AN ANONYMOUS DESCRIPTION OF NEW MEXICO, 1818
1
Encroachments on her dominions made 1818 a critical year for
Spain in America. Amelia Island itself lay in the hands of the
American government; Jackson held Florida; Long and Humbert
schemed for Texas; O'Fallen and Chambers raised fears for New
Mexico; while filibusters and traders, symbolized by La Fitte him-
self on the Gulf and Downs at Acapulco, harried the coasts and
trade of the empire. Equally subversive, in Spanish eyes, were the
actions of American statesmen who extended aid and comfort to
the rebelling colonies and staggered Onis with demands for a
western boundary to Louisiana. Moreover, early in August of this
year there fell upon sensitive Spanish ears a report of an intruder
who revealed to wondering Americans the helplessness of New
Mexico in Spain's first line of defense. With the eye of a military
man, this explorer portrayed at length the debility of the outpost,
its vulnerable points of entry, its resources and communications,
and the possibility of alliances with the dissatisfied tribes within
the province and with the savage tribes without. Accordingly, the
Notes
of this unknown traveller, presented here, add an illumi-
nating detail to the Spanish-American conflict in 1818.
Onis, into whose hands these Notes
fell, forwarded them to
Viceroy Venadito on August 3, 1818.
2 Without delay, Venadito
ordered Cordero, Commandante-General ad interim, to require
Governor Melgares of New Mexico to fortify the passes named in
the account of the unknown writer. He likewise requested plans
from that official for the defense of other points, an investigation
of the reported abuses of the Pueblos and the carelessness of the
reconnoissance detachments guarding the northeastern frontier.
3
At this moment, disturbing news of other Americans along the
northern border of New Spain gave further point to the viceroy's
measures. In short, less than two months after Onis had des-
patched the Notes
to Mexico, Venadito himself informed the king
of reports from Consul Fatio at New Orleans that a battalion of
three hundred men, commanded by Lieutenant-General Talbot
Chalmers, had left St. Louis on August 30 to establish a fort at
the mouth of the Yellowstone, whence it was feared they intended
to attack New Mexico. To ward off this danger and learn their
designs in detail, the viceroy ordered a reconnoissance to be made
of the Yellowstone from Santa Fe.
4
Further, on the day after the reported departure of these Ameri-
cans, Melgares himself in New Mexico was listening to more
alarming rumors just brought from the northeast. On August 30,
there suddenly appeared in the little town of Rio Colorado,
5 one
Jose Manuel Cayetano Hernandez, who surprised the Spaniards
there with news of his escape from the Pawnee, who, he said, were
coming with other Indians, aided by Americans, to invade the
Province. The explanations this wandering Spaniard made to Mel-
gares throw interesting light on the frontier at the moment, albeit
they exaggerated the danger. In 1816, Hernandez had joined a
party at Taos to trade among the Indians, but, unfortunately, on
the Huérfano some Cuampes and Cayguas (Kiowas) robbed the
party of their horses. While waiting to recover his animals, he
fell in with two Anglo-Americans, Don Julio (Julius de Mun)
and Sotó (Chouteau), who were trading in that region. About
the time these foreigners were arrested and taken to Santa Fe,
6
Hernandez himself was captured by some Pawnee and carried off
to the Missouri River. In January, 1818, he escaped, but en-
countering some Orejones and Panilori Indians,
7 was again re-
turned to his former captivity. While there, an American gen-
eral, called Pajato, came to the Pawnee village to incite the In-
dian tribes, aided by Americans, to attack the Spanish in New
Mexico. According to the plans made, the allies were to meet,
at the falling of the leaves, at La Agua Gerbidora
8 (Manitou
Springs, Colorado), under a Caygua leader called La Estrella.
Hernandez, sensing an opportunity to escape, promptly persuaded
the Indians to let him guide them, and on the present South
Platte, near the foothills, succeeded in fleeing to give warning
to his people in New Mexico.
9
Hernandez' reports were sufficient to arouse Melgares to ener-
getic steps in defense of the province. He sent Lieutenant José
Maria de Arce to reconnoitre La Agua Gerbidora, posted a di-
vision of seven hundred men under Arce's command at Taos, and
stationed another detachment of four hundred men with two
pieces of artillery under Captain Don Andres Sañudo to guard
the crossing of the Pecos River. He then reported the news and
his measures to Conde, the Commandante-General, asking further
troops.
10 Conde, however, reassured the governor that the dan-
ger from the Americans was not imminent, as the time was too
short for the Indians to assemble at La Agua Gerbidora and
furthermore, recent news from Fatio showed that the American
government itself knew nothing of the affair.
11 However, Vena-
dito, when he learned of these new developments,
12 promptly
warned Conde that while he was probably right in believing that
the accounts of Hernandez were exaggerated, yet the presence of
strangers among the tribes was a menace to New Mexico, for
they supplied the Indians with arms to make war upon the Span-
iards. Accordingly, he believed it of the greatest importance
that Melgares, after concluding the campaign against the Navajo,
should proceed against the Pawnee, and all other tribes harbor-
ing strangers and force them to sue for peace.
13
In the meantime, Melgares, having received the order to rec-
onnoitre the Yellowstone,
14 had sent out Charvet with fifteen
horsemen.
15 On the first of the following April (1819), the gov-
ernor informed Cordero, Commandante-General ad interim, that
the investigation showed the junction of the Yellowstone and the
Missouri Rivers to be about three hundred leagues from Santa Fe
and about two hundred and forty from the headwaters of the Eio
Grande and the intentions of the Americans probably to take
away the trade the English had there with the Indians. The lat-
ter, he learned, had a little fort about forty leagues distant on
the Rio la Columbier (Columbia?) to the west of the Yellow-
stone garrisoned with twenty men, and another of three hundred
men, dependent upon the former, called La Belduzon on a river
known as San Lorenzo among the Spaniards, distant about sev-
enty leagues.
16 Two months later, in July, he further informed
Conde that twenty-four Indians of the A
tribe had just arrived
in Santa Fe, having come from the neighborhood of the Yellow-
stone. These told him that they knew nothing of the march of
the three hundred Louisianans. Likewise, his own reconnaissance
parties, continually ranging the plains more than a hundred
leagues east of Sangre de Cristo, had encountered no news of
the Americans.
