THE SOUTHWESTERN
HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
VOL. L OCTOBER, 1946 No. 2
PUBLISHED BY
THE TEXAS STATE HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
AUSTIN 12, TEXAS
THE APACHE INDIANS IN TEXAS
The Czechs in Texas Henry R. Maresh
The Kerrville Cedar Axe . . . ■ . . . Gene Hollon
Digest of Congressional Action
on the Annexation of Texas . . . . . Sarah Elizabeth Lewis
Texas Collection H. Bailey Carroll
Book Reviews
Book Note
Contributors
1897—The Oldest Learned Society in Texas—l897
PRESIDENT:
P. I. Nixon
VICE-PRESIDENTS:
Herbert Gambrell
George A. Hill, Jr.
Claude Elliott
Earl Vandale
DIRECTOR:
H. Bailey Carroll
CORRESPONDING SECRETARY AND TREASURER:
President P. I. Nixon
Ex-President L. W. Kemp
Ex-President Harbert Davenport
Ex-President W. E. Wrather
Vice-President Herbert Gambrell
Mrs. Coral Horton Tullís
EXECUTIVE COUNCIL:
Vice-President George A. Hill, Jr.
Vice-President Earl Vandale
Vice-President Claude Elliott
Ex-Director Walter Prescott Webb
Director H. Bailey Carroll
State Librarian Francis Henshaw
FELLOWS
Eugene C. Barker
Rudolph L. Biesele
H. Bailey Carroll
RUDOLPH L. BIESELE(I947)
Eugene C. Barker (1948)
Ralph Steen (1949)
Adina de Zavala (Life)
P. I. Nixon
Charles W. Hackett
Herbert Gambrell
L. W. Kemp
Members
PUBLICATION COMMITTEE:
J. Evetts Haley (1947)
Amelia Williams (1948)
Walace Hawkins (1949)
Merle Duncan (1950)
Rex Strickland (1951)
E. W. Winkler
J. L. Clark
Walter Prescott Webb
THE SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
EDITOR:
H. Bailey Carroll
ASSOCIATE EDITORS
Charles W. Hackett
Rudolph L. Biesele
EDITORIAL ASSISTANTS:
Llerena Friend
Betty Brooke Eakle
The Association was organized March 2, 1897. The annual dues are three dollars. The
Quarterly is sent free to all members.
Contributions to The Quarterly and correspondence relative to historical material should
be addressed to H. Bailey Carroll, The University of Texas, Austin, Texas.
Other correspondence may be addressed to The Texas State Historical Association. Austin,
Texas.
The publication committee and the editors disclaim responsibility for views expressed by
contributors to The Quarterly.
Entered at the post-office, Austin, Texas, as second class mail matter.
Contents
The Apache Indians in Texas Frank D. Reeve 189
Texana in the Nation's Capital Luther H. Evans 220
The Czechs in Texas Henry R. Maresh 236
The Kerrville Cedar Axe Gene Hollon 241
Digest of Congressional Action on
the Annexation of Texas, December,
1844, to March, 1845 Sarah Elizabeth Lewis 251
Texas Collection H. Bailey Carroll 270
Book Reviews: Caughey, Hubert Howe Bancroft, Historian of
the West; Wittke, Against the Current: The Life of Karl
Heinzen; Willison, Saints and Strangers; Garrison (ed.),
The United States, 1865-1900: A Survey of Current Litera- .
ture with Abstracts of Unpublished Dissertations; Barker
(ed.), Memoirs of Elisha Oscar Crosby: Reminiscences of
California and Guatemala from 1849 to 1864 304
Book Note 313
Contributors 315
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THE SOUTHWESTERN HISTORICAL QUARTERLY
Vol. L October, 1946 No. 2
The Apache Indians in Texas
The derivation of the name Apache most widely cited is
that given by F. W. Hodge,
1 who states that it is prob-
ably from ápachu,
meaning "enemy," the Zuñi name for the
Navaho Indians. John P. Harrington,
2 however, credits the
Spanish with picking up the name from the Yavapai term
'Axwá,
duoplural 'Axwáatca,
meaning Apache person. The
Apache's name for themselves is a word meaning man or people,
spelled in various ways, but, according to Harrington, preferably
Tinneáh.
3
Linguistically the Apache constitute the southern branch of
the Athapaskan Indians. The time and manner of their arrival
in the Southwest is a matter of conjecture. They may have
migrated from the north either west or east of the Rocky Moun-
tains. Within the era covered by the written records of the white
man, the Apache have lived in the region extending from north of
the Arkansas River into the northern frontier states of Mexico
and from central Texas westward to central Arizona, with the
Spanish and Pueblo Indian settlements in the upper Rio Grande
Valley representing an elongated island in Apacheria.
The Apache were a nomadic people divided into many bands.
A historically accurate classification of the bands according to
name and geographical location is an impossibility because, in
all probability, more than one name has been applied to the
same band. Geographically the Apache can be divided into two
general groups, one living east of the Rio Grande and the other
living west. The western group included the Navaho in
the northwestern part of present-day New Mexico and north-
eastern Arizona, several bands known collectively as the western
Apache in the mountainous country of eastern and central Ari-
zona, the Chiricahua in southeastern Arizona, and the Gila
Apache in southwestern New Mexico. In northern New Mexico
the Jicarilla afforded a tenuous link between the Navaho and
the Apache of the plains country; the Mescalero in the south
served the same purpose, with even greater emphasis, for the
plains Apache and the western group. For the purpose of this
paper the eastern group is of chief concern.
4
The eastern Apache have been known by a variety of names.
They were probably encountered by the earliest Spanish ex-
plorers of the Southwest. When Coronado moved eastward from
the upper Rio Grande to the Staked Plains, Castañeda wrote that
the expedition "came to some rancherías of a nomadic people,
called Querechos around there. . . . They are gentle people, not
cruel, and are faithful in their friendship,"
5 a reputation that
they did not live up to as the Spanish later came to realize. In
fact they already had enemies, as Coronado stated, who "belong
to another nation of people called the Teyas."
6
The Querechos, or Apache, subsisted on buffalo and used dogs
for transportation. They were encountered in 1582 in the Pecos
Valley by members of the Espejo Expedition, who "found a
ranchería of naked Indians of a different nation from those they
had left behind [the Pueblos], going to kill cattle for their food.
They carried their provisions of maize and dates loaded on dogs
which they raise for this purpose."
7
In the Pecos Valley Castaño de Sosa's Expedition of 1590 met
and fought with Indians who were called Vaqueros. Juan
de Oñate encountered others along the Canadian River
in 1599 and for the first time applied the name Apache:
"In some places we came across camps of people of the
Apache nation, who are the ones who possess these plains."
8
Alonso de Benavides wrote of both the Vaquero and the Apache,
locating the province of the Apache of the Perrillo as running to
the South Sea and the province of the Vaquero as extending to
the east.
9
According to Benavides, the Apache had already acquired
their reputation for being a warlike nation and a never-ending
scourge to the Spaniards. This behavior was accentuated by the
acquisition of the horses which the Apache were stealing from
the neighborhood of Santa Fe, New Mexico, as early at 1660.
10
Not only were the Spanish troubled, but the Pueblo Indians along
the eastern slope of the Manzano Mountains, bordering the east-
ern side of the upper Rio Grande, and the Jumano Indians to
the southeast were attacked. During the course of the seven-
teenth century the Manzano pueblos were abandoned.
11 Juan
Domínguez de Mendoza on his expedition to the Jumano in 1684
was attacked several times by the Apache. He lost some horses
in the upper Colorado River region.
12 Apaches were also in-
dulging in hostilities at El Paso, stealing stock as early as 1682
and assisting in the Manso Revolt of 1684.
13
During the course of the eighteenth century the differentiation
of the Apache bands by name and geographical location became
more marked, although not with sufficient accuracy to remove
all obscurity concerning them. In northeastern Colorado, Gov-
ernor Valverde of New Mexico encountered, in 1719, a band
called Paloma, which may have been the group later known as
Kiowa-Apache; if so, their activities were so intermingled with
the other plains Indians, especially the Comanche and Kiowa,
that they played little distinctive part in the history of Texas.
14
The Jicarilla Apache lived in northeastern New Mexico but
roamed far afield. They associated with their relatives to the
southward and were even suspected of having been seen at San
Sabá in the mid-eighteenth century.
15 But on the whole they
played little part in the affairs of Texas. The Comanche became
a barrier between them and the plains region; so their activities
became restricted to northern New Mexico and southern Colo-
rado until they were rounded up in the nineteenth century and
placed on a reservation in north-central New Mexico.
The Apache bands roaming the plains area southward to the
Rio Grande were designated under several names: Mescalero,
Faraone, Carlana, Chilpaine, Natagé, Salinero, Llanero. The
names Paraone, Natagé, and Mescalero were frequently applied,
but only Mescalero has survived to the present. . The Mescalero
remained troublesome until the late nineteenth century. Farther
to the east, in central Texas, the Lipan were the most active
representatives of the Apache nation, although other bands occa-
sionally ventured there bent on mischief. The name is adapted
from "the Ipandes, vulgarly called Lipans. . . ," with the nde
meaning people and the Ipa
probably being the name of a chief,
thus giving the name, as a whole, a personal origin.
16
east to the plains and south to the gulf, and that they were lately
forced westward and northward, to be finally located with the
Mescalero," the separation taking place about the opening of the
seventeenth century. 17 In the eighteenth century they were
living in the area from the upper Nueces and Medina rivers to
the upper Colorado and Red rivers, but they gradually retired
from the northern part under the growing pressure from hostile
Indians. "Perhaps the most significant feature of the entire
Indian situation was the implacable hatred for the Apache felt
by the nations of the North. On this hostility turned much of
the history of Texas for several decades." 18
Prior to the permanent settlement at San Antonio in 1718,
both Spanish and French had encountered the Apache. The
Frenchman Henri Joutel had aided other Texas Indians against
them, and in 1692 the Texas Indians east of the Colorado had
obtained Spanish assistance in a campaign against them.
19
Louis de St. Denis encountered the Apache on the San Marcos in
1714 and successfully withstood their assault.
20 A few years
later the Spanish entered upon a long period of relations alter-
nating between war and attempts at establishing peace.
In time of the ... [Márquez de San Miguel de Aguayo, 1720] the attacks
[insultos]
of the common and most perifidious enemy of the Internal
Provinces, the Apache tribe, had begun to be experienced [and], afterward
they were so often repeated and so cruel that they compelled the governor
[Fernando Perez de Almazan] to ask for permission to wage a vigorous
war against the tribe if they did not consumate the peace which they had
promised.
21
Between the Comanche pressure from the north and the Span-
ish from the south the power of the Lipan was gradually broken.
A decisive factor, from the Comanche side of the picture, as
related by Governor Domingo Cabello of Texas in 1784, was a
famous nine-day battle that occurred between the two Indian
tribes in the Wichita River country in 1723.
22 Such a sustained
conflict was not in keeping with the usual Indian tactics in war-
fare and is probably an exaggeration; but the Spanish story of
their long struggle with the Apache is not exaggerated, except
perhaps in some details of losses in specific fights; the contest
was chronic from New Mexico to Texas for two centuries or
more.
The Apache stole eighty horses from the presidio at San
Antonio on August 17, 1723, the practice of theft having become
profitable for trade purposes. Pursued by Captain Nicholas
Flores, they were engaged in battle somewhere near present-day
Brownwood. In order to establish a barrier against the north-
ern Indians and the French, peace was subsequently sought with
them, but without success. Sporadic hostilities continued for
another two years; then a period of comparative calm reigned
from 1726 to 1730. When the Indians again commenced depreda-
tions along the San Antonio-Rio Grande highway, Governor
Pedro de Rivera recommended the removal of the presidio at
Bahía to the Medina River for better protection, but the proposal
was not acted upon and the Spanish prepared for a punitive
campaign.
Governor Juan Antonio de Bustillo y Zevallos led the expedi-
tion against the hostiles in October, 1732, and a severe fight took
place northwest of San Antonio, probably on the San Sabá River.
The Spanish won the specific battle but were harrassed consid-
erably on the return trip. Meanwhile, another Apache band
raided the stock near the presidio. This incident illustrates the
difficulty of dealing with the Indians because of their separation
into small groups. Peace or war with the Apache never meant
peace with the tribe as a whole, but merely with one group. It
might be said, in other words, that the Apache's left hand never
knew what the right hand was doing. Peace negotiations were
again initiated in January, 1733; for the next three years the
Indians, visited occasionally in the Spanish settlements, despite
an occasional killing and depredation elsewhere, especially on
the Rio Grande and in Coahuila.
The nominal friendship between the Spanish and Apache in
Texas came to an end in 1736. Two years later Chief Cabellos
Colorados and a few followers were captured and sent to Mex-
ico City, probably becoming slaves. In the winter of 1739
Captain Don Joseph de Urrutia ventured forth in strength to
attack the hostiles on the San Sabá despite the opposition of
Fray Santa Ana; many captives were taken. Toribio Urrutia led
another punitive expedition to the upper Colorado in April, 1745,
and secured more captives. The Apache retaliated by attacking
San Antonio on June 30, subsequently seeking peace without
success.
23
Meanwhile the ideal of peace with the Indians and their con-
version to Christianity led to the establishment of missions.
Preliminary work was started for the Mission San Xavier on
the San Gabriel (or San Xavier) River near Rockdale, Texas,
for some of the Caddo tribes, but the continued hostility of the
Lipan was a factor in its failure.
24 The governor of Coahuila,
Don Pedro de Rabago y Terán, led an expedition from Mon-
clova to the San Sabá in 1748 to punish them, and the following
February, Urrutia led another force against them despite the
opposition of the missionaries. During his absence from San
Antonio the Indians attacked the Mission Concepción, stealing
some cattle. The Spanish retaliated in March and secured sev-
eral captives near the Guadalupe River; later in the summer they
made overtures for peace, and some Apache came to San An-
tonio to celebrate their new friendship and also to secure the
release of the captives, who were finally freed in November.
After considerable delay and the formulation of various plans,
in December, 1754, a site for the San Lorenzo Mission was se-
lected just south of the Rio Grande. A few Apache were in-
duced to settle there the following spring, but in October, 1755,
they revolted and burned the buildings.
25
This disaster influenced the Spanish to seek a location for a
mission in the heart of the Apache country, one which they
hoped would be more satisfactory to the Indians. In the spring
of 1757 a mission, protected by a presidio, was established on
the San Sabá near modern Menard. The pressure of the
Comanche was making the Apache more receptive to friendship
with the white man, but as yet they had no notion of a settled
life. About three thousand of the nomads appeared at one time
at the new mission site, but the missionaries were soon disil-
lusioned about their intentions, which were to hunt buffalo and
perhaps attack their Indian enemies. The appearance of an
alliance between the Apache and Spanish further roused the
antagonism of the other tribes. In March, 1758, the mission
was destroyed by the Comanche and their allies.
26 Four years
later two missions were established on the upper Nueces in the
Canon del Señor San Joseph. These maintained a precarious
existence for five years and were likewise abandoned. During
the same period the presidio on the San Sabá "sustained almost
continuous warfare with the Comanche and the other northern
tribes, whose raids were made chiefly in pursuit of the Apache.
In the course of this time the latter tribe was driven farther
and farther south, until they took refuge beyond the Rio
Grande."
27 The presidio force was transferred to El Canon in
June, 1768; the following year that site was abandoned "and the
Apache mission enterprise was now at an end."
28
The statement in the above quotation that the Apache were
driven to take refuge in Mexico was not wholly true. Some
of them did take up nominal residence south of the Rio Grande,
sheltered from their Indian enemies by the Spanish presidios at
San Juan Bautista, Monclova, and Santa Rosa; but others re-
mamed in the neighborhood of San Antonio, Texas. At times
they were all nominally at peace with the Spanish, and at other
times they committed depredations like their kinsfolk in western
Texas and New Mexico.
29 The group in Texas became increas-
ingly friendly with and dependent upon the Spanish and their
successors in the government of Texas. A small body of them
accompanied the Parrilla Expedition against the Comanche in
1759.
30
When the Marquis de Rubí visited Texas in 1767, he described
"with inimitable accuracy the perfidious, brutal character of the
horribly vile Lipan Apache nation," not to mention the other
Apache groups, and proposed a general policy of extermination
for them all.
31 Continued fighting with intermittent peace re-
mained the actual state of affairs, and the tactics of both parties
to the conflict were as varied as their ingenuity could devise.
"I hope," De Méziéres wrote, "that your lordship will not take
ill the trickery to which I ... resort to repress the audacity of
these ferocious and indomitable Indians; for, says the poet,
'Dolus,
an
virtus,
quis
in
hoste
requirat.'
"
32
Along the length of the northern frontier the Apache con-
tinued the struggle for existence against the Spanish and
Comanche and other enemies. In 1772 some Apache, probably
Lipan, were captured for killing cattle belonging to the Mission
San Rosario near the presidio of La Bahía.
33 In this instance
the men were whipped and released, illustrating the hope of the
Spanish that Indians could be converted to the white man's way
of living; but depredations were not ended by such treatment.
To the west the Mescalero were attacked in 1773 by an expedi-
tion under Hugo O'Conór, who penetrated into the desolate
spaces of the Bolson de Mapimí and drove the enemy to the
north temporarily.
34 Three years later O'Conór led another
expedition against the Apache in southwestern New Mexico. The
hostiles were forced eastward to the Colorado River, where they
encountered a war party of Comanche and suffered the slaughter
of three hundred families. "Undoubtedly thus was broken the
Apache power in Texas. Thereafter to the Comanche swung
open the gate into northern Mexico where in fact they were
already known."
