceive it belonged to them along with the Titles to the 100 Leagues of Land That he had given to Mr Toler a statement of the Expenses in locating the 100 Leagues of land and all other papers connected with the business, and that the Aliens also had the original Contract between him & them
He wrote a note to A C Allen requesting him to furnish me with the papers I required
I asked him concerning the Half League of Land bought by Dr Grant of Stephen F. Austin, and about the Lot in Powers town— He said he knew nothing of the former but recollects well that the Title to the Lot from Mr Power was left at Parras
I went over the Bayou to the Allens— Mr. A. C. Allen desired the clerk to make out a statement of the Expenses on the 100 Leagues of land
which amounted to $7,372.68
together with 3 years Interest— 2,211.78
————
9,584.46
and to make a division & settlement of these claims they J K & A C. Allen propose to give 40 Leagues & to retain 60 leagues for their shareI told them that I would submit this proposition to Mr Grant and let them know his answer
Mr A C Allen told me he had located his Headright on the Salt Lakes, and united himself in a company composed of 20 members to work the business the more effectually
(Continued)
BOOK REVIEWS AND NOTICES
Sutter's Gold. By Blaise Cendrars. Translated from the French by Henry Longan Stuart. (Harpers, New York.)It may be that in "Sutter's Gold" Blaise Cendrars never intended to write a genuinely historical tale. If he only desired to supply his readers with a sort of literary rhapsody it would be manifestly unfair to ascribe to him a motive to which he laid no claim. Were it not for the fact that the publishers of the English translation evidently regard the book as containing a faithful and authentic picture of the famous pioneer and his times the historical reviewer should feel no urge to express himself about it at all.
However, one should not place all of the responsibility upon the shoulders of the publishers. There is reason to believe that Cendrars himself attributed to his tale historical qualities, and surely the author's opinion of the character of his creation may safely be considered as relevant. In the foreword Cendrars is quoted as of 1918 as promising somebody or perhaps the world that "one day" he would write also the history of General Sutter.
Assuming, then, that the publishers are sincere in their belief that they have printed a book of undoubted historical merit and that Cendrars himself regards the same as the fulfillment of his alleged promise, it is only reasonable that the historical reviewer should be permitted to participate in the feast and to avow his opinions thereof.
It has been the privilege of the reviewer to peruse faithfully the available material concerned with General Sutter and his life in the days of forty-nine and before, much of which is to be found in Bancroft Library of the University of California. Through the examination of documentary materials and of contemporaneous accounts the reviewer has gradually formed an estimate of Sutter's character, personality and adventures so completely at variance with Cendrars' that he finds it difficult to entertain coinciding on even converging views.
Cendrars deserves to have it said of his tale that it is interesting and absorbing. It is not unreasonable to believe that its reading will supply enjoyment and even delight to many shut-in souls who have only been able to sip vicariously of the cup of adventure, and hence have no gauge to distinguish the real from the unreal—the true from the false. Perhaps he had no desire to apply such a measuring stick and is happy in the riot of his imagination.
But there are folk who accept as history the stories bearing the labels of history, and it is for such as these that words of caution may not be amiss. Not infrequently is it true that the contents are palatable enough although the label is reprehensibly misleading. And in this day of pure food restriction one has a right, generally speaking, to know the nature of what one consumes as food for the body or for the mind.
Cendrars with impressionistic brush has painted a series of canvasses in all of which John A. Sutter is the central figure. In the, first of these our hero, wearing the cloak of mystery, arrives at the sleepy vilage of Runenberg in the canton of Basle in Switzerland. It seems that he is seeking a certificate of origin that will enable him to procure a passport making it possible to leave those environs without molestation. His dissatisfaction with the failure of his mission he registers by spitting into the basin of the fountain in plain sight of the curious villagers, and he then departs as suddenly as he came.
Sutter's birth and early life are then chronicled and he is next visualized as on his way to America and described as "bankrupt, fugitive, tramp, vagabond, thief and forger." If the evidence was available to the author warranting the use of such adjectives he undoubtedly had access to material the existence of which the reviewer has had no reason even to suspect. If such evidence does not exist or even if it belongs in the hearsay category, then surely a very great stain has been attached to the name and memory of one of California's most prominent pioneers and one whose influence in the critical forties as yet has not been completely appreciated.