17
While Melgares was gathering this information, Cordero for-
warded him on the 22nd of February, 1819, a copy of the Notes
sent by Onis and repeated the viceroy's orders to fortify the passes,
send plans for other fortifications and correct the abuses of the
Pueblos and the negligence of the searching parties.
18 The gov-
ernor, answering the communication of May 18th characterized
as false and malicious the comments regarding the treatment of
the Indians and the negligence of the parties, for the latter, par-
ticularly, knew that the safety of the province depended upon
them. Referring to the proposed fortifications he stated, that,
although he lacked veteran troops, he had, nevertheless, provi-
sionally fortified the passes of Sangre de Cristo and San Fer-
nando, and was preparing a statement of specifications for forts
at El Vado, Ojo Caliente, and the Plaza of San Fernando,
19
points he thought best to fortify. Accompanying this letter the
governor also enclosed the description of the northern and north-
eastern frontiers of New Mexico which is here translated under
the title of Melgares'
Report.
In June, Conde forwarded Melgares' communication including
a statement of the cost of one fortification at Taos,
20 to Venadito
and noted that the great distance of New Mexico from the United
States settlements and the presence of Spanish traders on the
alert to detect intrigues among the frontier tribes also offered
considerable protection to that province.
21 In Mexico, Venadito
turned over the information to Juan Sociat, Sub-Inspector of
Engineers of New Spain, for an expert opinion on the question
of fortifications. To the viceroy in October, 1819, Sociat pointed
out that the details Melgares furnished were too meagre to be
of use. The governor had included neither a map or a state-
ment of the charater of the country, nor the type of fortifica-
tions he judged proper for defense or the kind of garrison neces-
sary. Furthermore, since no plans of that frontier were in Mex-
ico City to give the direction of the water-shed of streams and
ranges of mountains, Sociat suggested that the viceroy request a
map of the terrain of the places to be fortified. In each, Sociat
noted, there should be indicated the nature of the land, whether
open, mountainous, plain-like, broken, if there were cliffs, defiles,
rivers or torrents, which would serve equally as an obstacle to
the enemy and a defense for the fortification, whether artillery
must be taken to the point or infantry only, and in either case,
the garrison each ought to have.
22
However, soon after the Sub-Inspector had thus reported to
Venadito, news from New Mexico of an attack on the Sangre de
Cristo fort hastened viceregal action. Melgares' letter, dated
October 18, carried the details that five out of a reconnaisance
party of six men had been killed near the fort by a band of one
hundred men dressed as Indians who next attacked the post it-
self. The valiant ensign Don José Antonio Valenzuela, repulsed
the charge with his small force but was unable to make a sally.
Commenting on the incident, Melgares stated that though he did
not believe the assault to be by the bandits of General Infante
Yenjamin OFallen he had, nevertheless, sent three hundred
paisanos
armed to re-enforce the fort and punish any hostile In-
dians in the vicinity.
23 Conde, however, who forwarded the gov-
ernor's report, took occasion to ask for twelve quintals of shot to
replenish his scanty supplies in anticipation of an invasion. The
viceroy, too, viewing the matter differently and suspecting an at-
tack inspired by the North Americans who had gone to the Yel-
lowstone, ordered Melgares immediately to fortify El Vado, Ojo
Caliente, and the Plaza of San Fernando, the three points the
latter had earlier suggested. Furthermore, Venadito directed the
expeditionary infantry regiment of Zamora to unite with the regi-
ment of the Ynfante Don Carlos and await orders at San Luis.
He next despatched to Conde, extensive military equipment, guns,
pistols, and swords from New Galicia and Zacatecas, and sent
him an artillery officer with a party of twelve well-trained artil-
lerymen. With these men, his best troops, cavalry and militia of
all available arms, Venadito required of Conde all measures nec-
essary to destroy any unruly ones who attempted to invade the
province of New Mexico. However, at this very moment, Long
had occupied Nacogodoches in eastern Texas, and these forces,
and others at Arredondo's command there, destroyed the tiny re-
public the Americans had set up in this Spanish outpost.
24.
The fort at Sangre de Cristo was abandoned shortly according
to Jacob Fowler who camped on its ruins in February, 1823, and
noted that it had been occupied about a year before.
25 Further,
the success of the Mexican revolution in 1821-1822 ended Spanish
interests on this border and the rise of the Santa Fe trade both
passed on the problem of protection in that quarter to the Mexi-
can government, and gave a new turn to the history of the north-
eastern frontier.
Conclusion
Viewed broadly, the Notes
of the unknown traveler, Melgares
Report,
and the accompanying correspondence add both to the
history of the Spanish-American conflict of 1818 and to the his-
tory of New Mexico's northern border. Unquestionably whether
these Notes were made by an official observer for some govern-
ment or simply by one intent upon trade with the province, they
reveal a lively interest in a New Mexico free from Spain. To
the study of the Santa Fe Trail these various incidents provide
an instructive background. Likewise, this intrusion of the author
of these Notes
must be included in the long history of foreign
interest in this northern outpost, first manifested by the French
who just one hundred years before had reached the foothills of
the Rockies, and continued by Pike and other Americans after
1803. Finally, the Notes
themselves supplement in a valuable way
the descriptions of Humboldt, Pike, and Pino of New Mexico
just at the end of Spain's rule in North America.
NOTES CONCERNING THE PROVINCE OF NEW MEXICO COLLECTED ON
MY MISSION TO THE WEST
26
Population. I have not been able to procure any accredited
list of the population of New Mexico. It is composed of free
whites and civilized Indians, a very few European Spaniards,
and absolutely no negro slaves. It may be estimated at fifteen
or twenty thousand souls.
27
Militia. All the men from eighteen to forty-five are conscript
to military service and must always be ready to march at the first
order of the Governor, and often without pay. They are gener-
ally excellent horsemen but are armed only with lances, bows and
arrows. There are some, however, who have firearms. There is
no stronghold in the province, even Santa Fe, the capital and the
residence of the Governor is not fortified. There are neverthe-
less six pieces of cannon of 4,
28 the only ones in all New Mexico.