35
The growing assistance that the Spanish received from some
of the Lipan was noticeable in the 1770'5. Chiefs Poca Ropa and
Xavierillo delivered to the Spanish authorities five Mescalero
captured during a campaign.
36 When Teodoro de Croix assumed
command of the northern frontier in 1777, he found the Lipan
still troublesome but made peace with them and secured their
assistance in more expeditions against the Mescalero. Juan de
Ugalde, governor of Coahuila, made four campaigns against the
Mescalero in northwestern Coahuila and on the lower Pecos
River from 1779 to 1783.
While some of the Lipan were aiding the Spanish in their sev-
eral campaigns against the hostiles, others were having troubles
of their own. The Mescalero attacked them in Coahuila and
were even credited with driving that group, or part of it, into
southwestern Texas between Goliad and Laredo. Meanwhile,
the Indians in northern Texas, the Comanche and their allies,
attacked the group in the San Antonio area and forced those
Indians again to seek the protection of the Spanish and promise
the governor of Texas that they would give up their predatory
habits. Despite this complicated ritual of diplomacy and war, the
Apache in Texas were still regarded as a detriment to the pros-
perity and development of that province, although the Lipan
were credited with maintaining a nominal peace.
37
The Mescalero raided far into Mexico toward Mexico City
and Guadalajara in July, 1786, and wiped out Sabana Grande
and Gruñidora.
38 The Spanish proceeded to retaliate. Colonel
Ugalde, accompanied by eight friendly Lipan, left Santa Rosa,
Mexico, on January 19, 1787, to attack the enemy. They fought
the Apache in March, in the Sierra de los Chisos, north of the
Rio Grande, killing four and capturing twelve. Another engage-
ment with a hostile band took place in April. Advancing to the
lower Puerco, the Spanish held a conference with the Lipiyan
or Llanero Apache in July and sought an alliance with them
against the Comanche. "These Lipiyanes, or Llaneros, were of
such warlike disposition that for more than half a century they
had held their own against the vicious attacks of the Comanches
in the struggle for ultimate control of their choice hunting
grounds."
39
The vigorous action of Ugalde brought nominal peace again
with some of the Mescalero. A treaty was negotiated at Santa
Rosa on November 21, 1787, when they agreed to locate in the
Sabinas River valley, near that town. Elsewhere Spanish com-
manders were not so inclined toward peace, and hostilities con-
tinued toward other Mescalero. Meanwhile, Ugalde promoted a
plan to establish a head chief for the Apache in order to cen-
tralize responsibility for their behavior and to deal with them
as a unit. This unfeasible policy was actually attempted. Chief
Picax-Ande Ins-Tinsle was chosen as the leader, and his com-
mission was delivered to him on March 6, 1788.
40
The general Apache problem remained about the same, how-
ever, with one group of Indians professedly at peace and another
one committing depredations. Ugalde launched a campaign from
Monclova against the Mescalero in Coahuila but concluded by
defeating a party of Apache at the Arroyo de la Soledad, west
of San Antonio, on January 9, 1790. He was assisted by
Comanche and other Indian allies from the north, and by some
Lipan. In 1792 and 1793 the Lipan committed depredations in
the vicinity of La Bahía and Reynosa, but two years later they
were credited with a good deed when they recovered some cattle
from Comanches who had raided the mission herds at San Juan
Bautista.
41
The nineteenth century opened with little change m the situa-
tion. The haunts of the Lipan remained about the same; "in
times of peace, they live on the frontiers of Coahuila, Nuevo
Reyno [de León] and Colonia [de Nueva Santander], pitching
their camps as far as the Province of Texas."
42 But they were
not always in a state of peace and contributed a bit to the gen-
eral mischief that Texas still suffered from Indians; in fact, the
barbarous Indians were credited with control of Texas outside
of the few settled spots, and extermination or forced peace was
recommended by responsible authority as in former years.
43
The state of Spanish arms precluded the carrying out of either
policy, as asserted by Governor Antonio Martinez of Texas in
1817, "having reinforced Bahia with fifty-five men, the troops
that are left have not the absolute necessities for' making fre-
quent sallies against the infamous Lipans who constantly trouble
us."
44
The "infamous Lipans" were still receptive to talk of peace,
however, as in former years. In the midst of numerous Indian
depredations of the 1820's, a treaty was negotiated in 1822 with
the Lipan in Texas. They agreed, among other things, to deliver
up thirty-four persons whom they held in captivity as well as
fourteen others who had been bought from other tribes.
45 This
peace probably had some lasting benefit, because "this village
[Laredo, on the Rio Grande] has suffered a great deal from at-
tacks of wild Indians, principally the Lipans, who used to lay
siege to it in time of war, but now frequent it peacefully." Chief
Cuelgas de Castro even held a commission as lieutenant colonel
from the Mexican government and drew a salary for his services
which were probably the simple task of reducing the thieving of
his people to the bare essentials for making a living.
46
Chief Castro was probably leader of the band that made
the treaty of 1822; this band lived for many years at peace with
the whites, gradually dwindling in numbers and losing their
identity among the Indians who were placed on reservations in
the Indian Territory. Another branch of the Lipan continued to
live in Mexico and long remained a nuisance to Texas. The fol-
lowing statement does not take into account this tribal division:
"It is true that the Lipans have been forced to the Mexican bor-
der, but this does not prove that they were allied with Mexico.
Quite the opposite seems to have been the case, for the Lipans
were friendly toward the government of Texas, and often served
in the army as scouts."
47
The Lipan living in Texas sometimes aided their white neigh-
bors against the Comanche. In January, 1839, a few of them
accompanied Colonel John H. Moore on an expedition against
the enemy on the San Sabá, and again, in 1841, they aided Cap-
tain Jack Hays of the Texas Rangers in the defense of the fron-
tier.
48 Further evidence of their peaceful way was the willing-
ness to sign more treaties. They participated along with ten
other Indian groups in peace talks with commissioners of the
Republic of Texas on the Clear Fork of the Brazos, October 9,
1844. A treaty was duly drawn and signed by both sides and
by President Anson Jones, after senate approval, on February
5, 1845.
49 And again, on May 15, 1846, they signed a treaty with
the government of the United States, acknowledging its sov-
ereignty and agreeing to live at peace.
50
An upset in the peaceful relations with the Lipan occurred
in the summer of 1848, when they and the Wichita had a fight
with a company of Rangers. The Indians claimed to be the
wronged party and proceeded to depredate around San Antonio
and Corpus Christi.
51 Soon afterwards they were reported in
a peaceful attitude along the San Sabá and Pecos rivers by the
Smith-Whiting Expedition, engaged in exploration from San
Antonio to El Paso in 1849.
52
The Federal government resumed the effort to establish peace
with all the Indians in Texas. They were summoned to meet in
a general council at Fredericksburg in September, 1850. "The
Lipans were the only tribe to keep the appointment." A second
meeting was planned to be held on the San Sabá in December,
and the Lipan again were represented. "Perhaps the one per-
manent result" of this council was the establishment of a bound-
ary line between the Texan and the Indian country along the
east side of the Colorado and westward along the Llano.
53 The
peaceful intention of the Lipan was further attested by Bartlett,
who was visited by them in the fall of 1850 on Antelope Creek,
a tributary of the Concho, when Chief Chipota displayed papers
from American officials showing that he had signed a treaty of
peace.
54
One difficulty experienced by the Lipan and other south-
western tribes, when they tried to follow a policy of peaceful
relations with the whites, was the tendency of a few young war-
riors to indulge in mischief making. Since, "at Fredericksburg,
the Comanches, the Apaches, the Lipans, and the other tribes
engaged in traffic with the colonists," opportunities, were af-
forded for friction.
55 Such an episode occurred when, "in Octo-
ber, 1851, Emil Wahrmund's horses were stolen from his farm
on Bear Creek, near Fredericksburg, by some Lipans, who on
this occasion also killed an American settler on Goat Creek."
56
Another meeting with the Lipan was held at Fredericksburg,
July 24, 1852; Chiefs Chipota, Chequeto, and Cartre were pres-
ent to discuss depredations. On this occasion the chiefs ex-
plained their problem by saying that a few young men were not
inclined to accept the pacific policy of their elders, especially
after having secured a supply of liquor. These Lipan agreed to
move nearer to Fort Mason, where the military could better
control the recalcitrant members.
57
At the middle of the century the friendly Lipan in Texas were
estimated at three hundred to five hundred souls. During the
next quarter-century they rapidly dwindled in numbers and lost
their importance. Part of them drifted or were driven north-
Ward into the Indian Territory,
58 probably during the general
expulsion of Indians from Texas in 1859. By the 1870's an-
other remnant numbering twenty-six persons was living with
a small band of Tonkawa near Fort Griffin, eking out an
existence from scanty government handouts and assistance from
settlers, sometimes serving as scouts for the army and slowly
drifting toward extinction. The two groups were officially re-
ferred to as Tonkawa. They were removed to Indian Territory
in October, 1884, and a decade later were owning land in sev-
eralty.
59
While the remnant of the Texas Lipan were losing their tribal
identity among the Tonkawa, their kinsmen in Mexico were
carrying on the traditional practice of conflict and depredation,
sometimes in company with the Comanche, Kickapoo, and Mes-
calero. The Lipan found a refuge in the country south of the
Rio Grande known as the tierra
desconocida,
which extended
from the settlements around Zaragosa in upper Coahuila to
Presidio del Norte. It was a mountainous country on the north-
ern border of the Bolson de Mapimí, a long-time haunt of hostile
Indians, drained by the Sabinas River system, which flowed into
the Rio Grande below Laredo, and a number of short streams
flowing northward into the same river. The area was "unin-
habited except by roving bands of Apache, Mescalero, and Lipan
Indians. Only one settlement is to be found in this tract, the
isolated half-wild Indian and Mexican settlement of San Carlos
on the bank of the river [Rio Grande]."
60
During the 1840's and 1850's the Lipan and Comanche occa-
sionally cooperated in raiding in Coahuila and north of the
border, and their activities sometimes included the Mescalero.
In 1850 "the military colony of San Vicente, located in the desert
120 leagues north of Monterey, routed the Lipan and Mescalero
Indians, killing five and wounding twenty-two."
61 This episode,
of course, was just a repetition of an old story and was followed
a few years later by overtures of peace elsewhere. In 1854 the
Lipan were "admitted to live in peace at 'Mesa de Catujanos,' in
Coahuila, but were to be watched by a detachment placed near
them by the commandant general of Nuevo Leon." The governor
of Nuevo Leon had less faith in the word of the Lipan than had
the governor of Coahuila and refused to admit them into the
towns "on account of the ingratitude they had always shown to
all similar favors."
62
In the spring of 1854 a combination of Seminole and Lipan
attacked a train twelve miles west of Fort Ewell, north of the
border. A detachment of troops pursued and forced them to
abandon their plunder. Lieutenant G. Cosby from Fort Merrill
attacked another party of about forty Lipan at Lake Trinidad,
about forty miles from the fort toward Laredo, and killed three.
63
These raiders may have been Lipan, with whom the Mexican
government had established peace, or another band that had
joined with some Mescalero and moved south of the border some-
time during the winter of 1854-1855 in keeping with their trans-
boundary activities.
64
The Federal government toyed with the idea of settling these
hostile Apache on the Brazos Indian Reservation, "but they had
cultivated lands between Presidio del Norte and the Horse Head
Crossing of the Pecos, and R. S. Neighbors and R. B. Marcy,
who made this report to Governor E. M. Pease, January 10, 1855,
feared the Indians would not willingly leave their land."
65 This
was a rational fear, but the reservation policy was eventually
enforced. Meanwhile, depredations and punitive expeditions in
retaliation continued to be the order of the day. The "Lipans
did a great deal of horse-stealing on the San Antonio and Fred-
ericksburg road" which, in addition to Comanche raids, caused
many Texans to abandon that region in 1855.
66
In the spring of 1856 the Lipan, who had been peacefully
admitted to Coahuila, depredated north of the border. Colonel
Ruggles of Fort McIntosh complained to the governor of Nuevo
Leon and Coahuila about them. On March 21 drastic action
taken by the Mexican authorities resulted in heavy losses
to the Indians and seriously weakened their ability to commit
extensive hostilities in the future.
67 The survivors fled north-
ward to the Pecos River country and joined forces with other
marauders. Lieutenant J. B. Hood, with twenty-four men from
Fort Mason, attacked about fifty Comanche and Lipan near the
head of Devil's River (the San Pedro) on July 20, 1857, and
killed nine.
68 During the 1860's their activities diminished, and
they sought peace with Mexican authorities several times. In
1871 Enoch Hoag, Kickapoo agent, was sent to Santa Rosa,
Mexico, to secure the return of those Indians to live with their
kinsmen in the Indian Territory, hoping thereby to put an end
to Kickapoo raids from south of the border. The people of
Santa Rosa opposed this policy on the ground that it would
remove a protection against attacks from the Lipan and Mes-
calero; also, the labor and trade of the Kickapoo was of some
importance to the townspeople.
69 The matter of protection was
probably exaggerated because the Apache sometimes frequented
the Mexican towns peacefully and also mingled to some extent
with the Kickapoo.
In the 1870's in sworn affidavits and certificates of clerks of district courts
of a number of the frontier counties of the State of Texas, and evidence
deduced before the committee [it appeared] that, since 1872, over one hun-
dred white men [had] been murdered by the Indians, and a large number
of women and children carried into captivity; that the number of head
of cattle and horses stolen since that time exceeds one hundred, a portion
of which were taken to Fort Sill and sold to Government contractors to
supply troops and Indians.
70
kenzie led an expedition into Mexico and on May 18, 1873, at-
tacked a Lipan-Kickapoo village at the head of the San Rodriguez
River near Remolino. Nineteen Indians were killed, and
forty taken prisoner; about sixty head of horses were recovered,
and the Lipan chief, Costilietos, was captured. 71 During April
and May, 1876, twelve Texans were reported killed by the Lipan,
and in July the army again pursued them into Mexico, killing
fourteen, capturing four squaws, and recovering ninety-six
horses and mules. The following winter the Indians raided
around Fort Clark, stealing stock as usual. The military pur-
sued them, but this time without success; in July another expedi-
tion recovered some horses. 72
The Indians usually traveled on foot from their Mexican
haunts to the Texan settlements or ranches between the Rio
Grande and San Antonio. They hid out in the hills and in the
light of the moon rounded up stock and made a fast trip home.
"They know the country we11.... These Hills ... are about 150
or 180 miles in extent, and come down within 30 miles of San
Antonio .... There is a famous hill about three miles east of
San Antonio, known as the Apache Lookout. These Indian raid-
ing-parties sometimes come there and occupy this hill and keep
a watch over the country for parties whom they attack."
73 On
one foray in 1877 Indians, probably the Lipan, approached
within twenty-five miles of San Antonio and drove away about
150 head of horses. In the fall of that year they killed thirteen
men and one woman in the Fort Clark country. The military
retaliated, of course, and pursued the raiders into Mexico. Early
in June, 1877, they were attacked about seven miles from
Zaragosa with a loss of nineteen killed, and again late in Sep-
tember four squaws and one boy were captured.
74
The depredations of these Lipan practically ended with the
close of the decade. They could not sustain a war of attrition
with the more numerous whites, and even their close neighbors
in Mexico turned against them. The Kickapoo living near Santa
Rosa complained to the town authorities that they were blamed
for the wrongdoings of the Lipan and that the Lipan ought to
be exterminated. That policy was attempted in 1878 with a
loss to the Lipan of about a dozen killed or captured.
75 Their
last raid into Texas may have been in April, 1881, when a Mrs.
McLauren was killed on the Rio Frio. Lieutenant Bullis pursued
the party and attacked them on May 3, killing four and captur-
ing one squaw who testified that about fifty or sixty families
were living in the Sierra Carmen, Mexico.
76 A few of the Lipan
in Mexico drifted onto the Mescalero Reservation in New Mexico
in 1879. They were at first treated as prisoners of war and
then allowed to settle down with their kinsmen.
77 Years later,
in 1905, the remnant of the tribe still living in Mexico was re-
moved by joint action of the two governments to the Mescalero
Reservation. About thirty-five Lipan were living in New Mexico
and Oklahoma reservations in 1940,
78 but they have lost their
official identity in the records of the Office of Indian Affairs.
79
While the Lipan were struggling futilely to maintain their
way of life in the face of the advancing white man, their kins-
men to the west, the Mescalero, were running the same course
of Indian history. They raided the Spanish settlements in New
Mexico and southward in the eighteenth century
80 but were of
little annoyance to Texas until the nineteenth century except at
El Paso, which was molested at times by other Apache bands
also. Rubí sent expeditions against the Apache in the Organ
Mountains, north of El Paso, in June, September, and November,
1765.
81 Vigorous campaigns were waged against them in the
1770's and 1780's, and an ephemeral treaty of peace was nego-
tiated, 1787.
In the middle nineteenth century they roamed over a vast
territory, including parts of Texas, Chihuahua, and New Mexico,
"though their residence [was] about the White mountains, sit-
uated in the southern portion" of New Mexico.
82 Thus their
homeland had remained about the same from the days of the
first Spanish intrusion into the Southwest, despite the long
struggle with the white man and the Comanche intrusion in their
territory. Their exact number was unknown, estimates varying
widely from 250 to 900 warriors with the smaller figure probably
closer to the truth.
83
A contemporary visitor reported in 1849 that the Apache
made "frequent descents upon El Paso and the settlements near,
and the inhabitants are in constant dread of their approach."
