The Apache Indians in Texas

FRANK D. REEVE

The derivation of the name Apache most widely cited is
that given by F. W. Hodge, ¹ who states that it is prob-
ably from ápachu, meaning "enemy," the Zuñi name for the
Navaho Indians. John P. Harrington, ² however, credits the
Spanish with picking up the name from the Yavapai term
'Axwá, duoplural 'Axwáatca, meaning Apache person. The
Apache's name for themselves is a word meaning man or people,
spelled in various ways, but, according to Harrington, preferably
Tinneáh. ³

Linguistically the Apache constitute the southern branch of
the Athapaskan Indians. The time and manner of their arrival
in the Southwest is a matter of conjecture. They may have
migrated from the north either west or east of the Rocky Moun-
tains. Within the era covered by the written records of the white
man, the Apache have lived in the region extending from north of
the Arkansas River into the northern frontier states of Mexico
and from central Texas westward to central Arizona, with the
Spanish and Pueblo Indian settlements in the upper Rio Grande
Valley representing an elongated island in Apacheria.

The Apache were a nomadic people divided into many bands.
A historically accurate classification of the bands according to
name and geographical location is an impossibility because, in
all probability, more than one name has been applied to the
same band. Geographically the Apache can be divided into two
general groups, one living east of the Rio Grande and the other
living west. The western group included the Navaho in
the northwestern part of present-day New Mexico and north-
eastern Arizona, several bands known collectively as the western
Apache in the mountainous country of eastern and central Ari-
zona, the Chiricahua in southeastern Arizona, and the Gila
Apache in southwestern New Mexico. In northern New Mexico
the Jicarilla afforded a tenuous link between the Navaho and
the Apache of the plains country; the Mescalero in the south
served the same purpose, with even greater emphasis, for the
plains Apache and the western group. For the purpose of this
paper the eastern group is of chief concern. ⁴

The eastern Apache have been known by a variety of names.
They were probably encountered by the earliest Spanish ex-
plorers of the Southwest. When Coronado moved eastward from
the upper Rio Grande to the Staked Plains, Castañeda wrote that
the expedition "came to some rancherías of a nomadic people,
called Querechos around there. . . . They are gentle people, not
cruel, and are faithful in their friendship," ⁵ a reputation that
they did not live up to as the Spanish later came to realize. In
fact they already had enemies, as Coronado stated, who "belong
to another nation of people called the Teyas." ⁶

The Querechos, or Apache, subsisted on buffalo and used dogs
for transportation. They were encountered in 1582 in the Pecos
Valley by members of the Espejo Expedition, who "found a
ranchería of naked Indians of a different nation from those they
had left behind [the Pueblos], going to kill cattle for their food.
They carried their provisions of maize and dates loaded on dogs
which they raise for this purpose." ⁷

In the Pecos Valley Castaño de Sosa's Expedition of 1590 met
and fought with Indians who were called Vaqueros. Juan
de Oñate encountered others along the Canadian River
in 1599 and for the first time applied the name Apache:
"In some places we came across camps of people of the
Apache nation, who are the ones who possess these plains." ⁸
Alonso de Benavides wrote of both the Vaquero and the Apache,
locating the province of the Apache of the Perrillo as running to
the South Sea and the province of the Vaquero as extending to
the east. ⁹

According to Benavides, the Apache had already acquired
their reputation for being a warlike nation and a never-ending
scourge to the Spaniards. This behavior was accentuated by the
acquisition of the horses which the Apache were stealing from
the neighborhood of Santa Fe, New Mexico, as early at 1660. ¹⁰
Not only were the Spanish troubled, but the Pueblo Indians along
the eastern slope of the Manzano Mountains, bordering the east-
ern side of the upper Rio Grande, and the Jumano Indians to
the southeast were attacked. During the course of the seven-
teenth century the Manzano pueblos were abandoned. ¹¹ Juan
Domínguez de Mendoza on his expedition to the Jumano in 1684
was attacked several times by the Apache. He lost some horses
in the upper Colorado River region. ¹² Apaches were also in-
dulging in hostilities at El Paso, stealing stock as early as 1682
and assisting in the Manso Revolt of 1684. ¹³

During the course of the eighteenth century the differentiation
of the Apache bands by name and geographical location became
more marked, although not with sufficient accuracy to remove
all obscurity concerning them. In northeastern Colorado, Gov-
ernor Valverde of New Mexico encountered, in 1719, a band
called Paloma, which may have been the group later known as
Kiowa-Apache; if so, their activities were so intermingled with
the other plains Indians, especially the Comanche and Kiowa,
that they played little distinctive part in the history of Texas. ¹⁴
The Jicarilla Apache lived in northeastern New Mexico but
roamed far afield. They associated with their relatives to the
southward and were even suspected of having been seen at San
Sabá in the mid-eighteenth century. ¹⁵ But on the whole they
played little part in the affairs of Texas. The Comanche became
a barrier between them and the plains region; so their activities
became restricted to northern New Mexico and southern Colo-
rado until they were rounded up in the nineteenth century and
placed on a reservation in north-central New Mexico.