For about a year there has been at Santa Fe a company of militia
who are on duty for a week, and then relieved by another very
regularly and without exception, although the province is exceed-
ing extensive, and in consequence, some of the company must
come from a considerable distance.
manoeuvres. 29
Troops of the Line. The only troops of the line that there
are in the province consist in one company of one hundred and
twenty-four men allocated in different parts. These troops are
badly uniformed and still more badly paid. They are supposed
to receive three dollars per month but for several years have re-
ceived only one and (that) often very much in arrears. It is
the same in all the Provincias Internas. These troops are then
accordingly ill-disposed. However, a very little would gratify
them and they would certainly do their duty.
The people are generally poor, having neither industry nor
commerce. The little foreign merchandise which is found in the
country comes principally
30 from the province of Sonora, where
the English introduced it in contraband by way of the Gulf of
California. This business is in some manner tolerated. The
smugglers captured are only condemned to pay double duty
(alcabala). It comes also from Chihuahua, now the residence
of the Governor General of the Provincias Internas, whence the
merchants obtain it through the more usual but very costly routes
from Vera Cruz, crossing Old Mexico. But this commerce is
diminishing every day, not being able to sustain itself concur-
rently with the illicit commerce of Sonora. They also have some
(trade) with the savages who live throughout the mountains on
the waters of California, and also with those who live to the east
of the mountains on the waters of the Arkansas. But as there
can only be procured with a great deal of trouble, the articles of
merchandise necessary to the savages, and because they have only
a very small market for the furs which they receive in exchange,
it follows that this commerce is unimportant. These savages who
are envying the fortune of their neighbors on the north and east,
who have frequent communication with the English and Ameri-
cans, are doing everything possible to allure the traders of these
two nations to themselves. They could accordingly at the insti-
gation of one or the other of these peoples, or better, by some of
their traders become very dangerous enemies for Spain and cer-
tainly in case of war with Spain, America will not neglect a
means, which in augmenting her commerce, would likewise
greatly disturb the Spanish frontiers, and which could, if well
directed,
31 ruin a part of those provinces, or assure their con-
quest. It would, then, be prudent for the Spanish government
to search for means of furnishing these nations with the things
which have become absolutely necessary to them. For there is
no doubt that in the hands of one or the other governments,
these savages would become either important means of defense or
an important means of attack.
The principal wealth of the inhabitants of this Province is the
herds of bulls, cows, horses, and mules, but principally sheep, for
which the country and the climate appear very favorable. They
manufacture with the wool some very good blankets, a kind of
very ordinary cloth, and some stockings.
Aspect of the Country and Mines. The country is generally
mountainous, watered by a large number of very pretty rivers,
all of which empty into the Rio del Norte. One finds there very
fine appearing uplands of excellent soil, and beautiful plains
along the rivers, principally along that of the del Norte.
There is absolutely no doubt but that this Province is rich in
silver mines. Some of this precious mineral has been found in
different parts. However, no mine has ever been worked there
except one of copper, not far from Taos which was exploited some
years ago by a private individual who himself manufactured this
metal into kitchen utensils, but after some years, the demand
for these objects, having diminished, and not finding any other
market he abandoned this mine which has not been worked since.
The few objects of this class, which are still found in the country
came from this mine.
32
The iron which is used in the country comes from Chihuahua
but I have not been able to learn where that town acquires it. It
comes at a price so exorbitant that if the commerce were open,
it could be procured from St. Louis on the Mississippi more
cheaply.
Sonora. The Province of Sonora, to the southwest of Santa
Fe, is extraordinarily rich in mines of silver and the facility
which is found in exploiting this wealth is such that the mines
are called in the country the placers (Los Placeres). It is, how-
ever, rarely that the people who devote themselves to this kind
of work amass there great wealth, being generally passionately
fond of gambling, horse racing, and cock-fighting, and only think
of pursuing or again taking up their labors when need drives
them to it.
The Province of Sonora although very little further south than
that of New Mexico enjoys a climate much more temperate. It
owes this without doubt to its differences in altitude, to its neigh-
borhood to the sea and to its distance from the mountains. Its
climate would permit cultivation which would add infinitely to
its richness, but all kinds of cultivation, even the most necessary,
are completely neglected there.
Civilized Indians, The civilized Indians in New Mexico are
various little tribes of Apaches and Yutas (Utes). They are con-
verted to Christianity and reside in their ancient villages, situ-
ated on some steep rocks, of difficult access. Although force of
custom makes them remain in such places, yet they cultivate the
plains at the foot of the rocks. This, requires of them a great
deal of time and hardship to harvest them, carrying on their
heads, in baskets, the corn which they cultivate on the plains.
They think they live there in perfect security but they have not
yet been able to achieve this idea of perfect security. Each vil-
lage has its ancient hereditary chief who receives from the Span-
ish government a baton with a silver point and has the title of
Gobernocito. But there resides also in each village a Spanish
Alcalde who tyrannizes over them and often even beats them.
The chief of the village is obliged to furnish to the troops of the
king, when they pass there, water and fire, and nothing else. But
in spite of these very humane ordinances these unfortunate ones
on such occasions are exposed to all sorts of vexations, and are
ordinarily very happy to have their fowls taken from them and
their pigs eaten, and to escape in that way from worse treatment,
and that under the eyes of an Alcalde whom a paternal govern-
ment had placed there only to protect them.
33
These civilized Indians are armed like (the militia) in the
center of the country serving with it often and like it on horse-
back. They are of a very amiable character, are the best culti-
vators of the country, and show a great deal of ingenuity and
skill in the manufacture of many of the little objects they make
in their villages, such as pottery, baskets, shields, etc. If they
were treated with less harshness and after the spirit of the laws
made in their behalf by the king of Spain, which could not be
wiser, there is no doubt that they would become a real acquisi-
tion to a country which only needs people to become important.