84
And three years later "a petition from El Paso told how the
Apaches were making repeated raids on the ranches of that
region.
85 This condition was early taken heed of by the Federal
government. On July 19, 1849, Lieutenant Thomas had two
brushes with the hostiles on a scout through the Sacramento
Mountains north of El Paso, and in the summer of 1854 Lieu-
tenant Colonel Chandler, with a troop of 180 men, moved through
the same region seeking the Mescalero, who "had been infesting
the road leading from El Paso to San Antonio, committing mur-
ders and robberies .. . ."
86 The following year, in February,
Captain Ewell campaigned against them. These repeated
clashes with the troops finally led the Indians to sue for peace
at Fort Thorn, New Mexico, in June. They were assigned, by
Agent Steck, to a strip of country twenty-seven miles wide be-
tween the Sacramento Mountains and the Pecos River,
87 and
the following year they were reported at peace and planting
crops seventy-five miles southwest of Fort Stanton, although
suspected of having committed some depredations meanwhile.
88
Another band, or bands, of Mescalero, ranging eastward of El
Paso with their haunts in the Guadalupe Mountains, were depre-
dating also. In June, 1858, Lieutenant William B. Hazen led an
expedition against them to recover animals stolen from the mail
party near Fort Davis. More fights took place the following
year.
89 These bands were considered as being under the juris-
diction of the military department of Texas, and Agent Steck
recommended that an agency be established for them at Fort
Davis, but nothing came of the proposal.
90
Another severe fight with the Mescalero took place in the
Sacramento Mountains on March 8, 1859. They had stolen cattle
near San Elizario. Lieutenant H. M. Lazalle and thirty men
overtook them in Dog Canon and were worsted in the struggle
with three soldiers killed and seven wounded.
91
With the outbreak of the Civil War, Confederate Officer John
R. Baylor sought to make peace with the Mescalero in the Guad-
alupe country. Chief Nicholas was induced to travel to El Paso
for peace negotiations, which were successfully concluded and
were much to the advantage of the chief in the way of presents;
but on the return trip by stage to Fort Davis the Indian leader
suddenly deserted the vehicle and, stealing two pistols, promptly
led his followers in a raid on the horse herd west of the fort.
They were pursued by Lieutenant May with fifteen men who
met a tragic fate; the command was wiped out by the Indians
near the Rio Grande in August, 1861.
92 The depredations con-
tinued. The Sacramento and Guadalupe Mountains were van-
tage points for raiding the cattlemen's herds driving northward
in the 1860's along the Texas line; "most losses in this vicinity
were to the Mescalero Apaches, who swept out of the rugged
Guadalupe Mountains to fall upon the drivers."
93
The Federal authorities continued their efforts to subdue the
Mescalero and eventually succeeded. Under the whiplash policy
of General Carleton in New Mexico, these Indians, at least
a substantial part of them, were induced to assemble on a
reservation at the Bosque Redondo on the upper Pecos River in
1862. They remained less than three years because of friction
with the Navaho, who were also assembled there. They de-
camped in 1865 and roamed over their old haunts for another
six years, committing the usual string of depredations. The
agent wrote: "Much of the time since my last report [1870]
there has been a large number of Arizona Apaches in the west-
ern part of Texas, who have committed numerous depredations
in that state .... One captive child was bought of them last
spring by a Comanche."
94 These "Arizona" Apache were no
doubt the Mescalero, who were induced by a sub-chief named
José la Paz, sent by the commanding officer at Fort Stanton "out
to the Comanche country to bring in the Mescaleros," to settle
on a reservation at Fort Stanton in 1871.
95 The reservation was
officially established two years later by presidential executive
order and has remained the home of the Mescalero to the present
day, although a decade elapsed before they lost their wildness
and began to take on the semblance of a peaceful people, slowly
adapting themselves to a new way of life.
A common complaint about reservation Indians in the early
years of that policy was their tendency to continue depredating
and to use the reservation as a haven when pursued. This was
the case with the Mescalero. They were accused of raiding
across the Staked Plains, of depredating around Fort Davis,
and even of crossing into Mexico on occasion. It may be true
that a few of them slipped away at times, but the large majority
did not.
96 It is likewise true that a small band still remained in
their Mexican abode and continued to cause trouble. Alsate, a
Mescalero, was chief of a band that Lieutenant George P. Bullis
attacked in the Sierra Carmel on November 29, 1877. Of Alsate
it was said: "He is called the most cunning Indian on all the
frontier of Texas and Mexico, and that was the first time that
he had ever been hit.... He always camps on the highest peaks
. . . ," but on this occasion he was careless because of the cold
weather and had camped in a spot more accessible for pur-
suers.
97
The climax of Apache Indian troubles in Texas occurred with
the outbreak of Victorio and his band of Arizona Indians, be-
ginning in 1878. He sought refuge on the Fort Stanton reserva-
tion in that year but soon departed, taking a few Mescalero with
him; others, no doubt stirred up by Victorio's activities, "were
depredating in Texas, and so severely were their activities felt
east of the Pecos that the withdrawal of troops from Fort Stan-
ton was dismissed as impossible because it would be an open in-
vitation for a Texan punitive expedition to wipe them out."
98
For a hectic two weeks, July 28 to August 12, 1880, Victorio
harassed Texas. The Indians crossed the Rio Grande near Eagle
Springs, captured the San Antonio stage, and destroyed the tele-
graph wires. Colonel Ben H. Grierson attacked and drove them
across the river. They recrossed above Eagle Springs and were
driven back again.
99 Finally, on October 15, Mexican troops
practically annihilated them, killing Victorio. A small band
once more raided into Texas in January, 1881, attacking the
stage near Fort Quitman, "doubtless the last real Indian fight
on Texas soil." They were pursued by the Texas Rangers and
attacked in the Diablo Mountains, Mexico, on October 29.
100 The
Indians suffered some losses in this fight, but the survivors and
their descendants lived in Mexico, near Zaragosa, for many
years and were brought to the Fort Stanton reservation in June,
1904, numbering thirty-seven at the time.
101
The control of the Apache at Fort Stanton at the time of
Victorio's outbreak was partly accomplished through the crea-
tion of an Indian police force. On two occasions in the summer
of 1881 they acted against a few recalcitrant tribesmen. On
June 22, a small band of renegades arrived with stolen stock;
three of them were killed, and the rest fled from the reservation.
In September three Indians raided the Seven Rivers settlement
on the Pecos River, stealing a few horses; again the Indian
police took prompt action and recovered the stock, but the
troublemakers escaped from the reservation. In sharp contrast
to these activities was the sending of the first group of children
from the reservation to the Albuquerque Indian School in
1882.
102
After nearly three centuries of chronic warfare with brief
intervals of peace, the Texas Apache, part and parcel of the
great "Terror of the Southwest," entered upon the paths of civ-
ilization as marked out for them by the white man. It is rather
remarkable that they ever survived the long struggle in the face
of the ever-increasing numerical superiority of their opponents.
But today they number about twelve hundred. On the Mescalero
reservation in southern New Mexico, 834 were living in 1943,
and 376 were on the Kiowa reservation in Oklahoma. In addi-
tion, there is a handful of Lipan, but they are no longer officially
listed.
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FOOTNOTES:
of Mexico (2 vols.; Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American
Ethnology, Bulletin 30 [Washington, 1907]), I, 63.
Divisions, and Migrations," Essays in Historical Anthropology of North
America ("Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections," C [Washington, 19401),
512.
torical Society of New Mexico, "Publications in History," [Albuquerque,
1940]), 5, n. 13; also published in New Mexico Historical Review, XIV and
XV (October, 1939, July, 1940),
Frank C. Lockwood, The Apache Indians (New York, 1938) and Ogle,
Federal Control of the Western Apaches, 1848-1886.
Coronado Expedition, 1540-1542 (Albuquerque, 1940), 235, 261. See Jara-
millo's statement, ibid., 300, and Coronado's, ibid., 186, and the further
statement, "These Querechos were the plains Apache," ibid., 235. Note that
Harrington writes "probably." Harrington, "Southern Peripheral
Athapaskawan Origins," Essays in Historical Anthropology, 512.
Hammond and Rey (p. 239) identify the Teyas with the Tejas or Texas
Indians encountered by the Spanish in Central Texas, but Harrington
states that Teya is the Pecos-Jemez Indian name for eastern Apache (or
Lipanan, who will be mentioned later in detail). Harrington, "Southern
Peripheral Athapaskawan Origins," Essays in Historical Antropology, 512.
Since the Teyas raided the Pueblo Indians (Hammond and Rey, Narra -
tives of the Coronado Expedition, 258), they were probably plains Indians
rather than the Texas Indians in the opinion of the writer; this interpre-
tation was recently confirmed by Herbert E. Bolton in conversation. He
states that the Teyas of the plains and the Tejas of Texas were separate
and distinct groups.
tions in the Southwest, 1542-1706 (New York, 1916), 148.
Benavides, 1630, trans. Mrs. Edward E. Ayer (Chicago, 1916), 41, 53. The
name Querecho is here defined as the Pecos generic Tágu-Kerésh for the
Apache, p. 263, n. 43.
Historical Review, XIII (July, 1938), 255.
Problem," Contributions to American Anthropology and History, No. 34,
reprint from Carnegie Institution of Washington, Publication 523 (June 10,
1940), 265-299.
Explorations in the Southwest, 322, 331, 335. See also H. E. Bolton, "The
Jumano Indians in Texas," Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Asso -
ciation, XV (July, 1911), 75 f.
District (Berkeley, 1914), 335, 389,
east of New Mexico, 1696-1727 (Norman, 1935), 132.
of Coronado Cuarto Centennial Publications, 1540-1940, ed. George P. Ham-
mond (Albuquerque, 1940), 37.
Eduardo Castañeda (Albuquerque, 1935), II, 372; A. F. Bandelier, Final
Report of Investigations among the Indians of the Southwestern United
States (Cambridge, 1890-1892), I, 181, 346, 349, 383. On linguistic grounds
Harrington now substitutes the name Lipan (or Lipanan) for Apache (or
Apachean) contrary to the historical usage: "The Lipanans, formerly
called Apaches, comprised Prairie Lipanan (Prairie Apache), Jicarilla
Lipanan (Jicarilla Apache), Kiowa-Lipanan (Kiowa-Apache), Paloma
Lipanan, Cuartelejo Lipanan [encountered by the Spanish in Southwestern
Colorado], Querecho Lipanan, Teya Lipanan, and Lipan proper. The
Apacheans consisted of Navajo, White River Apache [in Arizona],
Chiricahua Apache, Mezcalero Apaches, and others." Harrington, "South-
ern Peripheral Athapaskawan Origins, Divisions, and Investigations," Es -
says in Historical Anthropology, 510, 512, 522, 532. For a discussion of the
Apache and their location in the late eighteenth century see El Teniente
Coronel Don Cordero, Noticias . . . , Documentos Históricos sobre Durango,
MS., 93, Bancroft Library, University of California.
(New York, 1940), 5-6.
1915), 4.
Texas State Historical Association, XIV (January, 1911), 204, a basic,
detailed study of the period.
Have Occurred in the Province of Texas from Its Conquest, or Reduction,
to the Present Date," trans. Elizabeth Howard West, in Quarterly of the
Texas State Historical Association, VIII (July, 1904), 36 ft".; Morfi, History
of Texas, I, 199, 243.
Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XLIII (April, 1940), 460; W. E. Dunn,
"Apache Relations in Texas, 1718-1750," Quarterly of the Texas State His -
torical Association, XIV (January, 1911), 220.
Texas," Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Association, XIV; Morfi,
History of Texas, I; and Bonilla, "Brief Compendium," Quarterly of Texas
State Historical Association, VIII.
1745-1749," Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XVII (April, 1914),
323-378.
ous to the Founding of the San Saba Mission," Quarterly of the Texas State
Historical Association, XV (January, 1912), 186-200.
ing and Failure," Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XVII (April, 1914),
379-414; H. H. Bancroft, North Mexican States and Texas (San Fran-
cisco, 1889), I, 626 f.
were attracted there through their implacable furor looking for the Lipans
and Mescaleros, to seek vengeance for their treachery; and in such case,
that perfidious nation retreated to the immediate vicinity of our presidios.
The Comanches being persuaded that we defend them [the Apaches] are
arntated against us, and try to cause us as much harm as they can." Fray
Juan Morfi, Excerpts from the Memorias for the History of the Province of
Texas, trans. F. C. Chabot (San Antonio [1932]), 15.
de Méziéres and the Louisiana-Texas Frontier, 1768-1780 (Cleveland, 1914),
I, 65 (Hereafter cited: Bolton, DeMéziéres).
que hizo a los Presidos Internos situados en la frontera de la America
Septentrional perteneciente al Rey de Espana, ed. Vita Alessio Robles
(Mexico, D. F., 1939), 81, 182, 197.
1759," Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XLIII (July, 1939), 57, 65.
"... The Apaches called Lipanes, to the number of fifteen hundred or
more men were on the Rivers Nuezes, Prio, and Rio Grande, three or four
days from this presidio [San Antonio]. . . ." Baron de Ripperda to Viceroy,
July 6, 1772, in Bolton, De Mezieres, I, 328.
Association, VIII, 52, 60 f.
Méziéres, I, 338.
Policy of Don Juan Bautista de Anza, Governor of New Mexico, 1777 -
1787 (Norman, 1932), 6.
"A very important reason for the extension of Escandon's conquests
[1748-1755] beyond the Rio Grande was the fact that a strip of territory
about two hundred leagues wide, through which the river ran, was the
favorite hunting ground of the Apaches and Lipans, forming 'a pouch
(bolsa) of land between New Mexico, Texas, and Coahuila' and extending
nearly to the mouth of the Rio Grande." I. J. Cox, "The Southwest Bound-
ary of Texas," Quarterly of the Texas State Historical Association, VI
(October, 1903), 89.
How this campaign could have broken the Apache power in Texas is not
clear. Certainly the power of neither the western Apache nor of the
Mescalero was broken; the power of the Lipan was gradually whittled away
rather than broken by a single campaign.
"They [the Comanche] have attacked us fiercely in New Mexico and
Texas, but nothing can compare with the mortal hatred they feel for the
Apaches, with whom alone they are cruel when they succeed in capturing
them." Morfi, History of Texas, I, 89.
And yet, "In Coahuila, Governor Don Juan Ugarte y Loyola found the
settlers 'sumamente miserables' from attacks and murders by Apaches,
particularly the Lipans." Ugarte to Croix, March 30, 1777, in A. B.
Thomas, "Antonio de Bbnilla and Spanish Plans for the Defense of New
Mexico, 1772-1778," New Spain and the Anglo-American West (Lancaster
11932]), I, 1831
Plains Indians, 209; A. B. Thomas, Teodoro de Croix and the Northern
Frontier of New Spain, 1776-1783 (Norman, 1941), 73, 89, 92, 99; Bolton,
De Mezieres, II, 156; Carlos E. Castafieda, The Mission Era, Vols. I-V of
Our Catholic Heritage in Texas, 1519-1936 (Austin, 1942), V, 7, 8, 110.
The Lipan were still credited with being able to muster two thousand
fighting men. Morfi, History of Texas, II, 272 f. This number is doubtless
an exaggeration.
1787,"Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XXXIX (January, 1936), 201 f.
Ins-Tinsle, 1787-1788," Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XLIII (April,
1940), 422 f.; Casteñada, Our Catholic Heritage, V, 14 f.
446-453. "Various leaders of the Western Lipaneria, whose settlements
were located from the abandoned presidio of Monclova to the Rio Grande
del Norte, presented themselves before" Picax on his journey to Santa
Rosa. Ibid., 453.
Texas in the Middle Eighteenth Century, 127.
Province of Texas," in "Texas in 1820," trans. Mattie Austin Hatcher,
Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XXIII (July, 1919), 56.
Martinez, the last Spanish Governor of Texas, 1817-1822," Southwestern
Historical Quarterly, XXXIX (April, 1936), 331. "There is a large settle-
ment of Comanche and Lipan Indians on the San Saba River," who intend
to give trouble. Ibid., 144.
Association Publications, IV (March, 1900), 119, n. 35.
Castañeda, Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XXIX (April, 1926), 250 f.
western Historical Quarterly, XXV (April, 1922), 234.
Henry M. Morfit reported in 1836 that nine hundred Lipan lived in
Texas, "principally above the Colorado and San Antonio." Ibid., 241.
Wilbarger, Indian Depredations in Texas (Austin, 1889), 3, 79, 114.
Historical Quarterly, XXVI (January, 1923), 193.
Cong. 1st Sess., Senate Document 452 (Washington, 1903), II, 411 [4254].
1st Sess., Senate Executive Document 1, pp. 963, 966 [550]. In this
report the Lipan strength was estimated at from three hundred to five
hundred persons.
western Historical Quarterly, XXXVII (October, 1933), 122.
Whiting's diary is published in the Southern History Association Pub -
lications, Vols. VI, IX, X; Whiting's Report is printed in 31st Cong.,
1st Sess., Senate Executive Document 1, pp. 281-293 [549].
Association, Year Book, VI (June, 1930), 44 f. See also Lena Clara Koch,
"The Federal Indian Policy in Texas, 1845-1860," Southwestern Historical
Quarterly, XXVIII and XXIX.
dents in Texas . . . during 1850-1853 (New York, 1856), I, 81.
1846-1852 (London, 1858), 118. The original French edition was pub-
lished in Paris, 1857.
Indians in Texas, 1844-1860," Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XXXI
(October, 1927), 127.