Hastening on through the gallery one passes in bewildered review canvasses on which Sutter is pictured as slave trader in Kanakas, as multimillionaire head of a frontier colony on the Sacramento, as the man of the hour in the gold rush and as a poor babbling wreck thereafter, until at the foot of the steps of the capitol at Washington he waits for news of reimbursement for his losses and then dies of joy at a false report of his success. The coming of Madame Sutter and her children to share the prosperity of the great magnate is not undramatically told even to the climax in their arrival at the General's California home. There Madame without the slightest apparent authority, is made to utter two words "Johann" and "Master," and fade from the picture and at the same time from this mundane sphere.
One might characterize several of the pictures in the gallery as realistic. Perhaps realism is employed in an effort to carry a conviction that is more legitimately born of historical accuracy. At any rate, Cendrars tells us that the English skipper of the sailing ship in which Madame Sutter and her children made their way north from Panamá, cut the thumb off one of his Kanaka crew and used it "as a tobacco stopper for his pipe." Again we are told that in the days of trial following the death of his wife, Sutter brings back to mind the image of the Swiss village of Runenberg and even "recalls the fountain into which he spat at taking leave. He wants to go back there and die."
The volume itself is an artistic triumph. The gilded cover, the woodcut designs and decorations by Harry Cimino, the excellent paper, the large, clear type, and the wide margins combine to make the book distinctive as an example of attractive bookmaking. And, indeed, the translation by Henry Longan Stuart is worthy of no small mede of praise.
But who was this Johann August Sutter whom Blaise Cendrars has painted in such garish hues? A Baden born Swiss who, having failed to make a business success in Switzerland, left his family to carve out a career in America and particularly in California as a land of opportunity. Pioneer of pioneers, he established himself at the confluence of the Sacramento and American rivers with a handful of faithful companions—some Kanaka and some white—and in the midst of hostile and fickle Indians and in spite of the suspicions and envy of the more powerful and prominent Spanish Californians, in an inconceivably short time was the recognized lord of the northeastern frontier and in complete control of the natives of the great Sacramento and San Joaquin valleys.
From his fort on the river Johann August Sutter sent out rescue parties to save the starving and half-frozen Americans migrating across the Sierras, and when they were rested and refreshed he obtained official permission from the California government to remain; if they had no means of livelihood he found employment for them within his colony, and few there were who had shared his hospitality who were not ever afterward grateful to this man who had befriended them, in many cases with no thought of return.
And when the gold rush took away his dreams and tore them into shreds he fought out his fight alone, never ceasing to value the high opinion of the California pioneers; and though he died at the age of seventy-seven far from his beloved California he may truly be said to typify the best of the vanguard—intensely human and capable of making mistakes in judgment, but always brave, hospitable, generous to a fault, and in an age and in a place where the elemental towered above the conventional, a courteous and considerate gentleman always.
C. J. Du FOUR.
NOTES AND FRAGMENTS
EXHIBITION OF RELICS.—On the 26th of November there was held in Fairfield, Freestone County, Texas, a most interesting exhibition of old relics and heirlooms. The articles brought out were of a wide variety, and ranged in age from fifty to over two hundred years. They were conveniently arranged in groups of what might be termed dry goods, hardware, silverware, printed matter, etc. On one side might be seen counterpanes, tapestry, clothes, and the like of by-gone days. Baby dresses of men long since grown old were there; and patiently wrought wedding gifts; and little shoes that seemed to have been used only a short while. Quilts of strange pattern hung on the wall, some faded, some their colors surprisingly fresh. Money bags of coarse homespun lay in queer contrast with dainty, silk handkerchiefs. Many other articles of cotton, wool and linen were on display, some of them badly worn, but the major portion in a perfect state of preservation. It is hardly worth while to state that this side of the house attracted most of the feminine visitors.
What interested the men mainly was the arms section. Here were the living specimens, as it were, of past-day weapons. Long-barrel shotguns were gathered with heavy, fine-sighted rifles. Sabers and dress-swords of the Civil War were arranged beside dirks and bowie-knives of still earlier days. One short, Roman-shaped sword, with gaps in its edge, and a badly battered scabbard, were especially noticeable. A pair of dueling pistols, with their musket-like hammers and little short ramrods, also attracted much interest. There were blowing horns, shot gourds, bullet moulds, and powder flasks; all showing the immense importance of firearms and their accessories in the lives of the pioneers.