In the same way there could be civilized many other tribes, but
these unhappy ones (the Pueblos) embittered and discouraged by
haughtiness and bad treatment of those miserable ones estab-
lished among them to protect them are of little advantage to
the country. They will certainly become for Spain very danger-
ous auxiliaries and very valuable for a power, which, in attack-
ing these provinces, would know how to win their friendship by
promises and presents. Spain by following a policy different
from that which she pursues now, could easily make friends of
them, or better said, faithful and devoted objects. For this they
would only need to relieve them of the Alcaldes and of the quar-
tering of troops.
Non-civilized Indians. The non-civilized Indians who live in
the west of the mountains are generally known under the name
of Apaches and Yutas. But the different tribes of these two great
nations have different names and are entirely independent of one
another.
Those who live to the east of these mountains and who have some
communication with the Spaniards are the Comanches, so called
by the Spaniards, and known to the French under the name of Peles,
Aitanes or Padaux,
34 who are of the same nation or tribes of the
same nation and speak the same language. The Comanches have
made themselves so redoubtable to the Spaniards that the governors
of the different provinces of the frontiers have found it necessary
to treat separately with them. Often they are at war with one
province and at peace with another; and returning, loaded with
spoil, from massacring and pillaging the frontiers of one province,
driving before them the horses and frequently even prisoners whom
they have made, they come into another to receive presents, taking
only the precaution of leaving a part of the spoil, above all the
prisoners, at some distance from the establishments.
Mountains. The mountains which divide the waters of the Rio
del Norte from these of the Mississippi and form the eastern
boundary of New Mexico are only a spur of the great chain of
the Cordilleras prolonged, to which the Americans have given the
name of Roky Mountains.
35 This spur becomes lower towards the
province of Texas. From the Huérfano as far as the Arkansas
River these mountains are called the Sierra Mojada,
36 and from
the Arkansas River towards the north, Sierra del Almagre.
37 These
are a mass of piled up rocks rising to peaks
38 and separated by
deep ravines. One can cross them into the province only at three
points. To the north through the Pass of Sangre de Cristo,
39 going
up the Rio Huérfano, one of the branches of the Arkansas, and
following a comparatively easy footpath as far as the summit of
the mountain and descending to the west in the ravine formed by
the little stream of the Sangre de Cristo which gives its name to
the crossing.
This pass may be thirty miles from the foot of the mountain
on the east to the Rilito de los Indios, into which the Sangre de
Cristo enters.
40 With little work it could be made practicable for
artillery. It would be susceptible of the easiest defense; a handful
of men could hold there an entire army.
The second to the south is about one hundred miles from the
Rilito de los Indios, called El Cañon de San Fernando, or El Cañon
del Pueblo. One enters there from the east by going up a little
branch of the Red River of Natchitoches and following a footpath
made by the savages. One descends to the west at the foot of the
mountains, at the Villa de Taos, or by going to the left, at the
village of San Fernando. This pass offers more difficulties in
surmounting than that of the Sangre de Cristo, and consequently
(has) also more facilities for defense.
41
The third is about thirty miles to the southeast of Santa Fe,
called El Vado, concerning which I have absolutely no information
except that the mountains diminish considerably towards the south.
This pass is the easiest of all, but because of the linking of province
with province, no surprise could be made at this point.
42
There is still a pass north of that of Sangre de Cristo, going up
the branch north of the Rio Huérfano and passing along the Sierra
Mojada, as far as the Rilito de los Indios.
43 But this is very bad,
only practicable for people on foot, and very little used even by
the savages. It would be prudent to fortify and establish a post
there.
Country between the Mississippi and the Mountains. The im-
mense extent of the country between the Mississippi and the moun-
tains which border New Mexico on the east, from the northern
frontiers of Texas to the Missouri, excepting some establishments
on the frontiers of Louisiana and the territory of Missouri, is
entirely inhabited by savage nations, and may be divided into two
parts, one to the south, the other to the north, of the Arkansas
River. These two parts present aspects entirely different.
Game is little abundant there. From the Red River of Natchi-
toches as far as the Arkansas River and from the foot of the
mountains up to two hundred to three hundred miles from the
Mississippi, the country offers only a great plain of sand which
the wind has elevated into little hills, little running water, very
little hunting and absolutely no inhabitants. The Comanches are
obliged to cross this country to go to pillage the frontiers of the
Provincias Internas. They have there some regular camping
grounds at places where they find water and some pasturage for
their horses. This trail is known under the name of Chemin de
Guerre des Comanches. The war parties, which are rarely less than
two hundred to three hundred men, leave it but little. However,
they cross the Arkansas in different places in the hope of encoun-
tering some war parties of other enemy nations and of taking from
them their spoil, or, at least, if they are not the strongest, of
stealing their horses from them, during the night, if they have not
been discovered first. Soon afterwards they rejoin the Chemin de
Guerre, so that they may not be in small parties.
The second part from the Rocky Mountains as far as the River
of the Osages and even further down, and from the Arkansas as
far as the Mississippi, across the Missouri, presents, on the con-
trary, immense and rich plains or prairies, without any kind of
wood except along the rivers. These prairies serve as pasturage
for buffalo, elk, etc. The quantity of buffalo, above all, is almost
unbelievable and constitutes the principal nourishment of the
savage nations who inhabit this country and who have their villages
almost always along the river and at a very great distance from
one another. These nations hardly ever come in contact with one
another, only during the great winter hunt. But when they are
at war they send parties at distances of five hundred or six hundred
miles to burn a village or steal some horses. All these nations fight
on horseback with the exception of the Pawnees, who always fight
on foot and are considered as the bravest, and most ferocious, and
the most redoubtable of the savages. They live principally on the
Missouri. They are so enterprising that often they send from the
banks of the Missouri warriors to the number of two hundred or
three hundred, to go to pillage the Spaniards as far as the neigh-
borhood of San Antonio, the capital of Texas, and return almost
always laden with booty.