2d Sess,, Senate Executive Document 1, p. 431 f. [658]; U. S. Sec-
retary of War, Annual Report, 1851, 32d Cong., Ist Sess., Senate
Executive Document 1, p. 123 [611].
Napoleon, Washita River, May 26, 1865, War of the Rebellion, Official
Records, Series I, Vol. 48, Part II, p. 1102 f.; U. S. Commissioner of Indian
Affairs, Annual Report, 1866, p. 55.
Cong., 1st Sess., House Executive Document 1, Part V, pp. 569, 598
[1680]; U. S. Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report, 1882, 47th
Cong., 2d Sess., House Executive Document 1, Part V, p. 147 [2100];
U. S. Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report, 1883, 48th Cong.,
1st Sess., House Executive Document 1, Part V, p. 278 [2191]; U. S.
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report, 1885, 49th Cong., 1st
Sess., House Executive Document 1, Part V, pp. LVII, 96 [2379].
Bell commented on these friendly Lipan as being miserably poor and
possessing only a shadow of their former greatness. James G. Bell, "A
Log of the Texas-California Cattle Trail, 1854," ed. J. Evetts Haley,
Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XXXV (January, 1932), 213.
fairs, Texas Frontier Troubles, 45th Cong., 2d Sess., House Report 701,
pp. iv, xiif. [1824].
Government to the Frontier of Texas (translation; New York, 1875), 301,
314 ff., 323. (Hereafter cited Mexican Committee Investigation.)
thousand warriors in Iturbide's time to eighty-eight fighting men in 1854.
Ibid., 418 f.
Senate Executive Document 1, Part II, p. 28 f. [747].
55, 54 [811].
torical Quarterly, XXIX (October, 1925), 109.
Both the Lipan and Mescalero tilled the soil occasionally. Morfi, Excerpts
from the Memorias, 17; U. S. Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual
Report, 1857, 35th Cong., 1st Sess., Senate Executive Document II, p. 575
[919].
torical Quarterly, XXVIII (January, 1925), 278,
J. K. F. Mansfield, "Report of the Inspection of the Department of Texas
in 1856," Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XLII (October, 1938), 131;
George F. Price, Across the Continent with the Fifth Cavalry (New York,
1883), 42, 44, 59, 62.
House Executive Document 2, p. 56 [943].
"The Apaches and Lipans are very numerous, fierce and warlike. They
are more generally supplied with firearms than other tribes, and are in a
state of constant hostility to the whites." W. B. Parker, Notes Taken
during the Expedition Commanded by Capt. R. B. Marcy, U. S. A.,
Through Unexplored Texas, in the Summer and Fall of 1854 (Philadelphia,
1856). Reprinted in West Texas Historical Association, Year Book, I (June,
1925), 72.
2d Sess., House Executive Document 1, Part V, p. 610 [1503].
fairs, Depredations on the Texas Frontier, 43d Cong., 1st Sess., House
Report 395, p. 1 [1624].
fairs, Texas Border Troubles, 45th Cong., 2d Sess., House Miscellaneous
Document 64, p. 187 [1820]. "Record of Engagements with Hostile Indians
in Texas, 1868 to 1882," West Texas Historical Association, Year Book, IX
(October, 1933), 104 f.; Mexican Committee Investigation, 424.
Mexico," Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XXIV (April, 1921), 308 f.
ments of Kinney, Uvalde, Medina, or Kerr Counties that have not lost
members by these Indian raids . . . ." U. S. Congress, House of Representa-
tives, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Texas Frontier Troubles, 45th Cong.,
2d Sess., House Report 701, p. 24 [1824].
Affairs, Texas Border Troubles, 197.
mittee on Military Affairs, Texas Border Troubles, 197, 167, 159, 121;
"Record of Engagements with Hostile Indians in Texas, 1868 to 1882,"
West Texas Historical Association, Year Book, IX (October, 1933), 111.
See also U. S. Secretary of War, Annual Report, 1878, 45th Cong., 3d
Sess., House Executive Document 1, Part II, p. 82 [1843],
of War, Annual Report, 1878, 45th Cong., 3d Sess., House Executive Docu-
ment 1, Part II, p. 83 [1843].
House Executive Document 1, Part II, p. 128 [2010].
House Executive Document 1, Part II, p. 88 [1903]; U. S. Commissioner of
Indian Affairs, Annual Report, 1892, p. 330.
Historical Anthropology, 512; Hodge, Handbook of American Indians, I, 66.
son los Apaches, Pharaones, Natageés, Gilas, Mescaleros, Caninas, Quar-
télexos, Palomas, Jicarillas, Yutas, Moquinos, y otras; y todas piden la
Paz quando les tiene quenta, y rompen la Guerra, al tiempo que hallan la
ocasión de conveniencia." Pedro de Rivera y Villalon, Diario y Derrotero,
Visita general de Provincas Internas, 1724-1728, A. G. N. Provincias In-
ternas, Bancroft Library, MSS., XXXVII, 33.
Paso, July 21, 1766, A. G. I., Audiencia de Guadalajara, Bancroft Library,
MSS., 104-6-13, p. 19 f.
2d Sess., Senate Executive Document 1, p. 378 f. [746].
Senate Executive Document 1, Part II, p. 35 [747]; George A. McCall,
Letters from the Frontier (Philadelphia, 1868), 518.
of C. C. Cox," Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XXIX (October, 1925),
131.
who are on their return to Santa Fee with a drove of Horses and Mules
purchased of the Apache Indians ...,'" ibid. (July, 1925), 47.
Association, Year Book, VI (June, 1930), 47.
30, 1854, in F. T. Cheetham, "El Camino Militar," New Mexico Historical
Review, XV (January, 1940), 5.
1st Sess., House Executive Document 1, p. 506 ff. [840]; U. S. Secretary
of War, Annual Report, 1855, 34th Cong., Ist Sess., Senate Executive
Document 1, p. 69 ff., 59 f. [811].
Ist Sess., Senate Executive Document 11, p. 575 [919].
torical Quarterly, XXXVIII (October, 1934), 141; Mexican Committed In -
vestigation, 357 f.
These Mescalero were identified as two bands under Chiefs Marco and
Gomez. McCall, Letters from the Frontier, 518; U. S. Commissioner of
Indian Affairs, Annual Report, 1858, 35th Cong., 2d Sess., House Execu-
tive Document 2, p. 548 [997].
Cong., 2d Sess., House Executive Document 2, pp. 545, 548.
Chief Jose María Flores, reported present at the conference with the
Lipan at Fredericksburg, July 24, 1852, was killed in hand-to-hand combat
with a Mexican in 1859; his followers fled to Mexico. U. S. Commissioner
of Indian Affairs, Annual Report, 1852, 32d Cong., 2d Sess., Senate
Executive Document 1, pp. 432, 435 [658]; U. S. Secretary of War, Annual
Report, 1859, 36th Cong., Ist Sess., Senate Executive Document 2, p.
360 [1024].
the Rebellion, Official Records, Series I, Vol. XV, 916; E. E. Townsend,
"The Mays Massacre," West Texas Historical and Scientific Society, Publi -
cations, Bulletin 48 (December, 1933), No. 5, pp. 29-43.
Quarterly, XXXVIII (January, 1935), 159.
U. S. Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report, 1871, 42d Cong.,
2d Sess., House Executive Document 1, Part V, p. 919 [1503].
Indian Policy in New Mexico, 1858-1880," New Mexico Historical Review,
XIII (July, 1938), 261-313.
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Annual Report, 1875, 44th Cong., 1st
Sess., House Executive Document 1, Part V, p. 831 [1680].
Other clashes with the Mescalero are listed in "Record of Engagements
with Hostile Indians in Texas, 1868-1882," West Texas Historical Associa-
tion, Year Book, IX (October, 1933), 112 f. and James B. Gillett, Six Years
with the Texas Rangers, 1875-1881 (New Haven, 1925).
Historical Review, XIII (July, 1938), 277.
House Executive Document 1, Part II, p. 158 ff. [1952].
Cong., 2d Sess., House Document 5, p. 158 ff. [4645]; U. S. Commissioner
of Indian Affairs, Annual Report, 1904, 58th Cong., 3d Sess., House
Document 5, p. 251 [4798].
Cong., 2d Sess., House Executive Document 1, Part V, pp. 123-125 [2100].
Annual Report, June 30, 1943.
The 376 Apache in Oklahoma are mostly the Kiowa-Apache, who roamed
the North Texas plains and were settled on a reservation in Indian Terri-
tory in the 1870's. They were probably the Apache concerned in the per-
sonal experience as a captive of Herman Lehman, related in Jonathan H.
Jones (ed.), A Condensed History of the Apache and Comanche Indian
Tribes (San Antonio, 1899).
Much material is scattered through the records in the national archives of
Spain, Mexico, and the United States. Useful collections of documentary
sources are housed at the universities of Texas, New Mexico, and Cali-
fornia, the Ayer Collection in the Newberry Library (Chicago), the Li-
brary of Congress, and at Santa Fe, New Mexico.
Texana in the Nation's Capital
*
Last December the Library of Congress celebrated the cen-
tennial of Texas statehood (1845-1945) by opening an ex-
hibition of Texana which occupied the whole of one of the large
galleries in the main building as well as the photographic gallery
in the basement. The exhibit was painstakingly assembled from
the various divisions and collections of the Library by Nelson
R. Burr, handsomely mounted by Philip F. Bell, acting exhibits
officer, and officially opened with an address by Congressman
Luther A. Johnson of Corsicana. The opening was attended
by most of the Texas delegation in Congress and by many mem-
bers of the Texas Society of Washington. While it was naturally
an occasion in which any Texan would take special pride, it was
but one of a series of exhibitions and addresses which the
Library has held and will continue to hold for the successive
anniversaries of the several states. The occasion offered a most
appropriate opportunity to survey the position of the Library
of Congress in the important field of Texana.
The object in this survey is not to parade strength, for
there is more Texana in Texas than there is in Washington.
Special circumstances and opportunities, however, have made
the Library of Congress strong in every field of Americana,
whether or not there has been any conscious or deliberate at-
tempt at specialization. The Library of Congress does have a
well-rounded collection of Texana, but it has perhaps an insuf-
ficient number of those rarest items upon which the specialist
collector delights to congratulate himself. A unique item cannot
be in two repositories at once; but it is true that the National
Library has too few of those rare specimens of Texana which
are known to exist in only one or two or three copies. The
reasons for this defect are fairly obvious, one of them being that
the Library of Congress has only been gradually accepted as
the National Library, whether by Congress or the public. The
earlier concept of its function tended to be too narrowly utili-
tarian, as the debates of 1815 on the purchase of Thomas Jef-
ferson's library sufficiently illustrate. Until that concept had
been broadened, and the process is perhaps not yet complete, it
was not easy to secure public funds for the purchase of rare
books as such. Since the nation would not buy them when they
were easier to come by and relatively cheap, it must now seek
them when they are far more scarce and dear. Even so, the
great general library is necessarily at a disadvantage in com-
peting with the specialist collector in his own field. He can
keep a sharper lookout for what he wants; he can act more
quickly when a desideratum shows itself on the horizon; and
he can afford to splurge on particular items, while the acquisi-
tions officers of the Library of Congress have to balance a multi-
tude of particular claims. For this situation, however, there
has proved to be a remedy; the Library of Congress is sometimes
fortunate enough to fall heir to, or to be able to purchase by
special appropriation, the life's work of a specialist collector.
The library was unremarkable for incunabula until it inherited
the Thacher and purchased by act of Congress the Vollbehr
collections; the collection of early printed books has acquired
a new distinction from the recent magnificent gift of Lessing J.
Rosenwald. So far as Texana is concerned, the Library of
Congress is distinctly a legacy-hunter. There is some hope
that the same pride in the state which has inspired the ac-
cumulation of a great collection of Texana can become the
motive for the endowment of the Library of Congress with
a collection of the first rank. The public-spirited citizens of
each state and region have a duty to see to it that the National
Library is as strong as possible in the materials of their own
specialty.
Meanwhile, however, the Library of Congress will continue
to do the best it can with the means at its disposal. As a proof
of its effort to have a truly distinguished collection of Texana,
it may be noted that the Library in 1946 purchased two pieces
of Texana of the greatest rarity. One is the Political
Consti
-
tution
of
the
Free
State
of
Coahuila
and
Texas,
printed at the
Natchitoches Courier office in 1827, of which only three copies
were known to Thomas W. Streeter and the New York Public
Library in 1936. The other is the Letters
relating
to
the
History
of
Annexation,
by
Anson
Jones,
Ex-President
of
Texas,
printed
at Galveston in 1848, of which two copies were known in 1936.
The Library of Congress is not the only library outside of
Texas which celebrated the anniversary of Texas statehood last
December with an exhibition of Texana. One of the most
notable of these commemorations was the issuing of
Fifty
Texas
Rarities,
one of those charming little pam-
phlets, models of planning and typography, which the William
L. Clements Library of the University of Michigan issues
with admirable frequency. The University of Michigan
has other fields of specialization than Texana, naturally,
but it supplemented its own deficiencies by securing the col-
laboration of the notable Chicago collector, Everett D. Graff,
who selected the fifty pieces from his own collection. Only
eleven of these could have been found in the collections of the
University of Michigan. The editor of the catalog had the ex-
cellent idea of resorting to the greatest single instrument of
inter-library cooperation yet developed, the Union Catalog in
the Library of Congress, in order to see how the holdings of
the various libraries would compare with an important private
collection. Some of Graff's choice pieces have not been reported
from any institution, but the Library of Congress has come out
of the test satisfactorily. Through the Union Catalog, or the
holdings credited to the Library in Wagner or in Sabin, the
pamphlet credits the Library of Congress with thirty-three of
the fifty titles. Of course, the Library does have some fine and
rare things that Graff does not, or at least did not exhibit;
for instance, the two pamphlets above mentioned as having
been acquired by the Library in 1946 are not included in Fifty
Texas
Rarities.
Beginning with the book and pamphlet imprints of the Span-
ish period, ready means for comparison may be found in that
masterpiece of scholarly bibliography, Henry R. Wafer's The
Spanish
Southwest,
1542-1794,
the revised edition of which is
not yet ten years old. Wagner, whose thoroughness and care
are too well known to require emphasis, has indicated the hold-
ings of some forty-five libraries and collections in Europe and
America, the result of a census of his own taking. These hold-
ings are given only for certain of the imprints which he has
listed, the omissions being presumably the more common
works which any library with an appropriate collection might
be expected to have. Without stopping to discriminate the
works which have content pertinent to Texas from those which
deal with other portions of the Spanish Southwest, and omit-
ting only those printed memorials of a few pages each the
only recorded copy of which is in the Archivo General de Indias
at Seville, the list contains 206 separate editions. The Library-
has the respectable score of fifty-one, a figure which might be
increased by an intensive recheck of the catalogs. When one
considers how many of the 206 are variant editions in four
languages of Gómara's Historia
General
de
las
Indias
and of
Mendoza's Gran
Reyno
de
la
China,
fields in which only the
most specialized of collectors would aim at completeness, the
showing becomes even more satisfactory. For four imprints the
Library of Congress has the only copy which Wagner was able
to record. The four presumably unique items, however, turn
out on inspection to be hardly worth making a noise about: one
is an Italian translation of the second part of Gomara printed
at Venice in 1560, another a like translation of the third part
published in 1564, and the third a French translation of Mendoza
printed at Paris in 1600. The fourth is somewhat better, a
Spanish Real
Orden
promulgated at Mexico City on February
12, 1793, and printed there in a four-page folio. The order
established a new constitution for the comandancia
general.
In the Texas Centennial of Statehood Exhibition the Library
was able to show the second edition of Cabeza de Vaca's Rela
-
ción,
printed at Valladolid in 1555. This edition, however, is
not a great rarity; Wagner has recorded eleven copies. The
real treasure is the original edition printed at Zamora in 1542,
of which there is a perfect copy in the New York Public Library
and two imperfect copies elsewhere. For Gómara's Historia
General
the Library displayed the Steelsio edition of Antwerp,
1554, opened of course to the woodcut of the buffalo; but the
Library could equally well have displayed the edition printed
by Guillermo de Millis at Medina del Campo in the previous year,
one year later than the editio
princeps
of Zaragazo, 1552, only
one copy of which appears to be in the United States. Two
Spanish imprints of the seventeenth century are Fray Alonso
de Benavides' Memorial
(Madrid, 1630), which although prin-
cipally concerned with miraculous events in New Mexico, has
some interesting references to the still unoccupied land of Texas,
and Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora's Trofeo
de
la
Justicia
Españ
-
ola
(Mexico, 1691), interesting as the only contemporary work
which deals with LaSalle's Texan settlement from the Spanish
point of view. The French side of that pioneer attempt to
colonize Texas was represented in the Library exhibit by three
contemporary works, Chrétien le Clerq's Etablissement
de
la
foy
dans
la
Nouvelle
France
(Paris, 1691); Henri Joutel's
Journal
historique
(Paris, 1713) ; and that volume of Dernieres
decouvertes
dans
l'Amerique
Septentrionale
de
M.
de
La
Salle
which was brought out in 1697 under the name of LaSalle's
lieutenant, Tonty, but was disowned by him. For Spanish Texas
in the eighteenth century, six important works were displayed,
including the Diario
y
Derrotero
(1736) of Pedro de Rivera y
Villalón and the two principal publications of Fray Isidro de
Espinosa. Two serious lacunae were apparent in the exhibition.