The more intellectual side of the display was also well represented. Diplomas from forgotten institutions seemed joined in a sentimental way with great Confederate bills and Republic of Texas currency. Bibles, yellow with age, dog-eared schoolbooks, faded newspapers and letters, formed in themselves a worthwhile display. Some of these old prints were as quaint in contents as in outside appearance. As an example, one Second Reader had the verse: "The sun rises in the East and sets in the West; when it rises it is day, when it sets it is night." And an old paper of the county carried the advertisement, "Six likely negros for sale."
And there were nondescript articles sufficient in number to hold one's interest for hours. Among others was a pipe, evidently of Indian make, long of stem, enormous of bowl, beaded and carved; a small, nail-studded chest, said to have been brought to the country full of gold; the old jail key, worn and rusted beyond recognition.
Altogether the exhibition was varied and complete. Nor was it interesting from idle curiosity only; it had a high educational value; showing, as no printed page could do, ways of living when Texas was in the shaping.
CHARLIE JEFFERIES.
THE QUARTERLY OF THE TEXAS STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
The management wishes to announce that the back volumes of THE QUARTERLY can be purchased and that a complete set is now available. The first four volumes have been reprinted, and will be sold at the following prices, on the installment plan, or for cash on delivery:
$5.00 per volume unbound;
$6.50 per volume bound in cloth;
$7.00 per volume bound in half leather.
Volumes V and VI are still to be had in the original copies for the following prices:
$4.00 per volume unbound;
$5.50 per volume bound in cloth;
$6.00 per volume bound in half leather.
All the remaining volumes can be had for:
$3.00 each unbound;
$4.50 for a cloth binding; and
$5.00 for the half leather binding, through volume XVI. The Association will undertake to have loose numbers bound for members, charging merely the binder's price. ADDRESS THE TEXAS STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION, AUSTIN, TEXAS.
2. Hon. David Davis was the nominee, but he refused to accept the honor tendered him when he learned that Greeley was to be 3. A brief history of Greenbackism as a national issue and of the party which supported it may be found in Solon J. Buck's The Agrarian Crusade (New Haven, 1920),
4. 5.
6. Ibid., March 12, 1878. The final admonition of the convention is also of interest. It follows: "Do not sit weeping at the grave of the dead democracy, like Mary at the tomb of the Saviour, after the spirit has departed, but place the stone at the mouth of the sepulchre and go your way throughout all the 7. Only the principles which were essentially "greenback" in nature are mentioned here. For the platform in full, see Winkler, Ernest William, Platforms of
8. Galveston Daily News, August 9, 1878. Hamman was forty-two years old. He was a farmer and a lawyer, and theretofore had never taken an active part in politics. He had been a Democrat until the convention of that party in 1878 rejected the minority report of the committee on platform and resolutions, which report he had presented. General Hamman had served in the Confederate army; he was of commanding appearance, and was very popular personally. His delivery was described as "fluent and forceful." General Rains was sixty-one years old. He too had been a Democrat, but bolted the convention of that party when it nominated a carpet-bagger for congress. The nominees, in addition to Hamman and Rains, were: Attorney-General, Fred W. Chandler, of Travis; Comptroller, H. A. Spencer, of Dallas; Treasurer, G. W. Whetstone, of Cass; Commissioner of the General Land Office, Jacob Keuchler, of 9. As a matter of fact, a number of Republican leaders, among them ex-Governor Edmund J. Davis, supported the Greenback ticket; and it is probable that this support accounted for
10. 11. Daily Democratic Statesman (Austin), June 24,
12. George W. Givens was named as the candidate for lieutenant-governor. The other nominees were: Attorney-General, H. F. O'Neal, of Cass; Comptroller, R. T. Kennedy, of Freestone; Treasurer, Ward Taylor, of Marion; Commissioner of the General Land Office, Jacob Keuchler, of Comal. It is interesting to note that E. L. Dohoney of Lamar, who had formerly been prominent in the Democratic party aid who later became a leader of the Prohibitionists in Texas (he was that party's candidate for governor in 1886) served as chairman of the committee on platform and 13. For an account of the convention, see the Galveston Dally News, June 30 and July 1,
14. 15. The platform of the Republican party for 1882, together with a very brief discussion of the state convention, may
16. George W. Jones, known familiarly as Wash Jones, was fifty-four years of age when he announced for governor. He was a self-schooled lawyer of Bastrop, where he had for a number of years enjoyed a lucrative practice. He served with distinction in the Confederate army. Returning from the War, he served as a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1866. In the same year, he was elected lieutenant-governor on the Throckmorton ticket. In 1876, he ran for congressman from the fifth district on an Independent-Greenback ticket, but was defeated. Two years later he was elected to congress from that district; and in 1880 he was reelected. He was very popular personally, and was well known throughout the state. History of Texas together with a Biographical History of Milam, Williamson, Bastrop, Travis, Lee, and Burleson Counties (Chicago, 1893), pp. 17. Winkler, op. cit., p. 645. This author gives statistics on all gubernatorial elections from 1845 to 1916, pp. 644-648. On pages 649 and 650 may be found the vote cast in the state for the presidential candidates from 1860 to
18. It is, of course, quite probable that these independent legislators actually were Greenbackers, or that at the least they were not out of sympathy with the principles of the 19. As a matter of fact, the figure named by Dr. Young was some twenty-three times as large as the vote actually
20. The convention was discussed in the Galveston Daily News of August 27 and 28, but 21. Davis had died since the last convention. A resolution acknowledging the great loss sustained by the Republicans of the state in the death of their "beloved chieftain" was passed by
22. The convention proceedings are summarized in the Galveston Daily News of September 3 and 4. Hon. Jack Evans made the statement that he was tired of the Greenbackers' furnishing the dog and the Republicans the tail, adding that Jones was a political tramp. James P. Newcomb, chairman of the committee on platform, maintained that what the Republican party wanted was the scalp of John Ireland. He characterized Jones as the "great commoner" of Texas, and pointed to him as the one man 23.