The Apache bands roaming the plains area southward to the
Rio Grande were designated under several names: Mescalero,
Faraone, Carlana, Chilpaine, Natagé, Salinero, Llanero. The
names Paraone, Natagé, and Mescalero were frequently applied,
but only Mescalero has survived to the present. . The Mescalero
remained troublesome until the late nineteenth century. Farther
to the east, in central Texas, the Lipan were the most active
representatives of the Apache nation, although other bands occa-
sionally ventured there bent on mischief. The name is adapted
from "the Ipandes, vulgarly called Lipans. . . ," with the nde
meaning people and the Ipa probably being the name of a chief,
thus giving the name, as a whole, a personal origin. ¹⁶

There is a "high probability that the Lipan are an offshoot of
a Lipan-Jicarilla group, that their line of migration took them
east to the plains and south to the gulf, and that they were lately
forced westward and northward, to be finally located with the
Mescalero," the separation taking place about the opening of the
seventeenth century. ¹⁷ In the eighteenth century they were
living in the area from the upper Nueces and Medina rivers to
the upper Colorado and Red rivers, but they gradually retired
from the northern part under the growing pressure from hostile
Indians. "Perhaps the most significant feature of the entire
Indian situation was the implacable hatred for the Apache felt
by the nations of the North. On this hostility turned much of
the history of Texas for several decades." ¹⁸

Prior to the permanent settlement at San Antonio in 1718,
both Spanish and French had encountered the Apache. The
Frenchman Henri Joutel had aided other Texas Indians against
them, and in 1692 the Texas Indians east of the Colorado had
obtained Spanish assistance in a campaign against them. ¹⁹
Louis de St. Denis encountered the Apache on the San Marcos in
1714 and successfully withstood their assault. ²⁰ A few years
later the Spanish entered upon a long period of relations alter-
nating between war and attempts at establishing peace.

In time of the ... [Márquez de San Miguel de Aguayo, 1720] the attacks
[insultos] of the common and most perifidious enemy of the Internal
Provinces, the Apache tribe, had begun to be experienced [and], afterward
they were so often repeated and so cruel that they compelled the governor
[Fernando Perez de Almazan] to ask for permission to wage a vigorous
war against the tribe if they did not consumate the peace which they had
promised. ²¹

Between the Comanche pressure from the north and the Span-
ish from the south the power of the Lipan was gradually broken.
A decisive factor, from the Comanche side of the picture, as
related by Governor Domingo Cabello of Texas in 1784, was a
famous nine-day battle that occurred between the two Indian
tribes in the Wichita River country in 1723. ²² Such a sustained
conflict was not in keeping with the usual Indian tactics in war-
fare and is probably an exaggeration; but the Spanish story of
their long struggle with the Apache is not exaggerated, except
perhaps in some details of losses in specific fights; the contest
was chronic from New Mexico to Texas for two centuries or
more.

The Apache stole eighty horses from the presidio at San
Antonio on August 17, 1723, the practice of theft having become
profitable for trade purposes. Pursued by Captain Nicholas
Flores, they were engaged in battle somewhere near present-day
Brownwood. In order to establish a barrier against the north-
ern Indians and the French, peace was subsequently sought with
them, but without success. Sporadic hostilities continued for
another two years; then a period of comparative calm reigned
from 1726 to 1730. When the Indians again commenced depreda-
tions along the San Antonio-Rio Grande highway, Governor
Pedro de Rivera recommended the removal of the presidio at
Bahía to the Medina River for better protection, but the proposal
was not acted upon and the Spanish prepared for a punitive
campaign.

Governor Juan Antonio de Bustillo y Zevallos led the expedi-
tion against the hostiles in October, 1732, and a severe fight took
place northwest of San Antonio, probably on the San Sabá River.
The Spanish won the specific battle but were harrassed consid-
erably on the return trip. Meanwhile, another Apache band
raided the stock near the presidio. This incident illustrates the
difficulty of dealing with the Indians because of their separation
into small groups. Peace or war with the Apache never meant
peace with the tribe as a whole, but merely with one group. It
might be said, in other words, that the Apache's left hand never
knew what the right hand was doing. Peace negotiations were
again initiated in January, 1733; for the next three years the
Indians, visited occasionally in the Spanish settlements, despite
an occasional killing and depredation elsewhere, especially on
the Rio Grande and in Coahuila.

The nominal friendship between the Spanish and Apache in
Texas came to an end in 1736. Two years later Chief Cabellos
Colorados and a few followers were captured and sent to Mex-
ico City, probably becoming slaves. In the winter of 1739
Captain Don Joseph de Urrutia ventured forth in strength to
attack the hostiles on the San Sabá despite the opposition of
Fray Santa Ana; many captives were taken. Toribio Urrutia led
another punitive expedition to the upper Colorado in April, 1745,
and secured more captives. The Apache retaliated by attacking
San Antonio on June 30, subsequently seeking peace without
success. ²³