Although the basic Derrotero
de
la
Expedicion
en
la
Provincia
de
los
Texas
of
Juan de la Peña, printed at Mexico in 1722,
exists in seven public or private collections in America, the
Library was compelled to put on display a photostat of the
British Museum copy. The Library is also without that earliest
printing of the Reglamento
para
todos
los
Presidios,
done in
Mexico in 1729, which is one of the collector's prizes. The
earliest Library of Congress edition, which was exhibited, is
the Reglamento
e
Instrucción
para
los
Presidios
of 1772.
Coming now to the period of the American settlement of
Texas, the first of four items in the Library of Congress exhibit
may be pointed to with some pride. When the New York Public
Library put together, in the summer of 1936, an exhibition to
celebrate the centenary of Texan independence, for which it
was able to draw upon the magnificent Texana collection of
Thomas W. Streeter, it described its copy of Richard Raynal
Keene's Memoria,
addressed to King Ferdinand VII and printed
at Madrid on the first day of 1815, as the only one known. The
Library of Congress was able to show another specimen of this
earliest of printed schemes for introducing colonists from the
United States. Also displayed was Hartmann and Millard's
Le
Texas,
ou
notice
historique
sur
le
Champ
d
'Asile,
one of the
several publications brought out at Paris in 1819 describing the
abortive colony of Napoleonic exiles; Mary Austin Holley's
Texas:
Observations,
Historical,
Geographical
and
Descriptive
(Baltimore, 1833), wherein Stephen F. Austin's cousin achieved
a triple scoop by publishing the first book written in English on
Texas history, travel, and promotion that was not a mere
republication of official documents; and Charles Sealfield's
Tokeah,
or
the
White
Rose
(Philadelphia, 1829), one of
the earliest Texas novels and one which had been inspired by an
actual tour of the country. The new acquisition, the Constitu
-
tion
of
Coahuila
and
Texas
printed at Natchitoches in 1827, was
exhibited, but it is only one of a group of publications, none of
could not include the constitution of the state because it had not
yet been adopted (a point on which the New York Public
Library's Texas catalog is in error) : Constitution of the
United Mexican States, the General Colonization Law, and the
Colonization Law of the State of Coahuila and Texas; nor does
the Library have The Constitution of Coahuila and Texas printed
at Chillicothe in 1829. All three of these evidence the strong
interest in the western part of the United States concerning
the conditions of immigration into Texas and the political regime
which they would find there. The Spanish edition of the
Coahuila and Texas constitution, printed at Leona Vicario--
better known as Saltillo--by one J. M. Bangs in 1829, is one of
Graff's treasures which the Library of Congress lacks. Nor does
it have the Laws, passed by the Legislature of the State of
Coahuila and Texas, printed by Godwin B. Cotten in 1829 on
the press which he used to bring out the Texas Gazette. This
edition may well be the first pamphlet or books printed in Texas.
For the period of the Revolution and the Republic of Texas,
six notable imprints were used in the exhibition. From the
pen of Stephen Fuller Austin the Esposicion
al
Publico
sobre
los
Asuntos
de
Tejas,
which he drew up and published in Jan-
uary, 1835, during his imprisonment in Mexico, and An
Address
delivered
to
a
very
Large
Audience
of
Ladies
and
Gentlemen
in
the
Second
Presbyterian
Church,
Louisville,
Kentucky,
on
the
7th
of
March,
1836
(Lexington, 1836), a product of his tour in
the United States in search of assistance for the Texas revolu-
tionists, were displayed. Official or semi-official documents
shown included the Constitution
of
the
Republic
of
Texas,
pub-
lished at Washington, D. C, by Gales and Seaton in 1836, and
two Houston imprints of 1838: the Declaration
of
Independence
.
. . and
the
Constitution
of
the
Republic
of
Texas
.
.
.Also
the
Tariff,
printed at the office of the Telegraph, and the Ordinances
and
Decrees
of
the
Consultation,
Provisional
Government
of
Texas,
and
the
Convention,
printed at the rival National Banner
office. A rare work from the more peaceful days of the Re-
public is William C. McKinstry's The
Colorado
Navigator,
con
-
taining
a
Full
Description
of
the
Bed
and
Banks
of
the
Colorado
River,
from
the
City
of
Austin
to
its
Mouth,
appropriately
printed at the Colorado Gazette office in Matagorda in 1840--
a reminder of how dependent was early Texas upon its navigable
streams. The Library of Congress has the only copy which has
been reported to the Union Catalog. The recent addition, Anson
Jones' Letters
relating
to
the
History
of
Annexation
(Galveston,
1848), was displayed. Examples of gaps in the Library of
Congress may be shown by listing four titles which Streeter
displayed in the New York Public Library in 1936, all relating
directly to the two major opponents in the War of Independence:
the Documents
of
Major
Gen.
Sam.
Houston,
Commander
in
Chief
of
the
Texian
Army
. . . containing
a
Detailed
Account
of
the
Battle
of
San
Jacinto
(New Orleans, at the Bulletin Of-
fice, 1836) ; the attack on General Houston's conduct of the
war by "A Farmer in the Army," Houston
Displayed,
or,
Who
Won
the
Battle
of
San
Jacinto?
(Velasco, Texas, 1837); Ramón
Caro's Verdadera
Idea
de
la
primera
Campaña
de
Tejas,
pub-
lished by Santa Anna's private secretary at Mexico in 1837,
and, finally, the egregious Santa Anna's own Manifiesto
que
de
sus
Operaciones
en
la
Campaña
de
Tejas
y
en
su
Cautiverio,
printed at Vera Cruz in the same year, 1837. A conclusive
assessment of the period 1796-1845 will be possible when Street-
er's promised bibliography appears.
For the period since statehood the Library has a number of
excellent Confederate items and one genuine rarity: the draft
Constitution
of
the
State
of
West
Texas,
drawn up by authoriza-
tion of the Constitutional Convention of 1868-1869 and thought
to have been printed at Austin in 1868. The Library of Con-
gress copy, which is in its original yellow wrappers, may be one
of the two mentioned in the New York Public Library Bulletin
for 1937 as being the only ones known. While the Library of
Congress does not appear to advantage in the early years of
the "Check List of Texas Imprints, 1846-1876," appearing ser-
ially in the Southwestern
Historical
Quarterly,
it is probable that
the Library's holdings are incompletely reported there.
Broadsides have been reserved for separate treatment because
the broadside is a wonderfully immediate and vivid imaging
of the history of its times. Printed for the rapid dissemination
of information among the people and often a stirring call to
action, it is used less effectively by historians than might be
the case. Another reason for separate consideration is the
fugitive character of this material: a book is a fairly solid object
which offers a certain resistance of its own to the ravages of
time, but a broadside must be deliberately protected if it is to
survive at all. For this reason a broadside is the more likely
The Texas pieces in the Library of Congress broadside collec-
tion share a portfolio with the Utah material; they are only
about a score in number, and some of the most recent ones have
been preserved only because a Library finds it difficult to throw
anything out. Through the Reconstruction period, however,
there are some really good and rare items, but they cannot com-
pare with that superb group of sixteen pieces which Streeter
exhibited at New York in 1936. Two of the Library's broadsides,
it is interesting to observe, neatly intermesh with two of Street-
er's. He has the Declaration
on
Taking
Up
Arms
of
November
7,
1835,
in English; the Library has it in Spanish and with the
year misdated 1825! He has the proclamation which Sam Hous-
ton, commander-in-chief of the army of Texas, addressed to
the citizens of Texas on December 12, 1835, calling for 5,000
volunteers; he has it apparently on paper, while the Library's
copy is printed on silk.
Collation of the two would be necessary
to determine whether the Library's copy was printed from the
same type or was produced later as a memento. The best group
of broadside material in the Library of Congress is a set of five
documents of the state of Coahuila and Texas, mostly decrees or
proclamations of the governor, in 1833-1834; the two that relate
specifically to the affairs of Texas were included in the exhibit,
while the other three are concerned with the differences between
the state and the dictator, Santa Anna. A Corpus Christi Gazette
Extra for March 8, 1846, devoted to General Zachary Taylor's
Order No. 30 initiating the advance to the Rio Grande which
brought on the Mexican War, is apparently unique and one of
the Library's few shining appearances in the 1846-1876 check-
list. Four Civil War broadsides added luster to the exhibit.
Among the marvelous pieces in Streeter's collection one may find
Austin's address To
the
Settlers
in
Austin's
Settlement,
dated
July, 1823, and printed on an ephemeral press at San Antonio;
the Unanimous
Declaration
of
Independence,
printed at Austin
in 1836; and, perhaps best of all, the Funesta
Nueva,
in which
Governor Chico of California announced the result of San Ja-
cinto to his people, from the press of Monterey, in July of 1836.
Turning from broadsides to the enormous realm of news-
papers, one enters a field where a division of functions is a
necessity rather than a policy of choice. The newspaper is the
great repository of information of purely local and ephemeral
interest, and the newspaper reproduces itself almost as fast as
does the guinea pig. A general library must of necessity leave
the major responsibility for the custody of local files to the local
repository. Microfilm comes, as everyone knows, as a partial
solution to the space problem; but the general library will still,
as a general rule, seek to copy a local file only for a specific
need.
The field of the newspaper in Texas has been brought under
a large measure of control by one of the most successful publi-
cations of the Historical Records Survey: Texas
Newspapers,
1813-1939,
A
Union
List,
published in mimeographed form at
Houston in 1941. The late Ike Moore was state director of the
survey when the list was undertaken and was responsible, after
going to the San Jacinto Museum, for its publication. Joseph
M. Nance did most of the editorial work. This admirable pub-
lication may be examined for the answers to two questions:
first, how do the Library of Congress holdings stand in relation
to the whole body of reported material; and secondly, how does
the Library of Congress compare with other libraries outside
of
Texas
in respect to the earlier material, which is presumably
scarcer and of more concentrated historical usefulness.
The first three letters of the alphabet ought to provide a fair
sample. For the three letters 170 different towns are listed; the
Library of Congress has files from ten towns. Abilene is the
first considerable town one comes to. Since 1869 there have
been eighteen different newspapers published at Abilene, begin-
ning with the Baptist
Courier,
and including farm, college stu-
dent, and labor organs. The Library of Congress, however, has
nothing whatever from Abilene. For the A's, B's, and C's
there are fifty-six pages with about thirteen entries per page,
which works out to something like 728 files. The Library of
Congress is represented for just thirty-one of these files. The
degree of completeness is another question. The above serves
to give a quantitative idea of the present relation between the
whole field and the National Library; whether that proportion
ought to be increased, and in what direction, and how far, are
problems which deserve consideration.
The earliest Texas newspaper in the Library of Congress
is the Brazoria Constitutional
Advocate
and
Texas
Public
Advertiser
for June 15, 1833. Two other issues of this "irreg-
ular weekly," which fell some two weeks short of lasting for
a year, are held in Texas, and a fourth belongs to Streeter.
A small but worth-while project would be for all these holders
of scattered and fragmentary files to exchange photostats and
so make their files "complete" until additional copies turn up.
Nance was foresighted enough to compile a chronological
index to the earlier Texas files, dividing the holdings of the
several libraries into four periods. From these it is clear, un-
less unsuspected and unrecorded treasures are somewhere
buried, that the Library of Congress has considerably the most
impressive collection outside of Texas for the second and third
of the four periods, 1836-1860. For the first and rarest period,
1813-1835, the Library is decisively outclassed by the Yale
Library, which has some eight single issues against the lone
Brazoria Advocate
in the National Library. But for the period
of the Republic, 1836-1845, the Library of Congress leaves its
non-Texas rivals behind with holdings not only for Austin, Gal-
veston, and Houston, but for such secondary centers of Texas
journalism as Clarksville, Matagorda, Richmond, San Augustine,
and Washington-on-the-Brazos. For the period between an-
nexation and secession the National Library retains a comforta-
ble lead, although the American Antiquarian Society at Wor-
cester, Massachusetts--a learned institution which specializes
with intelligence and zeal in newspapers--is coming into the pic-
ture. Library of Congress holdings look slim indeed beside the
lengthening columns of the Texas State Library and the Uni-
versity of Texas, but the Library does have the only recorded
Bonham issue during this period, and the files of the Rusk
Pioneer
of 1849 and the Palestine Advocate
of the 1850's quite
outclass the single issues at the Texas State Library.
For the Civil War and Reconstruction period, 1861-1876, the
Library of Congress is apparently at least equalled by the
Boston Atheneum and quite surpassed by the American Anti-
quarian Society, which rejoices, among other treasures, in a
copy of the Alligator Bayou Mud
Turtle
for July 18, 1864, the
only recorded specimen of this reptilian species.
One will not find a remarkable collection of original materials
in the Library of Congress Division of Manuscripts bearing the
label of "Texas." The oldest and most imposing item in it,
a "Historia de la provincia de Texas por Fray Juan Augustin
Morfi," has been considerably deflated by Carlos E. Castañeda,
who has testified that it is not the "Historia" at all, but merely
one of four surviving copies of the "Memorias para la historia,"
and an incomplete one at that, comprising little more than half of
the full text. The Library copy, however, has been certified as
being in Morfi's own "characteristic small and even hand," and
the two manuscript maps of San Antonio which it contains are
not to be found in the other copies. Some small items which
diversified the exhibit are interesting enough but sum up to no
real strength: two manuscripts of the real Philip Nolan in the
last two years of the eighteenth century; a privateer's commis-
sion granted by "Gobernador" Luis Aury at Galveston in 1817, in
the heyday of filibustering; an interesting List of Inhabitants
Living in the Atascosito District in 1826; and a grant of two
hundred acres by the Rio Grande and Texas Land Company,
dated, somewhat surprisingly, at New York, August, 1834. A
more substantial item is a volume from the manuscript journals
of Louis Berlandier, a Swiss scientist who travelled extensively
in Texas and other parts of northern Mexico between 1826 and
1834. But the real strength, so far as original manuscript ma-
terial relating to Texas is concerned, lies in the national rela-
tions of Texas. The presidential collections of Andrew Jackson,
Martin Van Buren, and James K. Polk have all been extensively
used but not necessarily exhausted. The papers of Andrew
Jackson Donelson, who was Jackson's right-hand man and later
charge d'affaires in Texas, are filled with the Texas theme.
Unfortunately the Library is short of the papers of the men who
held the office of secretary of state during the critical period;
several of them seem not to have preserved any important col-
lections. But there is no source in the world which exhibits
the Texas Question as a burning issue comparable with the
papers of the United States House of Representatives.
* Some of
the original petitions made exceedingly effective pieces in the Li-
brary exhibit. Another collection which, while it does not focus
upon Texas, should yet be of interest to investigators skilled in
the use of Mexican sources is that of the papers of the Yturbide
family, a source which has gone almost unused for years. As
most historians are well aware, from 1914 to 1927 the Library of
Congress arranged to secure handwritten transcripts from Span-
ish or Mexican repositories, and from 1927 to 1939, under a grant
from John D. Rockefeller, Jr., proceeded by the more swift and
satisfactory method of photostat and microfilm. In both cases
the work was based on the late W. R. Shepard's guide to the
Spanish archives (1907) and H. E. Bolton's guide to the Mexi-
can archives (1913), both in the series brought out by the
Carnegie Institution of Washington under the direction of the
late J. F. Jameson, who, after supervising the preparation of
the guides at the Carnegie, came to the Library of Congress
and for the last nine years of his life supervised the acquisition
of the photocopies. The Library, however, emphasized the
Spanish materials for Florida and Louisiana rather than those
for the Southwest, and the series of Papeles de Cuba at Seville,
which was copied most extensively, bear only tangentially upon
Texas. The Library, however, does have intermittent copyings
from the records of the Audiencia de Guadalajara in the Archivo
General de Indias, which contain the materials for Texas along
with those for the remaining portions of the Spanish South-
west, and some from the archives of the Audiencia de Mexico, a
secondary source for such materials. There are also scattering
copies from the Provincias Internas series in the Archivo Gen-
eral at Mexico City, which have to do with the later years of
Spanish Texas, and from the Operaciones de Guerra series in
the same institution, which have to do with the events of the
filibustering period.
For the international relations of Spain, Mexico, and the
United States, involving the borderland of Texas, the Library
is well supplied with imported copies. Copyings from the
Estado series in the Archivo Historico Nacional, supplemented
by the legation archives kept in the Ministerio de Estado, both
at Madrid, give a fairly complete coverage of Spanish-American
relations down to about 1861. The Library also has a fairly
complete set of copies from the Mexican Secretaria de Relaciones
Exteriores from 1821 on, although here the situation was un-
fortunately confused by an untimely reclassification of the
Mexican archives. Texas historians are well aware that Britain
and France had their fingers in the Texan pie and that, while
the subject is well worked, the archives can usually be persuaded
to yield new details to the patient searcher. In this connection
the Library is on the point of publishing a guide to all its re-
productions from British sources, colonial, military, ecclasiasti-
cal, and diplomatic, compiled by Grace Gardner Griffin. The
work should prove useful to all whose special interests lead them
to consult it, as well as to librarians and archivists in general.
Some other classes of material added variety and interest to
the Texas exhibit in the Library of Congress. Many maps, both
manuscript and printed, both separate and in books, both of
European and of American production, were in the cases. Some
of the early sheet music in the Music Division of the Library
proved to be songs or marches on Texas subjects, such as "The
Texian Hunter's Bride" and the "Texian Grand March," respect-
fully dedicated to General Sam Houston, while one ingenious
composer produced a musical setting of "A little more Grape,
Captain Bragg," the lineal predecessor, possibly, of "Praise
the Lord and Pass the Ammunition." The Library's splendid
collection of American lithographs turned out to be unexpectedly
disappointing for views of Texas and scenes from Texas history.