Communication between the United States and New Mexico,
The communication of St. Louis with New Mexico would be very
easy as far as the Huérfano. The country offers nothing, as I have
said, but immense high prairies or perfectly joined plains, where
no difficulty would be encountered in making a way for carriages
or artillery, except at the passages of the rivers, which, being almost
always crossed towards their sources, would not present, by leaving
St. Louis at a good season, that is to say, about the end of April,
any other difficulties than that of cutting down the banks and
making a road to descend into their beds. That, at the most, could
be done in some hours.
These provinces offer everywhere an excellent pasturage tor
horses, whatever number one may have, and immense herds of
buffalo for the sustenance of men. Consequently there is no need
to transport provisions. If a military expedition should be made
against New Mexico, it would be necessary to send ahead some men
who with some thousands of pesos in merchandise would win over
the savages who live to the east of these mountains and with them
be able to take possession of the passes.
The governor of the province sends out from time to time parties
to come to the east of the mountains to reconnoitre the country and
see what is going on there. But these parties, where they go cus-
tomarily never encounter enemies, (and) are very negligent.
44
Besides, they are almost always commanded by some ignorant
under-officers and composed in very large part of a badly armed
militia.
45 It would be very easy, accordingly, either to avoid them
take possession of the pass, and cut off their retreat, or to vanquish
them and not give them time to stop in the pass to fortify them-
selves there while waiting for the rest of the army. One can with
good horses go from St. Louis to Taos in thirty-five or forty days.
From the Arkansas River, the road, following the course of the
river,
46 is also good and the shortest. From the mountains, taking
the pass of La Sangre de Cristo, that is to say from the river of
La Trinchera, to Taos there are about one hundred miles; from
Taos to Santa Fe, about eighty miles.
I consider New Mexico, in its present position, as one of the
most vulnerable points of the Provincias Internas, and because of
the facility of communication by land with the United States,
because of the ease of fortifying and maintaining it, as one of the
most advantageous for the Insurgents, if they succeed in taking
possession of it.
Note.
The translation which was made from this paper is in
the file which was formed concerning fortifying various points of
the Sierra of New Mexico, with the correspondence of the Señor
Commandante General of the Provincias Internas of the West of
the year 1819.
47
From the Bado to the canyon of San Fernando
49 which is level
country, there are from thirty-five to forty leagues along the side
of the sierra of the east, going through Mora, a settlement of this
province.
50 Along the ridge of the sierra there are very incon-
venient trails which only the Apache go over, and on the west side
there is no known road. The Cañon de San Fernando begins along
the crest of the rallado, and in order to take it one travels an entire
day over the sierra.
51 The crest road is troublesome on account
of the large rocks and undergrowth (palizada), but clearing it
somewhat extensively would make it satisfactory to transport can-
nons, etc. It has its origin at the very foot of the sierra; opposite
there are plains, and at about twenty-five leagues a mesa which
they call Sicorica or El Mayo and various little scattered hills.
52
The canyon of San Fernando opens out on the plaza of Taos which
has the same name. Intermediate on the road of the sierra, the
road of the Canyon of the Indians branches off, at the end of which
is the Pueblo. But guarding the crest of the Rayado there are
hidden the two cannons.
53 This point could be fortified perma-
nently because it has constant water on a single face, and the sides
are partly guarded by the roughness of the sierra. In the middle
distance from the Rallado to the Bado there are no further cross-
ings (entradas) than the road of Mora. This settlement is placed
on the other side of the sierra, route to the east; it is the most
exposed because of its few resources, and although the perverted
Americans do not know it, the Indians do, and will serve as guides.
From the Rallado to Sangre de Cristo, route to the east, it is
necessary to go down along the Rio de las Animas, crossing over
the Mesa of Sicorica, and going around all the little hills and rough
places of the sierra.
54 I estimate that there are some fifty leagues,
more or less, because of the roundabout way to the Huérfano.
55
About a league or three-quarters of a league from it, the slope of
the Sangre de Cristo commences along the same route.
56 It is
very inconvenient as far as the top of the sierra. To descend to
the west, there is no regular road. From this point along this
same route as far as the settlement of the Rio Colorado, an estab-
lishment of this province, is a plain of twenty-five to thirty leagues.
From there to Taos there is a little slope, somewhat troublesome;
the road has various breaks. One walks this in ten or twelve hours,
and I estimated it will have twelve or thirteen leagues. In the
intermediate distances from the Rallado to Sangre de Cristo, there
are two or three footpaths to cross the sierra, and although they
are unhandy, they can be made suitable with work. This last pass
can be fortified permanently on the same Rio Huérfano, but its
sides are exposed.
57 For that reason anyone can go up the sierra
by infantry, beyond the reach of the shot of the fortification. On
the summit of the sierra, the Road of the Narrow Gap
58 (Camino
de Boquete) of the Sierra Blanca unites with that of Sangre de
Cristo.
59 Two days are required along this road to the said gap,
and in this all the roads unite for this province; they come from
the Valley of the Huérfano, from the Valleys of the Soldiers, from
the Valleys of the Sierra Mojada
60 and the rest which the settlers
of this province go over. It has its strength on the northeast;
it will be fortified because it has permanent springs.
61 In the inter-
mediate distance of the Sangre de Cristo, there are also incon-
venient footpaths which cross the road or unite with it on the top
of the sierra. Along the route to the northeast, there is a road to
Sangre de Cristo, but it goes about over a great deal of land,
keeping in view always the Napestle. Along this road there are
more than thirty leagues, and along the ordinary road there are
twenty.
62 At a very great distance from the Gap, going along the
sierra to the north, there go back to the northwest many little
draws, and from one of these there comes out the large river
63 along
which the foreigners are accustomed to travel for water as far as
the foot of the sierra. Along any part of the sierra in this space
one may cross to descend to the Rio Grande del Forte. There are
plains as far as the Sierra Blanca. This (sierra) may be cut across
at the head by this same large river and is open from the entrance
as far as Aviquiu or Ojo Caliente, as verified by Paik (Pike) Rovin-
son (Robinson) and ten other Anglo-Americans who took the route
of Paik.
64 From the slope of the Rallado to Taos there are fifteen
or eighteen leagues through the Canyon of San Fernando, which
is the best entrance because that of the Canoncito de los Indios
is too troublesome.