Meanwhile the ideal of peace with the Indians and their con-
version to Christianity led to the establishment of missions.
Preliminary work was started for the Mission San Xavier on
the San Gabriel (or San Xavier) River near Rockdale, Texas,
for some of the Caddo tribes, but the continued hostility of the
Lipan was a factor in its failure. ²⁴ The governor of Coahuila,
Don Pedro de Rabago y Terán, led an expedition from Mon-
clova to the San Sabá in 1748 to punish them, and the following
February, Urrutia led another force against them despite the
opposition of the missionaries. During his absence from San
Antonio the Indians attacked the Mission Concepción, stealing
some cattle. The Spanish retaliated in March and secured sev-
eral captives near the Guadalupe River; later in the summer they
made overtures for peace, and some Apache came to San An-
tonio to celebrate their new friendship and also to secure the
release of the captives, who were finally freed in November.
After considerable delay and the formulation of various plans,
in December, 1754, a site for the San Lorenzo Mission was se-
lected just south of the Rio Grande. A few Apache were in-
duced to settle there the following spring, but in October, 1755,
they revolted and burned the buildings. ²⁵

This disaster influenced the Spanish to seek a location for a
mission in the heart of the Apache country, one which they
hoped would be more satisfactory to the Indians. In the spring
of 1757 a mission, protected by a presidio, was established on
the San Sabá near modern Menard. The pressure of the
Comanche was making the Apache more receptive to friendship
with the white man, but as yet they had no notion of a settled
life. About three thousand of the nomads appeared at one time
at the new mission site, but the missionaries were soon disil-
lusioned about their intentions, which were to hunt buffalo and
perhaps attack their Indian enemies. The appearance of an
alliance between the Apache and Spanish further roused the
antagonism of the other tribes. In March, 1758, the mission
was destroyed by the Comanche and their allies. ²⁶ Four years
later two missions were established on the upper Nueces in the
Canon del Señor San Joseph. These maintained a precarious
existence for five years and were likewise abandoned. During
the same period the presidio on the San Sabá "sustained almost
continuous warfare with the Comanche and the other northern
tribes, whose raids were made chiefly in pursuit of the Apache.
In the course of this time the latter tribe was driven farther
and farther south, until they took refuge beyond the Rio
Grande." ²⁷ The presidio force was transferred to El Canon in
June, 1768; the following year that site was abandoned "and the
Apache mission enterprise was now at an end." ²⁸

The statement in the above quotation that the Apache were
driven to take refuge in Mexico was not wholly true. Some
of them did take up nominal residence south of the Rio Grande,
sheltered from their Indian enemies by the Spanish presidios at
San Juan Bautista, Monclova, and Santa Rosa; but others re-
mamed in the neighborhood of San Antonio, Texas. At times
they were all nominally at peace with the Spanish, and at other
times they committed depredations like their kinsfolk in western
Texas and New Mexico. ²⁹ The group in Texas became increas-
ingly friendly with and dependent upon the Spanish and their
successors in the government of Texas. A small body of them
accompanied the Parrilla Expedition against the Comanche in
1759. ³⁰

When the Marquis de Rubí visited Texas in 1767, he described
"with inimitable accuracy the perfidious, brutal character of the
horribly vile Lipan Apache nation," not to mention the other
Apache groups, and proposed a general policy of extermination
for them all. ³¹ Continued fighting with intermittent peace re-
mained the actual state of affairs, and the tactics of both parties
to the conflict were as varied as their ingenuity could devise.
"I hope," De Méziéres wrote, "that your lordship will not take
ill the trickery to which I ... resort to repress the audacity of
these ferocious and indomitable Indians; for, says the poet,
'Dolus, an virtus, quis in hoste requirat.' " ³²

Along the length of the northern frontier the Apache con-
tinued the struggle for existence against the Spanish and
Comanche and other enemies. In 1772 some Apache, probably
Lipan, were captured for killing cattle belonging to the Mission
San Rosario near the presidio of La Bahía. ³³ In this instance
the men were whipped and released, illustrating the hope of the
Spanish that Indians could be converted to the white man's way
of living; but depredations were not ended by such treatment.
To the west the Mescalero were attacked in 1773 by an expedi-
tion under Hugo O'Conór, who penetrated into the desolate
spaces of the Bolson de Mapimí and drove the enemy to the
north temporarily. ³⁴ Three years later O'Conór led another
expedition against the Apache in southwestern New Mexico. The
hostiles were forced eastward to the Colorado River, where they
encountered a war party of Comanche and suffered the slaughter
of three hundred families. "Undoubtedly thus was broken the
Apache power in Texas. Thereafter to the Comanche swung
open the gate into northern Mexico where in fact they were
already known." ³⁵

The growing assistance that the Spanish received from some
of the Lipan was noticeable in the 1770'5. Chiefs Poca Ropa and
Xavierillo delivered to the Spanish authorities five Mescalero
captured during a campaign. ³⁶ When Teodoro de Croix assumed
command of the northern frontier in 1777, he found the Lipan
still troublesome but made peace with them and secured their
assistance in more expeditions against the Mescalero. Juan de
Ugalde, governor of Coahuila, made four campaigns against the
Mescalero in northwestern Coahuila and on the lower Pecos
River from 1779 to 1783.