For the Mexican War, which is an extension of Texas history
rather than Texas history itself, there is a considerable number
of battle scenes, many of which will be reproduced in our forth-
coming Album
of
American
Battle
Art,
which is now at the
Government Printing Office. The lithograph collection, how-
ever, provided a number of handsome and serviceable portraits
and proved unexpectedly rich for the years 1836-1845 in the
field of political cartoons, mostly revolving arond the question
of annexation. The recent album of American cartoons put out
by Weitenkampf and Nevins shows how deserving is this ma-
terial of further study and exploitation.
An attractive little group of publications issued between 1870
and the end of the century came out of the Library's Dime Novel
collection, which displays the vicissitudes of existence in Texas
as viewed from the sidewalks of New York. Another colorful
group consists of panoramas of the rising cities of Texas issued
between 1886 and 1891, material not exactly "rare" but certainly
uncommon. From the Library's large file of portrait photo-
graphs came a number of studies of the political leaders of
Texas in the last quarter of the nineteenth century and the first
quarter of this. Finally, the whole basement gallery, which is
especially adapted for the exhibit of photographic enlargements,
was filled with blow-ups from the negatives of the Historic
American Buildings Survey, many of them accompanied with
enlargements of the measured line drawings which the survey
produced, and with wartime scenes of the Farm Security Ad-
ministration, whose photographic files have now been trans-
ferred in their entirety to the Library of Congress.
Ralph G. Lounsbury, late of the Archives' staff, in his article
"Early Texas and the National Archives," which appeared in
the Southwestern
Historical
Quarterly
for January, 1943, made
an able survey of the research materials through 1845 to be
found in the papers of the United States Senate (note that for
some unknown reason the papers of the Senate are in the
Archives while the papers of the House are in the Library)
and the files of the Departments of State and of War. The diplo-
matic files are, of course, the American counterpart of the for-
eign materials which the Library of Congress has transcribed
or photocopied. Recalling some excellent points which Louns-
bury makes in the course of his survey, at least one may be
applied to the papers of the House just as well as to those of
the Senate. "No one has undertaken," he states, "the task of
ascertaining what proportion of these papers has been printed,
nor how fully individual documents have been reproduced."
This is as important as it is true, and undoubtedly all will agree
that someone ought to be placed upon the full-time job of ascer-
taining what is in these files that is not in the published docu-
ments of either house. Second, in reference to the files of the
State Department, Lounsbury pointed out that publications from
them have generally been selective and that "the investigator
should by no means assume that all significant data has ap-
peared in print simply because citations only to published docu-
ments are found in the works of scholars." A change in point
of view, in other words, automatically brings into focus a dif-
ferent body of evidence. The most impressive part of Louns-
bury's article, however, is his analysis of the consular instruc-
tions and dispatches and the consulate records to be found in
the Foreign Service Posts series. The files of Galveston, Goliad,
Matagorda, Velasco, Santa Fe, Matamoros, Saltillo, Monterrey,
Tampico, Chihuahua, and Mexico City, which he mentions, with
their numerous enclosed imprints, look like the finest kind of
grass-roots material, and it is to be hoped that plans for their
exploitation are under way.
What remains to be done in this survey is to point out briefly
the importance of the National Archives as a source for Texas
history after 1845 and down into the immediate past. The days
of foundations and of revolutions are lastingly picturesque and
attractive, of course, but one of the major tasks before present
historians is to understand the evolution and differentiation of
the fearfully complex modern society. In its brief course the
Historical Records Survey succeeded in focussing much light
upon the diffused sources for the later history of the regions of
this country. So it is with the National Archives: the archival
series of more recent date are vast and forbidding, but they
must be mastered if one really wishes to find out what has been
going on. If this enterprise is approached in a corporate and
cooperative manner, instead of being left to individual forlorn
hopes, it should prove practicable enough.
After the year of annexation, the State Department
files cease to apply to Texas history. But the same is not true
for the files of the War Department, and as the State Depart-
ment wanes, all the departments for the administration of do-
mestic affairs become correspondingly more important. It is
not difficult to understand how the files of the War Department,
for example, apply to the history of the state. Within a few
months of annexation, the United States and Mexico were at
war, and Texas was serving as a base for the invasion of north-
ern Mexico. The Mexican border flared up as late as 1916, when
General J. J. Pershing had to go in pursuit of Pancho Villa. If
there were Mexicans on one frontier, there were Indians on all,
against whom protection had always to be on hand until late in
the century. The War Department archives include a "con-
solidation"--relevant papers pulled out of various files because
of frequent reference to the topic--concerning the raids which
the Kiowa chiefs Satanta and Big Tree made in northern Texas
in 1874-1875. The Confederate Records include the files of the
Confederate Military Department of Texas, New Mexico, and
Arizona. After the Civil War, Texas was under military oc-
cupation, and the administrative papers are necessarily in the
War Department files. The Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and
Abandoned Lands set up agencies and sub-agencies, one of
which coincided with the state, and there is a file on "Outrages
in Texas," which I trust is a dead one. There is much material
of great local interest in the records of this bureau. Texas with
its spaciousness has always been a favored area for military
posts, and the reports which these posts submitted each month,
including all events since the previous report, together with the
files which they accumulated on the spot, are on hand unless acci-
dent has destroyed or scattered them. How the appropriate ma-
terials on the several topics mentioned are scattered among
the several archival series, the files of the secretary of state's
office, of the adjutant general's office, of the headquarters of the
army, or of the engineers' records, is a matter of special knowl-
edge to which one can find guides both printed and personal.
regional or a different organization. Thus, for example, among
the agencies brought into being by World War I, the Food
Administration subdivided itself by states, the branch adminis-
trations in each state being headed by a federal food adminis-
trator. Therefore to write the history of the local administra-
tions is a comparatively simple matter; those for Pennsylvania
and Iowa have already been made the subjects of studies, and
Texas could readily receive like treatment. But another agency,
the Fuel Administration, was not so organized, and a student
interested in federal control of Texas oil during the war would
have to comb the files of the oil division to find the Texas data.
In summary, one might picture a great triangle, whose angles
are the historical students and institutions of Texas, the Na-
tional Archives, and the Library of Congress. If the connec-
tions are kept up, the sides of the triangle remain in being, and
it is a formidable structure. If the sides disappear, there are
but three isolated points, and points, as all know, have no ex-
tension, but only location.
FOOTNOTES:
Texas State Historical Association in Austin on April 27, 1946.
of Representatives have been transferred in their entirety from the Library
of Congress to the National Archives.
Stephen F. Austin's Map of Texas: 1837
The Czechs in Texas
The Czechs are a Slavic people who have lived continuously
in Bohemia and Moravia since the fifth century. While the
political boundaries of Bohemia and Moravia have been stabi-
lized by an almost land-locking topography, their position as key-
stone of the Slavic Arch has always exposed them to the threat of
invasion from their neighbors. Marauding Avars, Magyars, Mon-
gols, Poles, Tartars, Huns, Romans, and Germans have taken
advantage of this position at various times, usually trying to
impose their current political and religious views on the Czechs,
destroying, mutilating, or changing the pattern of life as they
found it. The unity of the Czechs has therefore been cultural
rather than nationalistic. This durable ethnic fabric has per-
servered through centuries, firmly bound by ties distinctly its
own.
In the ninth century, many of the Bohemian nobility, finding
themselves squarely between the two great centers of Christian
thought, Rome and Constantinople, accepted baptism under
Eastern Orthodox rites, and presently the arrival of Cyril and
Methodius, missionaries from the Byzantine court, punctuated
the most significant event in the history of the Czech people.
These learned men, already fluent in the spoken Slav tongue,
created the Cyrillic alphabet, which became the liturgic lan-
guage of the Eastern Slavonic Church, the vehicle of the first
Slavic Bible, and the foundation of modern Russian literature.
By the tenth century, however, Slavic priests were not in evi-
dence, Bohemia and Moravia having become Roman Catholic.
In the fourteenth century, Jan Hus and Jerome of Praha
prepared the ground for the dissent that Martin Luther voiced
so effectively a century later, Hus becoming the spearhead
of the Czech reformation. After his death in 1415 he
became a symbol of the Czech spirit of freedom of thought.
Meantime in 1348 the University of Praha had been founded,
and the Czech renaissance was in full flower.
By the end of the sixteenth century, Bohemia had become the
richest country in Europe, only to lose its independence at the
Battle of White Mountain in 1620. In the Thirty Years' War,
Bohemia was one of the principal battlegrounds; and the Czechs
were subjected to the process of Germanization in schools, gov-
ernment, and church that is now familiar. Books were de-
stroyed; names were changed; executions, banishment, exile,
and confiscation were the rule. The population fell from three
million to less than one million. Thereafter, for a century, tradi-
tion was kept alive only by word of mouth in the huts of the
peasant folk. Because of this procession of usurpers many people
of Czech blood have surnames that reflect the nationality of an
invading political power at a given time.
The first recorded Czech immigrant to America came to New
Amsterdam from Bohemia in 1633. He was Augustine Herman,
a surveyor and cartographer of note. Frederick Philipse came
shortly after. Still later, during the American Revolution Wil-
liam Paca was high in the intimate councils of General Wash-
ington and signer for Maryland of the United States Declaration,
of Independence.
In the 1840's many individual Czech families came to Texas,
landing at Galveston. One was that of Josef Ernst Bergman, who
settled, in 1849, at Cat Springs and whose name had been changed
from Horak. These, and the immigrant groups who followed in
the fifties, were often listed by the German, Polish, or Magyar
equivalent of their real surnames. At that time Czech language
journals were not permitted even in Bohemia. Frederick
Lemsky, who played "Come to My Bower" in the Battle of San
Jacinto, carne to Texas in 1836 and lived in Harris County for
over twenty years. Jorge Fisher, who at one time claimed the
Czech name, Rybar, appeared on the Texas scene as a customs
collector in the thirties but finished a colorful career in Cali-
fornia. In the early twenties, Karl Anton Postel, or Postl, born
in Popicich u Znojma, Moravia, and often referred to as an
Austrian, wrote tales of early Texas under the name of Charles
Sealsfield or Seatsfield. His stories were widely read.
The first real Czech immigrant group landed in Galveston
in 1852 as the result of oppression following the revolutionary
year of 1848 in Austria-Hungary. They came via New Orleans
and Galveston with money to buy productive land and the de-
termination to stay in Texas. They usually brought their fam-
ilies; none came alone, planning to send for their kin later;
none returned to Europe after a competence had been accumu-
lated in Texas. For eight years the tide of immigration in-
creased.
very things from which they had hoped to escape by coming to
Texas. Their sympathies were with the Union, but they had
had a surfeit of war and had arrived too recently to have been
drawn emotionally into the conflict. In the North, where Czechs
had settled earlier, a Czech company was organized in Chicago,
taking the name of "Slavonian Lincoln Rifle Company," but
in the Southwest there were no volunteers and few willing con-
scripts. As a class they were more concerned that men should
be free than they were that men should be equal.
Immigration increased after the Civil War. Until 1900, most
of the immigrants came from the middle classes; then for a
decade some came from the laboring classes. With the begin-
ning of the World War I, Texas became industrialized and, after
the war, developed a farm problem that necessarily had a pro-
found effect on the Czech population. Inasmuch as the inherent
aptitude of the Czechs leans towards handicraft and husbandry,
they settled on the richest soil in the state, the black lands and
upper coastal plains belts, stretching across the state, north
and south from Denton to Brownsville. Today, the most densely
populated counties are Fayette, with twenty-two Czech commun-
ities; Lavaca with thirteen; Austin, Burleson, Williamson with
ten each; Wharton, McLennan, Fort Bend with nine each; and
Bell and Victoria with six each. In all there are 252 communi-
ties. A community designated as such, has a local lodge of
some benevolent organization or a parish or a church or all
three. Towns having a large number of Czechs are Temple,
LaGrange, Hallettsville, Caldwell, Taylor, Granger, Elgin, Yoa-
kum, Shiner, Moulton, Bellville, Sealy, Ellinger, Smithville, Fla-
tonia, and Schulenburg. Ninety-four per cent of the Czechs
live in thirty-two contiguous counties. Many small towns, rail-
way stations, settlements, and parishes bear Czech names:
Anton, Bila Hora, Dubina, Frenstat, Frydek, Haiduk, Hegar,
Holik, Holub, Hostyn, Kovar, Krasna, Lipa, Marak, Mikeska,
Moravan, Moravia Nada, Nechanitz, Novohrad, Polanka, Pisek,
Prague, Praha, Ratibor, Rosanka, Roznov, Sebesta, Shimek,
Smetana, Tabor, Vokaty, Vsetin, Vysehrad, Zizkov. The Czech
immigrants chose rich soil, developed and conserved it, made a
living on it; and today, after almost a century, they still own
and live on the land.
A large percentage of Czech immigration came from rural
districts of Bohemia and Moravia. These Czechs were either
farmers or artisans. Their feeling of independence--growing
out of landownership--their inherent love of the soil and any-
thing associated with the working of it, and their love and pride
in being farmers account for the orderliness, neatness, and even
luxury of the Czech farm settlements. Their greatest contribu-
tion has been in the line of agricultural pursuits, and praises of
their skill and application are often heard from officials and
inspectors of state departments of agriculture.
The rate of illiteracy among the Czechs is consistently low.
They became, for the most part, successful artisans and home-
owners in communities notable for their preservation of the
best of the old country's culture and their high plane of group
intelligence. They were wholesome and industrious. If they
clung together, it was because their mother tongue had almost
no affinity with the English, German, French, and Spanish of
their neighbors. A large percentage of Czech immigrants today,
however, are city dwellers, and the language is taught in a
number of public schools. Czech was introduced into the cur-
riculum of the University of Texas in 1915.
The first impulse of the early Czech families or groups was
to build a church. A schoolhouse followed; soon a reading club
or fraternal or benevolent organization was formed to coordi-
nate the common effort. The growth, influence, and compre-
hension of these organizations among the Texas Czechs, begin-
ning with a deep respect for inherent spiritual and educational
needs, and functioning now as a movement that touches every
phase of cultural, economic, and physical activity, might almost
be called a Czech design for living. Much of this culture is a
concept of the organization of the Sokols. Literally the word
Sokol means falcon and symbolizes the organization's lofty
ideals as does its motto, "A sound mind in a sound body." They
believe that men who learn to play and play fair will never
quarrel or kill. One of the most precious heritages of this deeply
devout people is a valedictory expression, s
Panem
Bohem
--
"God is with you now and with you on your way."
No immigrants ever brought more books to a new land than
did the Czechs. True, they brought religious books, Bibles and
prayer books, but these avid readers, once here, published news-
papers and periodicals. Today they include: Texan,
Svoboda,
Novy
Domov,
Nasinec,
Czechoslovak,
Vestnik,
Texasky
Rolnik,
Braterske
Listy,
and Husita.
Protestants, and the remainder liberals or freethinkers, "with-
out confession." There are 252 Czech communities, and in these
communities there are 101 Catholic churches and 61
churches, congregations, and missions of the Evangelical Unity
of the Czech Moravian Brethern. The Hus Memorial School,
Temple, Texas, belongs to the Unity. St. Ludmila Academy,
Shiner, Texas, belongs to the Czech Catholics. The Southwest
Bohemian Presbytery has nine churches and four congregations.
The Freethinkers have a state charter; the supreme lodge is in
Houston, and there are four other local lodges.
In January, 1942, Dr. Jan Masaryk, minister of foreign af-
fairs of Czechoslovakia, made an official visit to Texas, visiting
the larger Czech communities and most of the cities and uni-
versities. Masaryk was not surprised at the progress of the
Czechs in Texas. He was only too familiar with their inherent
ability to make homes for themselves in a new land, and he was
both proud and gratified with their progress and their contribu-
tions to the agricultural, industrial, professional, and social life
of Texas.
Of all European peoples the Czechs admittedly are the best
fitted for democratic government. No nation has ever been so
quick to readjust itself after a comparable ordeal of despotism.
The Czech easily orients himself in Texas because its atmos-
phere of freedom is the ideal of all true patriots. Texas has
been good to the Czechs, and the Czechs are a part of Texas'
greatness.
The Kerrville Cedar Axe
The following challenging statement was made by James
Fenimore Cooper more than a hundred years ago:
The American axe! It has made more real and lasting conquests than
the sword of any warlike people that ever lived, but they have been con-
quests that have left civilization in their train instead of havoc and deso-
lation. More than a million square miles of territory have been opened
up from the shade of the virgin forest to admit the warmth of the sun,
and culture and abundance have been spread where the beast of the forest
so lately roamed, hunted by the savage. A brief quarter of a century has
seen these wonderful changes wrought, and at the bottom of them all lies
the beautiful, well prized, ready and efficient implement, the American axe.
1
The axe and the long-barrel rifle were instrumental in the
civilization of the East, whereas in the West and Southwest
civilization was aided materially by the invention of the six-
shooter, the windmill, and the barbed wire fence. It is generally
assumed by historians that the axe played a minor role in the
Trans-Mississippi West compared with its importance east of
the ninety-eighth meridian and in the Pacific Coast area. The im-
migrants who crossed the Great Plains going west found the land
practically a treeless, level, semi-arid region. When at last this
vast region was settled by the homesteaders, there were, how-
ever, more than twelve million acres of cedar in the southern part
of the Great Plains area, the western half of central and south-
ern Texas.
2 The type of cedar that grows throughout this
region is more of a bush than a tree and is commonly referred
to as such.