65 From this (road) to the Rio de las Animas,
there are three days' travel and more than thirty leagues across
the Sierra of Sicorica, not where it unites with the Napestle, but
a day and a half's journey further up. Along the open road to
the Napestle lower down where the Rio del Almagre
66 joins with
it there are fifteen leagues, more or less. From Sangre de Cristo
to the Napestle are a little more than twenty leagues. The Detach-
ment of Sangre de Cristo could make reconnoissance of all this
front of the Napestle frequently, and that of the Gap of the Sierra
Blanca all the Valleys of Sierra del Almagre along the shoulder,
route to the north, and all the cordillera of the same Sierra of
Sangre de Cristo, which, with the Vado, are the four principal
points which must be covered in case of invasion.
67 Following the
Cordilleras of the Sierra on the eastern side, there is encountered,
in the order given here, Napeste, Chato, Rio Grande, of which
mention was made above because it is navigable by canoes or
pirogues (and that of the del Norte is not), Rio de las Vivoras,
de los Pechos, and Bio de los Franceses, and smaller ones which
have in general no name.
68 Almost all these six large rivers make
possible the crossing of the sierra with more or less work. Santa
Fe 18 of May, 1819. Facundo Melgares. It is a copy. Durango
19 of June, 1819. Franco Velasco (Rubric).
The question of the authorship of these Notes
is a difficult one
to resolve, since they are an unsigned copy and since Onis gave
no clue, stating simply that they were composed by one of the
individuals "of this country who under the pretext of hunting are
going to explore the Provincias Internas and the Kingdom of
Mexico." However, the inference from the phrase "this country"
that the writer was an American is not borne out by the internal
evidence of the paper itself. Though the language of the Notes,
French, is not at all conclusive, yet the use of this vehicle is
thoroughly consonant with the alien nationality of the writer, as
appears from other evidence. Indeed, it must be admitted that
the writing has frequently constructions which are direct trans-
lations from English constructions. However, the Notes
carry the
undoubted impression of having been written by a Frenchman,
though one who had probably long resided among English-speaking
people.
69 That he was a European seems conclusive from his
markedly detached viewpoint. Under Troops
of
the
Line
this
impartiality is particularly evident: "These savages who are envy-
ing the fortune of their neighbors on the north and east, who have
frequent communication with the English and Americans, are
doing everything possible to allure the traders of these two nations
to themselves. . . ." "They could . . . become very dangerous
enemies for Spain, and certainly in case of war with Spain, America
will not neglect a means, which in augmenting her commerce, would
likewise greatly disturb the Spanish frontiers. . . ."
Again this
detachment, with reference to Americans, appears under the topic
Mountains:
"The mountains which divide the waters of the Rio
del Norte from those of the Mississippi ... are ... the great
chain of the Cordilleras ... to which the Americans have given
the name Roky Mountains." This misspelling of "Rocky" may,
too, be significant.
The writer of these Notes
seems to have been a military observer,
possibly one of Napoleon's agents, a possibility, certainly, that has
considerable to support it in the Notes
themselves.
70 That he
came to New Mexico on a specific mission is apparent from the
title: "Notes concerning New Mexico collected on my mission to
the West." Moreover, his observations, particularly those on mili-
tary matters, are replete with details to be looked for in the report
of a trained military observer. Habits and social customs are
conspicuously lacking in mention. Finally, to the present writer,
his concluding paragraph seems especially significant: "I consider
New Mexico, in its present position, as one of the most vulnerable
points of the Provincias Internas, and because of the facility of
communication by land with the United States, because of the ease
of fortifying and maintaining it, as one of the most advantageous
for the Insurgents if they succeed in taking possession of it."
Although De Mun and Chouteau were imprisoned in Santa Fe
71
in June, 1817, and both wrote perfect French,
72 yet the complete
omission of any reference either to their imprisonment or to their
main interest, the fur trade, seems to indicate that neither of these
was the author.
The time during which the author of the Notes
was in New
Mexico appears to have been either in the spring of 1817 or be-
tween July, 1817, and June, 1818. As observed by Bancroft,
Allande did not send out parties until early in 1817. The omission
of De Mun's and Chouteau's arrest, accordingly, seems to indicate
that the Notes
were written before June, 1817. On the other hand,
it is possible that the author was in New Mexico some time after
that episode. Finally, since at least two months would have been
required for the Notes
to reach Onis in Philadelphia, thence to be
forwarded to Venadito on August 3, the report predates early June,
1818.
University of Oklahoma, Norman, Okla.
FOOTNOTES:
Activities North and East of New Mexico, 1592-1821." The writer is in-
debted to the American Council of Learned Societies for assistance in
securing copies of the documents used here from the archives of Mexico.
Diplomáticas, Tomo 1, f. 191. Archivo General, Mexico.
Occidente, Mexico, Enero 1° de 1818. Ano de 1819. Providencias tomadas
para que se fortifiquen varios puntos en la Sierra del Nuevo Mexico,
ff. 171-173. Historia, Notas Diplomaticas, Tomo 4, Archivo General,
Mexico. (Hereafter cited: Providencias . . . para que se fortifiquen
. . . Nuevo Mexico.)
de 1819. Junio de 1819. Providencias tomadas sobre invasion de la Pro-
vincia del Nuevo Mexico proyectada por los facciosos de los Estados Unidos.
f. 196. Historia, Notas Diplomáticas, Tomo 4. Archivo General, Mexico.
(Hereafter cited: Providencias . . . sobre . . . Nuevo Mexico.)
De Mun's letter to William Clark. Writes De Mun: "Myself and two men
went in company with the Spanish traders to the Rio de la Culevra, where
we left them, and continued our way to Taos. When I arrived at Rio
Colorado (a small fork of the Rio del Norte), I found that a new village
had been established since my first passage there." Annals of Congress,
15th Congress, Ist Session, Vol. 2, pp. 1961-1962. His first passage had
been made during January and February of 1816, while the above passage
was made in July or August of the above year. See also Twitchell, R. E.,
The Spanish Archives of New Mexico, 11, p. 487, No. 30, "plaza on the
Rio Colorado" (1805).