While some of the Lipan were aiding the Spanish in their sev-
eral campaigns against the hostiles, others were having troubles
of their own. The Mescalero attacked them in Coahuila and
were even credited with driving that group, or part of it, into
southwestern Texas between Goliad and Laredo. Meanwhile,
the Indians in northern Texas, the Comanche and their allies,
attacked the group in the San Antonio area and forced those
Indians again to seek the protection of the Spanish and promise
the governor of Texas that they would give up their predatory
habits. Despite this complicated ritual of diplomacy and war, the
Apache in Texas were still regarded as a detriment to the pros-
perity and development of that province, although the Lipan
were credited with maintaining a nominal peace. ³⁷

The Mescalero raided far into Mexico toward Mexico City
and Guadalajara in July, 1786, and wiped out Sabana Grande
and Gruñidora. ³⁸ The Spanish proceeded to retaliate. Colonel
Ugalde, accompanied by eight friendly Lipan, left Santa Rosa,
Mexico, on January 19, 1787, to attack the enemy. They fought
the Apache in March, in the Sierra de los Chisos, north of the
Rio Grande, killing four and capturing twelve. Another engage-
ment with a hostile band took place in April. Advancing to the
lower Puerco, the Spanish held a conference with the Lipiyan
or Llanero Apache in July and sought an alliance with them
against the Comanche. "These Lipiyanes, or Llaneros, were of
such warlike disposition that for more than half a century they
had held their own against the vicious attacks of the Comanches
in the struggle for ultimate control of their choice hunting
grounds." ³⁹

The vigorous action of Ugalde brought nominal peace again
with some of the Mescalero. A treaty was negotiated at Santa
Rosa on November 21, 1787, when they agreed to locate in the
Sabinas River valley, near that town. Elsewhere Spanish com-
manders were not so inclined toward peace, and hostilities con-
tinued toward other Mescalero. Meanwhile, Ugalde promoted a
plan to establish a head chief for the Apache in order to cen-
tralize responsibility for their behavior and to deal with them
as a unit. This unfeasible policy was actually attempted. Chief
Picax-Ande Ins-Tinsle was chosen as the leader, and his com-
mission was delivered to him on March 6, 1788. ⁴⁰

The general Apache problem remained about the same, how-
ever, with one group of Indians professedly at peace and another
one committing depredations. Ugalde launched a campaign from
Monclova against the Mescalero in Coahuila but concluded by
defeating a party of Apache at the Arroyo de la Soledad, west
of San Antonio, on January 9, 1790. He was assisted by
Comanche and other Indian allies from the north, and by some
Lipan. In 1792 and 1793 the Lipan committed depredations in
the vicinity of La Bahía and Reynosa, but two years later they
were credited with a good deed when they recovered some cattle
from Comanches who had raided the mission herds at San Juan
Bautista. ⁴¹

The nineteenth century opened with little change m the situa-
tion. The haunts of the Lipan remained about the same; "in
times of peace, they live on the frontiers of Coahuila, Nuevo
Reyno [de León] and Colonia [de Nueva Santander], pitching
their camps as far as the Province of Texas." ⁴² But they were
not always in a state of peace and contributed a bit to the gen-
eral mischief that Texas still suffered from Indians; in fact, the
barbarous Indians were credited with control of Texas outside
of the few settled spots, and extermination or forced peace was
recommended by responsible authority as in former years. ⁴³
The state of Spanish arms precluded the carrying out of either
policy, as asserted by Governor Antonio Martinez of Texas in
1817, "having reinforced Bahia with fifty-five men, the troops
that are left have not the absolute necessities for' making fre-
quent sallies against the infamous Lipans who constantly trouble
us." ⁴⁴

The "infamous Lipans" were still receptive to talk of peace,
however, as in former years. In the midst of numerous Indian
depredations of the 1820's, a treaty was negotiated in 1822 with
the Lipan in Texas. They agreed, among other things, to deliver
up thirty-four persons whom they held in captivity as well as
fourteen others who had been bought from other tribes. ⁴⁵ This
peace probably had some lasting benefit, because "this village
[Laredo, on the Rio Grande] has suffered a great deal from at-
tacks of wild Indians, principally the Lipans, who used to lay
siege to it in time of war, but now frequent it peacefully." Chief
Cuelgas de Castro even held a commission as lieutenant colonel
from the Mexican government and drew a salary for his services
which were probably the simple task of reducing the thieving of
his people to the bare essentials for making a living. ⁴⁶

Chief Castro was probably leader of the band that made
the treaty of 1822; this band lived for many years at peace with
the whites, gradually dwindling in numbers and losing their
identity among the Indians who were placed on reservations in
the Indian Territory. Another branch of the Lipan continued to
live in Mexico and long remained a nuisance to Texas. The fol-
lowing statement does not take into account this tribal division:
"It is true that the Lipans have been forced to the Mexican bor-
der, but this does not prove that they were allied with Mexico.
Quite the opposite seems to have been the case, for the Lipans
were friendly toward the government of Texas, and often served
in the army as scouts." ⁴⁷