Much of the vast stretches of the cedar country was not used
for ranching until late in the nineteenth century and the early
part of the twentieth century. Little else will grow where
there is cedar, but, as long as there was an unlimited range,
the cattle, sheep, and goats managed to find enough to eat
among the cedars. As the country between San Antonio and
El Paso gradually became settled with farmers and ranchers,
the need for clearing additional land became more and more
apparent. To the rancher this task must have appeared as huge
as draining the Gulf of Mexico.
The pesky cedar, which grows on the average of eight to ten
feet in height, was a great handicap to the rancher and farmer.
Not even a hungry goat, which has a reputation for eating
anything, will touch the branches of a cedar tree. Cedar, how-
ever, makes excellent firewood and fence posts, but the demand
for these hardly came close to making a dent in the supply,
and as long as there was plenty of land, it did not seem to make
much difference about the cedar. But about the time of World
War I the need for more land for farming and ranching became
acute, so much so that the farmers and ranchers began a sys-
tematic eradication of the cedar. During the next twenty years
in Texas alone more than a million acres of brush land was
cleared of cedar and thus became more valuable for farming
and ranching purposes. In 1937 this pasture improvement
project was included as a ranch conservation practice in the
AAA program. Since that time almost 3,400,000 acres of cedar
trees and brush in Texas have been cleared. It is estimated
that from eight to ten million more acres of range land is
still infested with cedar which needs to be cut.
3
In many respects the axe has in more recent times contributed
to the progress and development of a section of the United
States which heretofore had little need for the well-prized
implement that had played such an important role in the col-
onization of North America. It has contributed a major part
to the job of giving the landscape of the Southwest a face-
lifting. The axe at last has arrived in the Trans-Mississippi
West. Today if one should travel from Austin to El Paso, he
would notice a great change that has come over the country.
There are still millions of acres of cedar, but as one rides along
the highway in many sections of Texas, he can not help but
notice the miles and miles of barren hillsides and valleys from
which the cedar has been cleared.
The cedar eradication program was greatly accelerated as a
result of the invention of a new type of axe especially suited
for cutting cedar trees and cedar brush. The cedar axe is a
product of the Hill Country in Texas, where armies of cedar
choppers have been swinging away for over thirty years. It
was invented partly by accident and partly because of a real
need for a better tool to do the job. Before telling the story
of the "Kerrville Cedar Axe," it is best to review briefly the
history of the axe in general.
There are many different kinds of axes for diverse types of
work. The axe is one of the earliest tools used by man, being
found among the relics of the Stone, Bronze, and Iron Ages.
Recently a steel battle-axe, estimated to have been made before
1500 B.C.,
4 was unearthed in Syria by a French archaelogical
expedition. Sometimes the axe was fashioned of syenite or
black sandstone, by the lake dwellers of Europe; of jade, by the
ancient peoples of Asia and Asia Minor; of flint, by the Ameri-
can Indians; of mixed copper and tin, by the Druids.
5
As a weapon the axe was in common use from the earliest
times until the general adaptation of firearms. It was used by
the Egyptians. By the Greeks it was looked upon as a weapon
of their own ancestors and of the Asiatic nations and so figured
in works of Greek art. The northern nations who overthrew
the Roman Empire used many varieties of this weapon, and
its use prevailed throughout the Middle Ages in Europe. To
this day stone axes are still used in some of the South Sea
Islands.
6
The story of how and when the axe was first introduced in
America seems to have been lost. It is known that early
in the history of New France the axe was much in evidence.
The early settlers in Virginia and Massachusetts seem to have
possessed iron axes. Whether the first iron axe in America
was brought over by the Pilgrim Fathers or whether the in-
genious pioneers themselves fashioned their axes by hand, is
a matter of speculation. James Fenimore Cooper makes this
comment relative to a shipload of immigrants coming to Amer-
ica in the eighteenth century: "Their packs were lying in a
pile, near the foot of the mast, and I did not fail to observe
that there were as many axes as there were packs."
7 Several
historians have generally come to think of the iron axe, de-
signed for felling trees and chopping wood, as distinctively
North American.
pared with the modern steel axe and weighed between four and
seven pounds. The modern axe is made something like this:
a piece of wrought iron is heated to a white heat, cut the
desired length, and then, after the eye for the handle is pushed
through, reheated and pressed between concave dies into proper
shape. Again heated, it is grooved on the edge, with borax as
a flux, an arched-edge piece of steel is inserted, projecting an
inch or more; the iron and steel are then welded at white heat.
and after it is hammered, ground to a fine edge, tempered, and
polished, the head is varnished to prevent rust. 8 Form and
weight vary according to the use to which the tool is to be put.
For hard timber the edge is narrow and the whole axe
heavy. Common forest axes weigh from three to seven pounds.
In contrast, the cedar axe about to be described averages only
two and one-half pounds in weight. The handle of an axe is
usually made of hickory. Second-growth hickory is best for
making axe handles because it is stout and elastic. 9
The Chamber of Commerce of Kerrville, Texas, makes much
of the fact that Kerrville is situated in the "Heart of the Hills."
It is also in the very heart of the cedar country with thousands
and thousands of acres of cedar in every direction. In the early
twenties the ranchers and farmers of this section began to hire
gangs of cedar-choppers to come in to clear out the cedar on
their land. Excellent fence posts could be made from the cut
cedar, and the sale of the posts just about paid for the extermi-
nation.
10 Contractors would agree to clear pastures covered
with cedar in exchange for the wood. The wood could be cut
into fence posts and trucked to various parts of the state and
sold on the market square. The usual price ran from ten to
twenty-five cents a post. Thus, an enterprising contractor
might often make a fair profit, in view of the fact that the
demand for fence posts in recent years has been great.
The cedar-choppers were largely Mexican laborers who re-
ceived from a dollar to two dollars a day. Wartime wages were
considerably higher, however. The contractor furnished the
axes, which he bought in dozen lots. A common complaint
among the cedar-choppers was that the large three to four
pound axe they had to use was entirely too heavy and unsuited
for close-in work that was sometimes necessary to fell a cedar
tree. The handle was too long and the blade of the axe too
short; as much of the cutting had to be done by overhead
strokes, a miss could be disastrous.
The Charles Schreiner Company in Kerrville sold hundreds
of axes each year to the cedar-choppers, ranchers, and farmers.
The manager of the hardware department at that time was
Mr. Henry Weiss,
11 who was conscious of a need for an
axe better suited to the cedar country. But he only sold axes;
he did not make them. One day in 1927, as he was returning in
his buggy from the country, after a business visit to a near-by
ranch, he noticed a hatchet, minus the handle, lying in the
ditch by the side of the road. He stopped his horse and got
out to examine it. He immediately realized why the hatchet
probably had been thrown away--part of the blade had been
broken off. Thinking that he might find some use for it, how-
ever, he tossed it onto the floor of his buggy and rode on into
town. At the first opportunity Weiss took the broken hatchet
to his friend, an old German blacksmith by the name of Frank
Krueger,
12 to see whether it could possibly be repaired.
The blacksmith explained to Weiss that the hatchet probably
could be heated and beaten into proper shape in order to correct
the broken edge, but that since it had already been sharpened
so many times, the steel edge had more than likely worn away
through long years of use. But Weiss had taken such a fancy
to the hatchet that he insisted that Krueger try to fix it
anyway. The job was completed in a short time, but the steel
in the hatchet proved to be of such poor quality that it was
obvious that the axe (which it resembled now more than it did
a hatchet) would not stand cutting into hard wood. The charges
amounted to only one dollar, and with a short handle about
thirty inches in length the axe proved to be rather attractive.
The axe was single-bladed and weighed about two pounds. Its
cutting edge had been lengthened to about five and one-half
inches, whereas the poll was only two and one-half inches long.
In a short time the owner of the little axe became quite
attached to it, and one day while cutting some small cedar brush
around his house, he found that the axe was admirably adapted
to such work. Cedar wood is soft, and the cedar bush rarely
grows more than four or five inches in diameter. But as the
blacksmith had warned, the metal was too brittle, and after
limited use the blade broke again.
Weiss had become so attached to his prize axe by this time
that he decided, if possible, to have an exact reproduction
made. He secured a new three-pound single-blade axe and took
it to his blacksmith friend. This was an ordinary axe with a
poll approximately four inches long, which tapered out to a
blade of about four and one-half inches. Krueger heated the
new axe and cut off about one and three-quarters of an inch of
the inside edge of the poll, leaving the blade appreciably wider.
Since the axe was now too thick, the blade was hammered out
about another inch. The finished implement weighed about two
pounds, or slightly more, with an over-all length of seven
inches, and a handle of approximately thirty inches. The
shape of the outer edge of the axe was not changed, but the
inner edge was tapered to give the chopper a better chance
of hitting his mark. This had functional value, especially when
the chopper had to make overhead swings--sometimes with
only one hand--in order to trim off limbs before felling the tree.
The new axe proved to be even better than the first one and
is still in Weiss's possession.
13 He has used it. for over sixteen
years and is so sentimental about it that no amount of money
could persuade him to part with it.
At this time Lee Judd was making frequent trips to the
cedar country as a factory representative for the Hartwell
Brothers of Memphis, Tennessee. Merchants throughout his
territory had mentioned to him on several occasions the need
for a more suitable axe for the cedar-choppers. On one of his
routine calls in Kerrville the question came up again in the
course of a conversation with Weiss. The manager of the hard-
ware department of the Charles Schreiner Company related the
story of the cedar axe he had just had made and asked the
company representative if the Hartwell people would manu-
facture such an axe for the cedar-choppers of the Kerrville
area. After he described the axe and mentioned its advantages
over the ordinary one, Judd became extremely interested and
asked to examine it.
Weiss agreed to bring his axe to the store as soon as he
returned from lunch. The salesman returned to the Charles
Schreiner Store after lunch, and as soon as he saw the new axe
and studied its modified features, he asked to be allowed to take
it with him and send it to the factory to be duplicated. Weiss
would not part with his axe, however, even after the salesman
guaranteed to return it to him personally. Furthermore, he
refused to sell it for any price whatsoever. Judd then pro-
ceeded to make a crude drawing of the axe before departing.
Several weeks later the salesman returned to Kerrville and
called upon Weiss again. The factory had been unable to dupli-
cate the axe from the drawing and reported that it would be
necessary to have an exact pattern before duplication could be
accomplished. Weiss again refused to part with his axe under
any conditions, even for a few weeks. He finally agreed, how-
ever, to go with Judd to see whether the same blacksmith,
Krueger, would make another one. The company salesman soon
discovered that the old blacksmith could be as stubborn as his
German friend, Weiss. After much insistence on the part of
Weiss, Krueger agreed, as a personal favor to his friend, to
make another cedar axe. Weiss had argued that if the company
did start manufacturing the axe and it became prominent, that
Kerrville could get considerable publicity from it in that he
would request the company to name it "The Kerrville Cedar
Axe." Krueger's reply was: "Well, since you are my friend,
I will do it, but I want you to know that you are the only
person in the world for whom I would spend so much time and
hard work in making another axe of this sort."
The pattern for the cedar axe was made with a few modifica-
tions from the original. Judd carried the implement to the
Warren Axe and Tool Company of Warren, Pennsylvania, where
further changes in design were worked out and the finished
axe produced. The Hartwell Company of Memphis is chiefly
an axe-handle and hammer-handle manufacturing company
which makes its fine products from the second-growth hickory
of Tennessee and surrounding areas. Their axes and hammers
are especially made for them by the Warren Axe and Tool
Company, while the handles are made and fitted at Memphis,
Tennessee. 14
Almost immediately the new cedar axe, called surprisingly the
"Grey Gorge Axe," was found satisfactory, not only for
cedar work but also for campers and hunters. The In-
dustrial Revolution had been brought to a product of Texan
handicraft. The axe is now used almost exclusively in
the cedar region of Texas. According to Frank Caldwell, the
factory representative for the Hartwell Company, the first ship-
ment of cedar axes in the United States was received by the
Charles Schreiner Company at Kerrville, Texas. Throughout
the years the Schreiner store has probably sold two or three
times more of them than any other concern.
15 The Hartwell
Company is unable to furnish the exact number of cedar axes
that they have sold in the past sixteen years, but it is estimated
to be approximately eighty thousand. These axes were not
made during the war, but production is again under way.
During the past five or six years other companies have started
manufacturing a cedar axe similar in design to the "Grey Gorge
Axe." The best known of these competitive brands are Kelly's
"Flint Edge," Collins' "Cedar Axe," and Plumb's "Cedar Axe."
The Hartwell Company now makes a double-bladed cedar axe
and is the only company, incidentally, that does. The double-
bladed axe now outsells the single-bladed one, two to one, for
cedar-cutting purposes. The two types of axes range in weight
from one and three-quarter pounds to three and one-half pounds.
The lighter weights (single-blade) are used mostly by campers
and hunters, while the medium weights (both single and double)
are used for cedar and brush work; the heavier weights are
used for general chopping. The two and one-half pound single-
bladed axe with a twenty-eight-inch handle is the best all-around
seller; the retail price is ordinarily $3.00, whereas the double-
bladed cedar axe retails for about $3.50.
In making the "Grey Gorge Cedar Axe" the manufacturer
now uses two grades of steel. All of the first quality axes are
made out of an alloy steel, and all of the intermediate and cheap-
er grades are made of a high grade carbon steel.
16 The
alloy steels are much more expensive, and the alloy used, both
chrome and vanadium, tends to give the steel a tougher and
more elastic property to hold a keener edge for a longer period.
An outstanding feature of the Hartwell product is that the
cedar axe is now made of one piece of steel, instead of the
poll's being made of iron and the cutting edge of steel, as is gen-
erally the case. By using all steel it is possible to shape the
axe in a die and thus get axes of uniform shape and weight.
This is not possible where iron and steel have to be welded and
the axe shaped under a trip hammer, as no man could make
two axes exactly alike by this process, although the difference
probably would be too small to be of any consequence.
17 A
further advantage of an all-steel axe is that it can be used as
a wedge without breaking or battering the poll so easily. How-
ever, all axe companies recommend that their product not be
used in this manner. The handle itself is one of the most out-
standing features of the "Grey Gorge Axe." It is made of
second-growth white hickory--strong, trim, and elastic; its
pistol-like grip affords easy and safe handling by the user.
A good cedar-chopper can clear from one to three acres of
cedar each day, depending upon the thickness of the cedar, of
course. It has been estimated by experienced cedar-choppers
that the especially designed cedar axe increases the effectiveness
of their work by more than 25 per cent.
Ironically enough, the cedar axe was not named "The Kerr-
ville Cedar Axe," which, according to Henry Weiss, he spe-
cifically requested. It is sold instead under the name of the
"Grey Gorge Axe." This name was selected by J. A. Copp of
the Hartwell Company because of the similarity of the chop
in a tree to the wolf's open mouth, and the cut of the axe bite
to the tearing capacity of the grey wolf's fangs. The only bit-
terness that its original designers have relative to the episode
is that Kerrville has not received the recognition from the sale
of the axe that they feel it deserves. Since neither Weiss nor
Krueger took the trouble to patent the invention, there was
nothing that they could do about its name. However, the cedar
axe is generally referred to in most parts of Texas as the "Kerr-
ville Cedar Axe," and the company which sells it sometimes
refers to it as the "Kerrville design."
FOOTNOTES:
AAA, College Station, Texas; letter to Gene Hollon, December 8, 1944.
March 16, 1940.
American Hickory Handles (Washington, 1939), a publication of the Bu-
reau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, U.S. Department of Commerce
(Trade Promotion Series No. 203).
eradicating an acre of cedar at the present time is $2.00. Several years ago,
when labor was cheaper than it is now, many ranchers succeeded in getting
cedar cleared from their land for the cedar posts. However, during the
first few years of the range conservation program, practically all of the
best cedar trees were cut, and few remain from which a good quality of
posts can be obtained. It is estimated that the AAA has paid out approxi-
mately $4,000,000 for the carrying out of this practice during the program
years 1937 through 1944.
A study is now being made to determine the effects of the eradication
of range-destroying plants on pasture-carrying capacity and increased
production of beef, wool, and mohair. The results of this study may or
may not justify the continuance of the cedar-clearing practice.
pany, Henry Weiss recently retired and now resides at his old home place
in Kerrville, where he and Mrs. Weiss operate a nursery at their home.
years, and at last account, early in 1945, he was ill and feeble.
Hollon by Henry Weiss, March 4, 1944.
the cedar axe was given in a letter to Gene Hollon from the Hartwell
Company, September 3, 1945.
Hollon, December 22, 1944.
product; the first grade axe is spelled "a-x-e," while the second and third
grades are each spelled "a-x."
eographed bulletin published by the Hartwell Company, Memphis, Ten-
nessee).
Digest of Congressional Action
on the Annexation of Texas
Dec
em
b
er,
1844,
to
March,
1845
on the Annexation of Texas
Dec em b er, 1844, to
March, 1845
The question of the annexation of Texas had been before
the people of the United States seven years when Congress
convened in December of 1844. Texas made the first offer
of annexation in 1837 but was informed that the United States
was not ready to consider the matter, and until the latter part
of 1842 the question of the annexation of Texas had small place
in newspaper discussion or official communications. In 1843
President John Tyler entered into negotiations for a treaty
with Texas, and in April, 1844, a treaty was signed by John C.
Calhoun, secretary of state for the United States, and Isaac
Van Zandt and J. Pinckney Henderson on the part of Texas.