Ist Session, Vol. 2, 1818, pp. 1960-1966.
the Missouri River and the Sierras.
Water," is doubtless the springs known today as Manitou Springs, at the
headwaters of present Fountain Creek. The French called this stream
"Fountaine que Bouille." Arce sent a detachment to reconnoiter this spot;
see note 9 concerning Arce below.
Mexico, ff. 140-146; in Estado de Mexico, Legajo 13, A. G. I. Seville is the
diary of Jose Maria de Arce sent to investigate Hernandez' account. Both
are translated by the writer in The New Mexico Historical Review, IV, pp.
146-164.
. . . sobre . . . Nuevo Mexico, ff. 147-148.
22 de Septiembre de 1818. Providencias . . . sobre . . . Nuevo Mexico,
ff. 150-152.
. . . sobre . . . Nuevo Mexico, ff. 153-156.
29 de Octubre de 1818. Providencias . . . sobre . . . Nuevo Mexico,
ff. 152-158.
Mayo de 1819. Junio de 1819. Providencias . . . sobre . . . Nuevo
Mexico, ff. 186.
Estado de Mexico, Legajo 14, A. G. I., Seville. This letter is translated in
the West Texas Historical Association Year Book, Vol. IV. June, 1928
(Abilene, Texas), pp. 8-15, A. B. Thomas, "The Yellowstone, James Long
and Spanish Reaction to American Intrusions, 1818-1819."
1819. Providencias . . . sobre . . . Nuevo Mexico, ff. 194-195.
de 1819. Providencias . . . sobre . . . Nuevo Mexico, f. 205. "A" here
doubtless refers to the Ays tribe.
Providencias . . . para que se fortifiquen . . . Nuevo Mexico, ff. 174-175.
2 reales.
1819. Providencias . . . para que se fortifiquen . . . Nuevo Mexico,
ff. 178-181.
dencias . . . para que se fortifiquen . . . Nuevo Mexico, ff. 187-188.
embre de 1819. Providencias . . . sobre . . . Nuevo Mexico, f. 225.
1819. Providencias . . . sobre . . . Nuevo Mexico, ff. 228-229.
Mexico. The Spanish translation mentioned in the note at the end of
these Notes is in Notas Diplomaticas, Tomo 4, ff. 166-177, of Providencias
sobre . . . Nuevo Mexico. The translation presented here is from
the copy written in French sent by On is. I have ocmpared it with the
Spanish translation and have noted variations in footnotes.
lation of New Mexico in 1822 at about forty thousand. Bancroft, Arizona
and New Mexico, p. 300.
The governor's name in the translation is misspelled as in the Notes; the
Spanish account spells his name correctly.
ment) from Sonora; the Spanish translation has probably (probablemente).
details concerning stock, agriculture, and mining between 1800-1822, but
mentions no copper mine near Taos.
stated that offenses had been committed by soldiers, who were punished;
that alcaldes did not live generally in the pueblos of the Indians, and that
the latter well knew how to complain of the least thing. Conde, writing
the viceroy, added that when the Indians' complaints had been investigated
they frequently found they had been brought in a spirit of malice. Mel-
gares to Cordero, Santa Fe 18 de Mayo de 1819, Providencias . . . para
que se fortifiquen . . . Nuevo Mexico, f. 174; Conde to Venadito, Du-
rango, 19 de Junio de 1819, Providencias . . . para que se fortifiquen
. . . Nuevo Mexico, f. 179.
for the Comanclie either Padoucahs or Padoucas. The Spanish translation
has "Padaux" spelled as "Padases."
area here described.
particularly between the Arkansas and the northern part of present Colo-
rado. Sierra Almagre had been applied to this range some time between
1727 and 1776.
lie could not decipher "pics," which appears as "pies" in the execrable
writing at this point.
Sangre de Cristo Creek and that the Rilito de los Indios here is present
Trinchera Creek. The translation in Spanish has "Realito" for "Rilito"
here.
Taos Range, is referred to here.
of the Pecos pueblo, linked Texas with New Mexico.
the latter. For a further contemporary description of these passes anc
the areas in question, see the Melgares Report translated below.
noisaance parties east of the mountains is unknown. Bancroft intimates
that before 1817, Spaniards from the province went north to trade with
American trappers, but that early in that year, after Allande became gov-
ernor, there was a decided change in policy. This governor, he notes,
despatched the party which arrested A. P. Chouteau and De Mun in 1817.
Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico, p. 298. The extent of their activities
east of New Mexico is likewise unknown, but there are several interesting
indications. Melgares himself states that his parties continually ranged
the plains 100 leagues (about 250 miles) east of Sangre de Cristo Range
and the Canyon of San Fernando, a range that would take the Spaniards
into western Kansas and Oklahoma of today. That they actually did entei
the Oklahoma area is apparent from a Spanish inscription on a rock along
the Cimarrón River in northwestern Cimarron Country, Oklahoma, bearing
the date, "Mayo 1818." A. B. Thomas, "The Yellowstone River, James
Long and Spanish Reaction . . . 1818-1819," loc. cit. p. 6. Moreover, Mr
Grant Foreman has recently written to the writer that he has a copy of
a letter from the files of the War Department, dated Fort Smith, March 18,
1818, to the Secretary of War stating: "I have the honor to report to you
that a party of Spaniards from Santa Fe have lately been upon the waters
of the Canadian within the limits of the territory of the United States."
This letter is in the text of book Mr. Foreman has in press, and to him
thanks are due for the use of this detail here.
Cordero.
present writer for comparative purposes. The location of this translation
is indicated in note 26 above.
remarks of Melgares, since his description here of the frontiers is but an
untitled enclosure accompanying a letter to Cordero. Melgares to Cordero,
Santa Fe, 18 de Mayo de 1819. Año de 1819. Providencias tomadas para
que se fortifiquen varios puntos en la Sierra del Nuevo Mexico, ff. 174-177.
Historia, Notas Diplomáticas, Tomo 4, Archivo General, Mexico.
Pecos Pueblo; the canyon is that of San Fernando Creek, east of Taos.
ment of Mora, which may be the same one that Melgares has in mind.