The Lipan living in Texas sometimes aided their white neigh-
bors against the Comanche. In January, 1839, a few of them
accompanied Colonel John H. Moore on an expedition against
the enemy on the San Sabá, and again, in 1841, they aided Cap-
tain Jack Hays of the Texas Rangers in the defense of the fron-
tier. ⁴⁸ Further evidence of their peaceful way was the willing-
ness to sign more treaties. They participated along with ten
other Indian groups in peace talks with commissioners of the
Republic of Texas on the Clear Fork of the Brazos, October 9,
1844. A treaty was duly drawn and signed by both sides and
by President Anson Jones, after senate approval, on February
5, 1845. ⁴⁹ And again, on May 15, 1846, they signed a treaty with
the government of the United States, acknowledging its sov-
ereignty and agreeing to live at peace. ⁵⁰

An upset in the peaceful relations with the Lipan occurred
in the summer of 1848, when they and the Wichita had a fight
with a company of Rangers. The Indians claimed to be the
wronged party and proceeded to depredate around San Antonio
and Corpus Christi. ⁵¹ Soon afterwards they were reported in
a peaceful attitude along the San Sabá and Pecos rivers by the
Smith-Whiting Expedition, engaged in exploration from San
Antonio to El Paso in 1849. ⁵²

The Federal government resumed the effort to establish peace
with all the Indians in Texas. They were summoned to meet in
a general council at Fredericksburg in September, 1850. "The
Lipans were the only tribe to keep the appointment." A second
meeting was planned to be held on the San Sabá in December,
and the Lipan again were represented. "Perhaps the one per-
manent result" of this council was the establishment of a bound-
ary line between the Texan and the Indian country along the
east side of the Colorado and westward along the Llano. ⁵³ The
peaceful intention of the Lipan was further attested by Bartlett,
who was visited by them in the fall of 1850 on Antelope Creek,
a tributary of the Concho, when Chief Chipota displayed papers
from American officials showing that he had signed a treaty of
peace. ⁵⁴

One difficulty experienced by the Lipan and other south-
western tribes, when they tried to follow a policy of peaceful
relations with the whites, was the tendency of a few young war-
riors to indulge in mischief making. Since, "at Fredericksburg,
the Comanches, the Apaches, the Lipans, and the other tribes
engaged in traffic with the colonists," opportunities, were af-
forded for friction. ⁵⁵ Such an episode occurred when, "in Octo-
ber, 1851, Emil Wahrmund's horses were stolen from his farm
on Bear Creek, near Fredericksburg, by some Lipans, who on
this occasion also killed an American settler on Goat Creek." ⁵⁶

Another meeting with the Lipan was held at Fredericksburg,
July 24, 1852; Chiefs Chipota, Chequeto, and Cartre were pres-
ent to discuss depredations. On this occasion the chiefs ex-
plained their problem by saying that a few young men were not
inclined to accept the pacific policy of their elders, especially
after having secured a supply of liquor. These Lipan agreed to
move nearer to Fort Mason, where the military could better
control the recalcitrant members. ⁵⁷

At the middle of the century the friendly Lipan in Texas were
estimated at three hundred to five hundred souls. During the
next quarter-century they rapidly dwindled in numbers and lost
their importance. Part of them drifted or were driven north-
Ward into the Indian Territory, ⁵⁸ probably during the general
expulsion of Indians from Texas in 1859. By the 1870's an-
other remnant numbering twenty-six persons was living with
a small band of Tonkawa near Fort Griffin, eking out an
existence from scanty government handouts and assistance from
settlers, sometimes serving as scouts for the army and slowly
drifting toward extinction. The two groups were officially re-
ferred to as Tonkawa. They were removed to Indian Territory
in October, 1884, and a decade later were owning land in sev-
eralty. ⁵⁹

While the remnant of the Texas Lipan were losing their tribal
identity among the Tonkawa, their kinsmen in Mexico were
carrying on the traditional practice of conflict and depredation,
sometimes in company with the Comanche, Kickapoo, and Mes-
calero. The Lipan found a refuge in the country south of the
Rio Grande known as the tierra desconocida, which extended
from the settlements around Zaragosa in upper Coahuila to
Presidio del Norte. It was a mountainous country on the north-
ern border of the Bolson de Mapimí, a long-time haunt of hostile
Indians, drained by the Sabinas River system, which flowed into
the Rio Grande below Laredo, and a number of short streams
flowing northward into the same river. The area was "unin-
habited except by roving bands of Apache, Mescalero, and Lipan
Indians. Only one settlement is to be found in this tract, the
isolated half-wild Indian and Mexican settlement of San Carlos
on the bank of the river [Rio Grande]." ⁶⁰

During the 1840's and 1850's the Lipan and Comanche occa-
sionally cooperated in raiding in Coahuila and north of the
border, and their activities sometimes included the Mescalero.
In 1850 "the military colony of San Vicente, located in the desert
120 leagues north of Monterey, routed the Lipan and Mescalero
Indians, killing five and wounding twenty-two." ⁶¹ This episode,
of course, was just a repetition of an old story and was followed
a few years later by overtures of peace elsewhere. In 1854 the
Lipan were "admitted to live in peace at 'Mesa de Catujanos,' in
Coahuila, but were to be watched by a detachment placed near
them by the commandant general of Nuevo Leon." The governor
of Nuevo Leon had less faith in the word of the Lipan than had
the governor of Coahuila and refused to admit them into the
towns "on account of the ingratitude they had always shown to
all similar favors." ⁶²