24. 25. The main points in the history of the transfer of the autographed original used in this translation from its place in the archives in Mexico to Texas are given in a note bound with the document, as follows:
This Manuscript was secured for the A. and M. College of Texas by F. W. Christern of New York, on the order of the President, Jno. G. James, from the following Catalogue: "No. 46. London, July 26, 1880. A rough List of Rare Works relating to the North and South America, chiefly from the Library of the late Señ or Don José Fernandez Ramirez President of the late Emperor Maximillian's First Ministry of Mexico, offered for sale by Bernand Quaritch, 15 Picadilly, W."
Indexed in said catalogue as follows: "310. Texas. Informe de Fr. Francisco de Jesús María al Virrey Conde de Galves sobre las Misiones £ s de Tejas. . . . fol 4.4.
Ms. of the 17th Century, 30 leaves. Signed by the author, 15th August, 1691. Perhaps the oldest document on the Missions of Texas. This original was later deposited in the Archives of the University of Texas and has been used for the present translation, the final result being checked with a translation made many years ago by Professor Rudolph Wipprecht of A. and M. College.
26. 27. A careful examination of the subject matter and a critical comparison of handwritings confirms the previous belief of the editor that what has been regarded as the first volume of Sterne's diary, or that portion between the dates of November 26, 1838, and January 20, 1840, is in reality the diary of James Ogilvy, who was associated with Bangs in his grant from the government of Tamaulipas, and who was the agent of the Scotch heirs of Dr. Grant. See Ogilvy to Pakenham, August 20, 1839, in Garrison, Diplomatic Correspondence of Texas, in Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 1908, II, 597-9, (300-1. In the Telegraph, and Texas Register of January 19, 1839, and in several following issues, an administrator's notice appeared signed by James Ogilvy, agent of Hugh Grant. Letters testamentary were granted to Ogilvy by the probate court of Harrisburg county. Probate Records, Vol. B, 282-5, Harris county, Texas. Little is known of Ogilvy. He was in Matamoras in March, 1835, and aided Richard Pearce in raising money for Lundy. Lundy, Benjamin, The life, travels, and opinions of Benjamin Lundy, 173 (Philadelphia, 1847). Later in the same year, he was in New Orleans, where he seems to have remained for several years. Garrison, Diplomatic Correspondence of Texas, in Report of American Historical Association, 1.908, II, 597-9, 600-1. According to the diary he was in Nacogdoches in August, 1838, at which time Houston offered him a commission, the nature of which is not known. The diary being Ogilvy's, the note placed at the
28. Mc Gloin's connection with Dr. Grant's affairs seems chiefly to have beeen that he supported the Federalist party and enrolled Grant and the volunteers undier his command as colonists in the San Patricio colony, and voted them in an attempt to secure McMullen's election to the Washington Convention. See McLeod to McGloin, November 19, 1851, in Memorial No 40, File No. 65; and Memorial No. 69, File No.
How to cite:
"Issue View", Volume 030, Number 3, Southwestern Historical Quarterly Online. http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/publications/journals/shq/online/v030/n3/issue.html
[Accessed Thu Mar 18 7:08:30 CDT 2010]