Mogoffin, S. S., Down the Santa Fe Trail Into Mexico, p. 90. Stella T.
Drum (ed.), Yale Press, 1926. The settlement was founded, apparently,
after 1715, as the diary of Hurtado, who crossed over the sierra from the
Picuries Pueblo and camped along the Mora River, makes no mention of
such a settlement at that time. A. B. Thomas, "Spanish Exploration of
Oklahoma, 1599-1792," in Chronicles of Oklahoma, p. 14, June, 1928.
Melgares' further remark a few lines below, "It (the Canyon of San Fer-
nando) has its origin in the very foot of this sierra; opposite there are
plains," make clear that the sierra called Rallado or Rayado is the present
Taos Range. This is important, since Melgares uses the sierra constantly
as a reference point.
Journal, states that the Chico Rico Mesa is "a part of the general Raton
Plateau, separated from Raton Mesa proper by the defile known as Manco
Burro Pass." The Journal of Jacob Fowler, Elliot Coues (ed), p. 148,
note 35. Fowler passed over the very route described here on June 5, 1822.
Chico Rico, or Sicoria, is the Spanish equivalent of Churquirique, a word
applied by the Indians to this mesa because of the great number of small
rodents there. B. McKinnan, "The Toll Road Over Raton Pass," New
Mexico Historical Review, Vol. II, page 83. The terms Mesa Chicorico and
Mesa de Maya (also used by Melgares as "Mayo" above) appear at present
on geologic maps applied respectively to the mesas west and east of Long's
Canyon.
Jacob Fowler, E. Coues (ed.), pp. 144-152.
(Rio de las Animas) and thence northwest to the Huérfano River.
Sangre de Cristo Pass, thence to the Rio Colorado and Taos.
between May, 1819, the date of this writing and October, 1819, when he
reported that the post had been attacked. The remains of this fort are
noted by Fowler, and the location is approximately established by Coues
in his note. On Saturday, February 3, 1822, Fowler, near the Huerfano,
wrote as follows: "Set out Early about South along the foot of the moun-
tains for about ten miles to a Crick (and) about five miles (further) to
Whar there the Remains of a Spanish fort to apperence ocepied about one
year back--Hear We Camped83 for the night Which was cold and Windey.
..." Coues writes as follows in note 83: "Fowler ... is about to
round the southern end of the Wet Mountain range, marked by Badito
Cone, where the Rio Huerfano flows out to the plains; he will cross this
river and enter upon the Sangre de Cristo range between the Sheep mts.
and the Veta mts. His position is not far from lat. 37° 45'; place called
St. Mary's in the vicinity. . . ." Journal of Jacob Fowler, E. Coues (ed.),
pp. 98-99.
Melgares' comments and notes below.
Range. See map.
Valleys of the Soldiers is not known to the writer.
Creek. For an excellent discussion of the Sand Hill Pass particularly, and
other passes in that vicinity, see The Expeditions of Zebuion M. Pike,
E. Coues (ed.) II, pp. 490-492, note 39.
of the Purgatoire River to the Arkansas and thence west along that stream
to the Huérfano; while the twenty-league road is that which, after leaving
Mesa Sicorica, ran directly northwest to the Huérfano River.
Platte River.
not, as Melgares believed, enter from the South Platte River.
diaries from Taos to the eastern foot of the present Taos Range.
kansas River at Pueblo, Colo.
Sangre de Cristo, and the gap in the Sierra Blanca. Various details estab-
lish that the gap was Sand Hill Pass. One must keep in mind the various
mountain units the Spaniards recognized. For one thing, they distinguished
between Sierra Blanca and Sangre de Cristo ranges, recognizing the formei
as the continuation of the latter. Again, the Wet Mountains, their Sierra
Mojada, were distinguished from Sierra del Almagre, the latter embracing
the present "Front Range" north of the Arkansas River. Accordingly
Melgares' remark that the detachment at the gap of the Sierra Blanca
could reconnoiter "all the valleys of Sierra del Almagre along the shouldei
to the north, and all the cordillera of the same Sierra of Sangre de Cristo'
makes it clear that the gap referred to is above the Sangre de Cristo Pass
Further weight is added to this conclusion by observing the duties assigned
to the detachment at the Sangre de Cristo fort. This party "could make
reconnoissance of all the front of the Napestle"; that is, the Arkansas
River. Finally, this gap would be the likely place to establish a post if
the Spaniards believed, as Melgares evidently did, that intruders, such as
Pike, entered from the South Platte.
above names allows us to state with certainty that the Rio Napestle was
the name for the present Arkansas River; that the "rio grande," or large
river, was, from Melgares' statements concerning it, probably the South
Platte River; but that as to the others any one may speculate. However,
there are two indications that the Rio Chato is the Spanish name for the
present Platte River. One is that "Chato" means flat, as does the French
word "Platte." In the second place, Commandante-General Salcedo wrote
to Governor Alencaster of New Mexico on September 12, 1805, as follows:
"One of the directions which I have given you in the order of the ninth
of the current (month) in order to win and strengthen the friendship of
the Indian nations which inhabit the banks of the Missouri from its con-
fluence with the Chato westwards. . . ." Translated by Bloom, L. B.,
"The Death of Jacques D'Eglise," in New Mexican Historical Review, II,
pp. 375-376. This reference to the Chato may be that the Platte River is
meant.
Eaton, recently from France, for advice in interpreting these Notes.
See his recent paper on the "French Revolution and Mexico" in The His -
panic American Historical Review, IX, 60-98.
forty-eight hours. This is an error, as De Mun states that they were
imprisoned forty-eight days. De Mun to Clark, Annals of Congress, 15th
Congress, 1st Session, II, p. 1960.
concerning De Mun and Chouteau.
How to cite:
Alfred B. Thomas, "Anonymous Description of New Mexico, 1818", Volume 33, Number 1, Southwestern Historical Quarterly Online, http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/publications/journals/shq/online/v033/n1/contrib_DIVL811.html
[Accessed Thu Dec 4 12:42:09 CST 2008]