In the spring of 1854 a combination of Seminole and Lipan
attacked a train twelve miles west of Fort Ewell, north of the
border. A detachment of troops pursued and forced them to
abandon their plunder. Lieutenant G. Cosby from Fort Merrill
attacked another party of about forty Lipan at Lake Trinidad,
about forty miles from the fort toward Laredo, and killed three. ⁶³
These raiders may have been Lipan, with whom the Mexican
government had established peace, or another band that had
joined with some Mescalero and moved south of the border some-
time during the winter of 1854-1855 in keeping with their trans-
boundary activities. ⁶⁴

The Federal government toyed with the idea of settling these
hostile Apache on the Brazos Indian Reservation, "but they had
cultivated lands between Presidio del Norte and the Horse Head
Crossing of the Pecos, and R. S. Neighbors and R. B. Marcy,
who made this report to Governor E. M. Pease, January 10, 1855,
feared the Indians would not willingly leave their land." ⁶⁵ This
was a rational fear, but the reservation policy was eventually
enforced. Meanwhile, depredations and punitive expeditions in
retaliation continued to be the order of the day. The "Lipans
did a great deal of horse-stealing on the San Antonio and Fred-
ericksburg road" which, in addition to Comanche raids, caused
many Texans to abandon that region in 1855. ⁶⁶

In the spring of 1856 the Lipan, who had been peacefully
admitted to Coahuila, depredated north of the border. Colonel
Ruggles of Fort McIntosh complained to the governor of Nuevo
Leon and Coahuila about them. On March 21 drastic action
taken by the Mexican authorities resulted in heavy losses
to the Indians and seriously weakened their ability to commit
extensive hostilities in the future. ⁶⁷ The survivors fled north-
ward to the Pecos River country and joined forces with other
marauders. Lieutenant J. B. Hood, with twenty-four men from
Fort Mason, attacked about fifty Comanche and Lipan near the
head of Devil's River (the San Pedro) on July 20, 1857, and
killed nine. ⁶⁸ During the 1860's their activities diminished, and
they sought peace with Mexican authorities several times. In
1871 Enoch Hoag, Kickapoo agent, was sent to Santa Rosa,
Mexico, to secure the return of those Indians to live with their
kinsmen in the Indian Territory, hoping thereby to put an end
to Kickapoo raids from south of the border. The people of
Santa Rosa opposed this policy on the ground that it would
remove a protection against attacks from the Lipan and Mes-
calero; also, the labor and trade of the Kickapoo was of some
importance to the townspeople. ⁶⁹ The matter of protection was
probably exaggerated because the Apache sometimes frequented
the Mexican towns peacefully and also mingled to some extent
with the Kickapoo.

In the 1870's in sworn affidavits and certificates of clerks of district courts
of a number of the frontier counties of the State of Texas, and evidence
deduced before the committee [it appeared] that, since 1872, over one hun-
dred white men [had] been murdered by the Indians, and a large number
of women and children carried into captivity; that the number of head
of cattle and horses stolen since that time exceeds one hundred, a portion
of which were taken to Fort Sill and sold to Government contractors to
supply troops and Indians. ⁷⁰

In this orgy of depredations the Lipan played a minor part but
were nevertheless subjected to punitive action. Colonel R. S. Mac-
kenzie led an expedition into Mexico and on May 18, 1873, at-
tacked a Lipan-Kickapoo village at the head of the San Rodriguez
River near Remolino. Nineteen Indians were killed, and
forty taken prisoner; about sixty head of horses were recovered,
and the Lipan chief, Costilietos, was captured. ⁷¹ During April
and May, 1876, twelve Texans were reported killed by the Lipan,
and in July the army again pursued them into Mexico, killing
fourteen, capturing four squaws, and recovering ninety-six
horses and mules. The following winter the Indians raided
around Fort Clark, stealing stock as usual. The military pur-
sued them, but this time without success; in July another expedi-
tion recovered some horses. ⁷²

The Indians usually traveled on foot from their Mexican
haunts to the Texan settlements or ranches between the Rio
Grande and San Antonio. They hid out in the hills and in the
light of the moon rounded up stock and made a fast trip home.
"They know the country we11.... These Hills ... are about 150
or 180 miles in extent, and come down within 30 miles of San
Antonio .... There is a famous hill about three miles east of
San Antonio, known as the Apache Lookout. These Indian raid-
ing-parties sometimes come there and occupy this hill and keep
a watch over the country for parties whom they attack." ⁷³ On
one foray in 1877 Indians, probably the Lipan, approached
within twenty-five miles of San Antonio and drove away about
150 head of horses. In the fall of that year they killed thirteen
men and one woman in the Fort Clark country. The military
retaliated, of course, and pursued the raiders into Mexico. Early
in June, 1877, they were attacked about seven miles from
Zaragosa with a loss of nineteen killed, and again late in Sep-
tember four squaws and one boy were captured. ⁷⁴

The depredations of these Lipan practically ended with the
close of the decade. They could not sustain a war of attrition
with the more numerous whites, and even their close neighbors
in Mexico turned against them. The Kickapoo living near Santa
Rosa complained to the town authorities that they were blamed
for the wrongdoings of the Lipan and that the Lipan ought to
be exterminated. That policy was attempted in 1878 with a
loss to the Lipan of about a dozen killed or captured. ⁷⁵ Their
last raid into Texas may have been in April, 1881, when a Mrs.
McLauren was killed on the Rio Frio. Lieutenant Bullis pursued
the party and attacked them on May 3, killing four and captur-
ing one squaw who testified that about fifty or sixty families
were living in the Sierra Carmen, Mexico. ⁷⁶ A few of the Lipan
in Mexico drifted onto the Mescalero Reservation in New Mexico
in 1879. They were at first treated as prisoners of war and
then allowed to settle down with their kinsmen. ⁷⁷ Years later,
in 1905, the remnant of the tribe still living in Mexico was re-
moved by joint action of the two governments to the Mescalero
Reservation. About thirty-five Lipan were living in New Mexico
and Oklahoma reservations in 1940, ⁷⁸ but they have lost their
official identity in the records of the Office of Indian Affairs. ⁷⁹

While the Lipan were struggling futilely to maintain their
way of life in the face of the advancing white man, their kins-
men to the west, the Mescalero, were running the same course
of Indian history. They raided the Spanish settlements in New
Mexico and southward in the eighteenth century ⁸⁰ but were of
little annoyance to Texas until the nineteenth century except at
El Paso, which was molested at times by other Apache bands
also. Rubí sent expeditions against the Apache in the Organ
Mountains, north of El Paso, in June, September, and November,
1765. ⁸¹ Vigorous campaigns were waged against them in the
1770's and 1780's, and an ephemeral treaty of peace was nego-
tiated, 1787.

In the middle nineteenth century they roamed over a vast
territory, including parts of Texas, Chihuahua, and New Mexico,
"though their residence [was] about the White mountains, sit-
uated in the southern portion" of New Mexico. ⁸² Thus their
homeland had remained about the same from the days of the
first Spanish intrusion into the Southwest, despite the long
struggle with the white man and the Comanche intrusion in their
territory. Their exact number was unknown, estimates varying
widely from 250 to 900 warriors with the smaller figure probably
closer to the truth. ⁸³

A contemporary visitor reported in 1849 that the Apache
made "frequent descents upon El Paso and the settlements near,
and the inhabitants are in constant dread of their approach." ⁸⁴
And three years later "a petition from El Paso told how the
Apaches were making repeated raids on the ranches of that
region. ⁸⁵ This condition was early taken heed of by the Federal
government. On July 19, 1849, Lieutenant Thomas had two
brushes with the hostiles on a scout through the Sacramento
Mountains north of El Paso, and in the summer of 1854 Lieu-
tenant Colonel Chandler, with a troop of 180 men, moved through
the same region seeking the Mescalero, who "had been infesting
the road leading from El Paso to San Antonio, committing mur-
ders and robberies .. . ." ⁸⁶ The following year, in February,
Captain Ewell campaigned against them. These repeated
clashes with the troops finally led the Indians to sue for peace
at Fort Thorn, New Mexico, in June. They were assigned, by
Agent Steck, to a strip of country twenty-seven miles wide be-
tween the Sacramento Mountains and the Pecos River, ⁸⁷ and
the following year they were reported at peace and planting
crops seventy-five miles southwest of Fort Stanton, although
suspected of having committed some depredations meanwhile. ⁸⁸
Another band, or bands, of Mescalero, ranging eastward of El
Paso with their haunts in the Guadalupe Mountains, were depre-
dating also. In June, 1858, Lieutenant William B. Hazen led an
expedition against them to recover animals stolen from the mail
party near Fort Davis. More fights took place the following
year. ⁸⁹ These bands were considered as being under the juris-
diction of the military department of Texas, and Agent Steck
recommended that an agency be established for them at Fort
Davis, but nothing came of the proposal. ⁹⁰

Another severe fight with the Mescalero took place in the
Sacramento Mountains on March 8, 1859. They had stolen cattle
near San Elizario. Lieutenant H. M. Lazalle and thirty men
overtook them in Dog Canon and were worsted in the struggle
with three soldiers killed and seven wounded. ⁹¹

With the outbreak of the Civil War, Confederate Officer John
R. Baylor sought to make peace with the Mescalero in the Guad-
alupe country. Chief Nicholas was induced to travel to El Paso
for peace negotiations, which were successfully concluded and
were much to the advantage of the chief in the way of presents;
but on the return trip by stage to Fort Davis the Indian leader
suddenly deserted the vehicle and, stealing two pistols, promptly
led his followers in a raid on the horse herd west of the fort.
They were pursued by Lieutenant May with fifteen men who
met a tragic fate; the command was wiped out by the Indians
near the Rio Grande in August, 1861. ⁹² The depredations con-
tinued. The Sacramento and Guadalupe Mountains were van-
tage points for raiding the cattlemen's herds driving northward
in the 1860's along the Texas line; "most losses in this vicinity
were to the Mescalero Apaches, who swept out of the rugged
Guadalupe Mountains to fall upon the drivers." ⁹³

The Federal authorities continued their efforts to subdue the
Mescalero and eventually succeeded. Under the whiplash policy
of General Carleton in New Mexico, these Indians, at least
a substantial part of them, were induced to assemble on a
reservation at the Bosque Redondo on the upper Pecos River in
1862. They remained less than three years because of friction
with the Navaho, who were also assembled there. They de-
camped in 1865 and roamed over their old haunts for another
six years, committing the usual string of depredations. The
agent wrote: "Much of the time since my last report [1870]
there has been a large number of Arizona Apaches in the west-
ern part of Texas, who have committed numerous depredations
in that state .... One captive child was bought of them last
spring by a Comanche." ⁹⁴ These "Arizona" Apache were no
doubt the Mescalero, who were induced by a sub-chief named
José la Paz, sent by the commanding officer at Fort Stanton "out
to the Comanche country to bring in the Mescaleros," to settle
on a reservation at Fort Stanton in 1871. ⁹⁵ The reservation was
officially established two years later by presidential executive
order and has remained the home of the Mescalero to the present
day, although a decade elapsed before they lost their wildness
and began to take on the semblance of a peaceful people, slowly
adapting themselves to a new way of life.

A common complaint about reservation Indians in the early
years of that policy was their tendency to continue depredating
and to use the reservation as a haven when pursued. This was
the case with the Mescalero. They were accused of raiding
across the Staked Plains, of depredating around Fort Davis,
and even of crossing into Mexico on occasion. It may be true
that a few of them slipped away at times, but the large majority
did not. ⁹⁶ It is likewise true that a small band still remained in
their Mexican abode and continued to cause trouble. Alsate, a
Mescalero, was chief of a band that Lieutenant George P. Bullis
attacked in the Sierra Carmel on November 29, 1877. Of Alsate
it was said: "He is called the most cunning Indian on all the
frontier of Texas and Mexico, and that was the first time that
he had ever been hit.... He always camps on the highest peaks
. . . ," but on this occasion he was careless because of the cold
weather and had camped in a spot more accessible for pur-
suers. ⁹⁷

The climax of Apache Indian troubles in Texas occurred with
the outbreak of Victorio and his band of Arizona Indians, be-
ginning in 1878. He sought refuge on the Fort Stanton reserva-
tion in that year but soon departed, taking a few Mescalero with
him; others, no doubt stirred up by Victorio's activities, "were
depredating in Texas, and so severely were their activities felt
east of the Pecos that the withdrawal of troops from Fort Stan-
ton was dismissed as impossible because it would be an open in-
vitation for a Texan punitive expedition to wipe them out." ⁹⁸
For a hectic two weeks, July 28 to August 12, 1880, Victorio
harassed Texas. The Indians crossed the Rio Grande near Eagle
Springs, captured the San Antonio stage, and destroyed the tele-
graph wires. Colonel Ben H. Grierson attacked and drove them
across the river. They recrossed above Eagle Springs and were
driven back again. ⁹⁹ Finally, on October 15, Mexican troops
practically annihilated them, killing Victorio. A small band
once more raided into Texas in January, 1881, attacking the
stage near Fort Quitman, "doubtless the last real Indian fight
on Texas soil." They were pursued by the Texas Rangers and
attacked in the Diablo Mountains, Mexico, on October 29. ¹⁰⁰ The
Indians suffered some losses in this fight, but the survivors and
their descendants lived in Mexico, near Zaragosa, for many
years and were brought to the Fort Stanton reservation in June,
1904, numbering thirty-seven at the time. ¹⁰¹

The control of the Apache at Fort Stanton at the time of
Victorio's outbreak was partly accomplished through the crea-
tion of an Indian police force. On two occasions in the summer
of 1881 they acted against a few recalcitrant tribesmen. On
June 22, a small band of renegades arrived with stolen stock;
three of them were killed, and the rest fled from the reservation.
In September three Indians raided the Seven Rivers settlement
on the Pecos River, stealing a few horses; again the Indian
police took prompt action and recovered the stock, but the
troublemakers escaped from the reservation. In sharp contrast
to these activities was the sending of the first group of children
from the reservation to the Albuquerque Indian School in
1882. ¹⁰²

After nearly three centuries of chronic warfare with brief
intervals of peace, the Texas Apache, part and parcel of the
great "Terror of the Southwest," entered upon the paths of civ-
ilization as marked out for them by the white man. It is rather
remarkable that they ever survived the long struggle in the face
of the ever-increasing numerical superiority of their opponents.
But today they number about twelve hundred. On the Mescalero
reservation in southern New Mexico, 834 were living in 1943,
and 376 were on the Kiowa reservation in Oklahoma. In addi-
tion, there is a handful of Lipan, but they are no longer officially
listed. ¹⁰⁵

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