The treaty provided for the annexation of Texas as a territory
of the United States. In June the treaty was considered in the
Senate and, on June 8, rejected. President Tyler immediately
sent in a message to Congress recommending that Texas be
annexed by law. Congress adjourned, however, without con-
sidering the question. In the presidential campaign of 1844
the annexation of Texas played an important role, and as a
result of the November election, James K. Polk, who had cam-
paigned on a platform favoring annexation, was elected Presi-
dent.
When the second session of the Twenty-eighth Congress as-
sembled in December, 1844, President Tyler sent in a message
in which he reviewed the circumstances connected with the
treaty. He said that the chief objection which had been urged
against the ratification of the treaty was that public opinion
had not been expressed in favor of annexation. However, since
April, 1844, when the treaty was made, the decision of the
American people had been decisively manifested in the Novem-
ber election. Of that election, the President said, "A controlling-
majority of the people and a large majority of the States, have
declared in favor of immediate annexation." He therefore rec-
ommended that Congress annex Texas by joint resolution in
accordance with the terms of the treaty.
In his message the President discussed the attitude of Mexico
toward annexation. He also outlined the advantages which
would accrue to the United States by reason of the annexation
of Texas. Such advantages included an extension of coastwise
and foreign trade, enlargement of the markets for American
manufactures, larger markets for agricultural products, and
greater safety on the frontier.
1
With the recommendation of the President before them, the
members of Congress began the consideration of possible meth-
ods of annexing Texas. This article contains a chronological list
of the different resolutions and bills presented in Congress to-
gether with a summary of their contents, a statement of
their disposition in the House and Senate, and a sketch of the
various arguments and discussions concerning the methods and
expediency of annexing Texas.
A total of seventeen different bills and resolutions was in-
troduced, seven in the Senate and ten in the House of Repre-
sentatives. Senate Resolution No. 2 and House Resolution No.
46, as originally introduced, however, were the same, thus
making only sixteen distinct propositions. Two of the men
introducing the measures were Whigs; the other fourteen were
Democrats. Geographically considered, seven of the men who
introduced the proposals for annexation were from non-slave
states.
The McDuffie bill had chronological priority. Introduced as
Senate Resolution No. 8 by George McDuffie
2 on December 10,
1844, it was entitled "A resolution for annexing Texas to the
United States." This joint resolution provided for the annexa-
tion of Texas according to the terms of the treaty between the
United States and Texas which had been rejected by the Senate
in April of 1844. The treaty provided:
1. That the territories held by Texas should be annexed to
the United States and should be subject to the same constitu-
tional provisions as the other territories of the United States.
The cession was to include all public lands, mines, minerals,
salt lakes and springs, public edifices, fortifications, barracks,
ports and harbors, navy and navy yards, docks, magazines, arms,
public funds, debts, and dues unpaid.
2. That citizens of Texas were to become citizens of the
United States.
3. That all titles to real estate which were valid under the
laws of Texas should be so held by the United States and that
measures were to be adopted for speedy adjudication of all
unsettled claims to land.
4. That public lands were to be subject to laws regulating
other territories. Where previous grants made it impossible
to apply every sixteenth section for educational purposes, Con-
gress should make equal provision elsewhere.
5. That the United States agreed to assume and pay the
debts and liabilities of Texas. The public lands were pledged
for the debt, which should not exceed $10,000,000.
6. That four commissioners should be appointed to deter-
mine the full amount of the debts and liabilities of Texas.
7. That the laws of Texas should remain in force until fur-
ther provision was made.
3
On December 11, Thomas Hart Benton
4 introduced an annexa-
tion measure into the Senate. It was entitled "A bill to provide
for the annexation of Texas to the United States," and accord-
ing to its provisions the President of the United States was
authorized to open negotiations with Mexico and Texas for the
adjustment of boundaries and for the annexation of Texas to
the United States on the following bases:
1. The boundary of the annexed territory was to be in the
desert prairie west of the Nueces and along the highlands divid-
ing the waters of the Mississippi from the waters of the Rio
Grande, to the latitude of forty-two degrees south.
2. The people of Texas were to assent to annexation by
legislative act or any other authentic act which would show
the will of the majority.
3. A state to be called "Texas" was to be admitted and
should be no larger than the largest state in the Union.
4. The remainder of the territory was to be organized as
a territory and called "The Southwest Territory."
5. The existence of slavery was to be prohibited in the north-
ern and northwestern part of the territory, west of the hun-
dredth degree of longitude, so as to divide as equally as might
be the territory between slaveholding and non-slaveholding
states.
6. The assent of Mexico was to be obtained by treaty if
possible.
7. Other details were to be settled by treaty.
5
Continuing the day-after-day introduction of annexation
measures, on December 12, C. J. Ingersoll,
6 chairman of the
Committee on Foreign Affairs, proposed "A joint resolution for
annexing Texas to the United States." This resolution, as later
amended, was the method by which Texas was annexed. It
provided, when first introduced into the House of Representa-
tives, that Texas should be annexed by terms of the treaty of
April, 1844.
7 On January 25, the resolution was amended by
striking out all but the enacting clause and substituting a propo-
sition by Representative Milton Brown
8 which had been intro-
duced on January 13 as House Bill No. 65. This bill pro-
vided that the Republic of Texas should be converted into
a state and admitted into the Union with the following guar-
antees :
1. That all questions of boundaries which might arise with
other governments were to be settled by the United States.
2. That the state should turn over to the government of the
United States all means of public defense and all public build-
ings as called for in the treaty but should retain all debts and
liabilities and public lands, which should be used to pay the
debt. The remainder of the proceeds from public lands should
be disposed of as the state might direct, but in no event should
the liabilities become a charge upon the United States.
3. That, with the consent of Texas, new states might be
formed out of the territory. States south of 36°30' were to be
admitted with or without slavery as they desired.
9
On the motion of Stephen A. Douglas,
10 a modification was
accepted to be inserted after the clause concerning slavery.
It provided that in such states as should be formed out of Texas
territory lying north of the Missouri Compromise line slavery
or involuntary servitude should be prohibited. With this modi-
fication, the Brown amendment was accepted and passed by the
House.
11
In the Senate, the resolution was still further amended by
a section introduced by R. J. Walker
12 which provided that
Texas might be annexed according to the terms of the joint
resolution or that the President might enter into new negotia-
tions with Texas for its admission as a state and the cession
of the remaining territories. A sum of $100,000 was to be
appropriated to pay the expense of such negotiations.
13
J. B. Weller,
14 in House Resolution No. 51, also advocated
the joint resolution route to annexation. His resolution was for
the annexation of Texas as a territory and contained practically
the same terms as those agreed upon in the treaty except that
the language was made simpler and that the area was to be
known as the "Territory of Texas."
15
Stephen A. Douglas revived the once controversial question
of the boundary of the Louisiana Purchase in the wording of
House Resolution No. 56, "A resolution for annexing Texas to
the United States in conformity with the Treaty of 1803 for the
purchase of Louisiana."
1. By this resolution Texas was regarded as a part of
Louisiana.
2. Texas was to be erected into a territory known as the
Territory of Texas, reannexed to the United States, and divided
into states as soon as the population should justify such di-
vision.
3. Land titles valid under Texas laws were to be so held by
the United States.
4. The public lands were pledged for the debt, "supposed
not to exceed $10,000,000."
5. The amount and validity of the debts of Texas were to
be determined as Congress might direct.
6. All public properties, lands, funds, and debts were to be
ceded to the United States.
,7. The same types of laws were to apply in Texas as in other
territories.
8. Boundary disputes were placed in the hands of the United
States.
16
of Texas to the United States of America." It provided for:
1. The annexation of Texas as a territory under the name
of "Territory of Texas."
2. The establishment of a temporary territorial government
upon the passage of the act.
3. Boundary or other disputes to be placed in the hands of
the United States.
4. Protection of Texas by the United States until the ac-
ceptance or rejection of the resolution.
5. The concurrence of Texas in the resolution to make it
effective.
18
On December 3, 1844, J. W. Tibbatts
19 gave notice of his in-
tention to submit a Texas annexation measure which was
finally introduced on January 3, 1845, as House Bill No. 490
entitled "A bill to authorize the people of Texas to form a
constitution and State Government, and for admission of such
State into the Union upon an equal footing with the original
States." The first paragraph of this bill stated that Texas was
a part of the Louisiana Purchase and that the bill proposed to
provide for the reception of that part of Louisiana into the
Union as a state. The following were the conditions of admis-
sion:
1. The people of Texas were authorized to form a state
constitution and to apply for admission.
2. Slavery should be prohibited in all the territory north
of the Missouri Compromise line.
3. The constitution should be submitted to Congress for its
approval.
4. Until the next general census was taken, the state should
be allowed one representative.
5. Citizens of Texas would become citizens of the United
States.
6. The area not included in the state of Texas was to be
organized into the "Southwest Territory," and the United States
pledged the proceeds from the sale of this land for the payment
of the debts of Texas not to exceed $10,000,000. All boundary
disputes were to be in the hands of the United States; and until
the proposition was either accepted or rejected, Texas was guar-
anteed the protection of the United States.
20
J. J. McDowell
21 introduced House Bill No. 496, "A bill to
admit the republic of Texas as a State into the Union of the
United States of America," on January 7, 1845. This bill also
provided for what was termed the reannexation of Texas. The
people of Texas were given authority to submit a constitution
to Congress for approval and to be received into the Union as a
state. The state was to transfer to the Federal government
all public property including lands, funds, and liabilities. The
United States agreed to pay the debt of the Republic and to
adjust all boundary disputes. All real estate titles and claims
which were valid under Texas laws were to be respected by
the United States. Upon its consent, the Republic might, after
its admission as a state, be divided into several states, not to
exceed four in number.
22
Senate Resolution No. 8, "Joint Resolution for the admission
of Texas into the Union as a State, on certain condition, and for
certain purposes," was introduced by Senator John M. Niles
23
on January 7, 1845. According to this resolution the territory
of Texas was to be admitted into the Union under the following
conditions:
1. The citizens of Texas should assent to the union and sub-
mit a constitution on or before the first Monday of December,
1845.
2. The territory of Texas admitted as a state should be no
larger than the largest state in the Union, and the remainder
of the territory should be organized as a territory of the United
States.
3. All boundary disputes with foreign powers were to be
settled by the United States.
4. Slavery should be prohibited in the territory of Texas
according to the terms of the Missouri Compromise.
5. Texas was to be allowed to retain her public lands; and,
should she desire, the United States would advance a sum not
exceeding $350,000 to discharge immediate debts.
24
House Bill No. 500, introduced by G. C. Dromgoole
25 on Jan-
uary 8, 1845, was styled "A bill declaring the assent of Con-
gress that a new State be formed within the jurisdiction of the
Republic of Texas, and admitted into this Union." Under the
terms of the Dromgoole bill a state was to be formed out of
the territory of the Republic of Texas and admitted prior to
July 4, 1845. The remaining area of the Republic was to be
under the jurisdiction of the United States and subject to the
same general laws as the other territories, and all boundary
disputes were to be settled by the United States.
26
On January 13, 1845, the Whig senator from Tennessee, E. H.
Foster,
27 introduced Senate Resolution No. 10, "Joint resolu-
tion declaring the terms on which Congress will admit Texas
into the Union as a State." This resolution declared that Texas
should be erected into a state under the following conditions:
1. All boundary disputes of Texas should be transmitted to
the President of the United States on or before January 1,
1846.
2. The state was to retain all debts and charges against the
Republic and to retain the public lands, which might be used to
discharge these debts and liabilities, but in no case should they
become a charge against the United States.
3. Other states, with the consent of Texas, might later be
formed out of the territory of the state of Texas. Such states
formed south of the line of 36°30' should be admitted with or
without slavery as they desired:
28
On the same day, January 13, that Foster introduced his meas-
ure into the Senate, Milton Brown proposed to the House "A
resolution declaring the terms on which Congress will admit
Texas into the Union."
29 Filed as House Resolution No. 65, it
became a part of House Resolution No. 46 and has been sum-
marized under that resolution.
Senate Bill No. 83, January 14, 1845, was proposed by Senator
W. H. Haywood
30 and styled "A bill to provide for the annexation
of Texas to the United States, and to restore the ancient limits
of the Republic." This bill provided for the annexation of Texas
as two territories, divided along the line of the thirty-fourth
parallel. The northern half, in which slavery was to be excluded,
was to be called "The Territory of Nebraska," while the southern
half was to be known as "The Southern Territory." These two
territories were to be erected into an equal number of states.
All boundary disputes with other powers were to be settled by
the United States.
31
House Bill No. 523, "A bill to provide for the admission of the
Republic of Texas into this Union," was introduced on January
15, 1845, by Edmund Burke.
32 Under the terms of the Burke
bill, Texas was to be admitted as a state. Her constitution was
to be submitted to Congress for approval on or before January
1, 1846, and the state was to retain all public lands, public debts,
and public funds. All boundary disputes were to be settled by
the United States by treaties with foreign nations. The terri-
tory might be divided into not more than four new states pro-
vided that the states south of the Missouri Compromise line
might be admitted with or without slavery as they desired.
33
One week later, January 22, 1845, Representative Robinson
34
of New York introduced House Bill No. 527, "A bill to provide for
the annexation of Texas to the United States," which provided:
1. That a state should be annexed which should be carved out
of the territory of Texas and be no larger than the largest state
in the Union.
2. That the proposed state constitution of Texas was to
be presented to Congress before July 4, 1845.
gress should determine whether or not slavery should exist.
4. That until the next general census, the state of Texas
should be allowed to have one representative in Congress.
35
Senator Benton proposed his second Texas measure, Senate
Bill No. 118, on February 5, 1845. The bill was offered as a
substitute for Senate Bill No. 14 and contained substantially the
same terms with the omission of a few of the conditions of the
first bill. In general, it stated:
1. That a state with suitable boundaries should be formed out
of Texas as soon as the cession of the remaining territory to the
United States should be agreed upon by the two governments.
The state was to have two representatives in Congress until the
next apportionment of representation.
2. That $100,000 was to be appropriated to defray the ex-
penses of missions and negotiations.
36
Senator Chester Ashley
37 submitted Senate Resolution No. 19,
"A joint resolution for the admission of Texas into the Union
of the United States," on February 13. This resolution provided
for the annexation of the Republic of Texas as a state with a
constitution which would allow the area to be divided into new
states not exceeding five in number. Texas was to retain her
public debts and liabilities and was to pledge the proceeds from
the sale of her public lands as payment for these liabilities. As
in the other propositions, all boundary disputes were to be in the
hands of the United States.
38
A perusal of the House and Senate Journals
of the second ses-
sion of the Twenty-eighth Congress reveals the varied course of
the action on the different bills and resolutions. Senate Resolu-
tion No. 2 was introduced by McDuffie on December 10. It was
read a first and second time and referred to the Committee on
Foreign Relations. Senate Bill No. 14, introduced by Benton
on December 11, was read a first and second time, referred to
the Committee on Foreign Relations, and ordered to be printed.
39
On February 5, Benton withdrew this bill and substituted Senate
Bill No. 118.
40
House Resolution No. 46 was introduced on December 12 by
C. J. Ingersoll from the Committee on Foreign Affairs. The
resolution was read a first and a second time and committed to
the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union.
41
It was considered by the House from January 3 to January 25
and passed as amended on January 25 with a vote of 120 to 98.
42
On February 28, the resolution passed the Senate with an amend-
ment by a vote of 27 to 25.
43 On the same day the House con-
curred in the Senate amendment by a vote of 134 to 77, and on
March 1, House Resolution No. 46 was approved by President
Tyler.
44
House Resolution No. 51 was introduced by Weiler on Decem-
ber 19. It was read a first and second time and was referred to
the committe of the whole.
45
House Resolution No. 56, introduced by Douglas on December
23, was read a first and second time and referred to the com-
mittee of the whole.
46 House Resolution No. 60, by Belser, re-
ceived the same treatment on January 3, and House Bill No. 490,
introduced by Tibbatts, was also referred to the committee of
the whole after a first and second reading as was Bill No. 496,
introduced by McDowell.
47
Senate Resolution No. 8 was introduced by Niles on January
7, was read twice and referred to the Committee on Foreign Re-
lations, which recommended on February 3 that the resolution
be tabled.
48
House Bill No. 500 was introduced by Dromgoole on January
8. After its first and second reading, it was referred to the com-
mittee of the whole. On January 21, Dromgoole added an amend-
ment which was treated in the same manner.
49
mittee on Foreign Relations, and upon their recommendation,
it was tabled on February 3. 50
House Resolution No. 65 was introduced by Brown on January
13, and after a first and second reading was referred to the com-
mittee of the whole.
51
Senate Resolution No. 83, introduced by Haywood, was re-
ferred after its second reading to the Committee on Foreign
Relations, who recommended on February 3 that it be tabled.
52
House Bills Nos. 523 and 527, introduced by Burke and Robin-
son on January 15 and January 22, were both referred to the
committee of the whole after first and second readings.
53
Senate Bill No. 118, which was introduced by Benton on Feb-
ruary 5 as a substitute for his previous bill, was read twice and
tabled. Senate Resolution No. 19, introduced by Ashley on Feb-
ruary 13, was read and passed to the second reading. On Feb-
ruary 17 it was read a second time, considered in the committee
of the whole, and tabled after being amended.
54
The discussion and debates on the Texas annexation issue
make up the bulk of the material in the issues of the Congres
-
sional
Globe
which cover the period when the annexation bills
and resolutions were being discussed in the committee of the
whole. Much oratory, sketches of American history, abolition
argument, brilliant parliamentary debate, and even poetry crowd
the pages which are filled with the discussion of the Texas issue.
Although several bills for the annexation of Texas were intro-
duced in the House and Senate during December of 1844, other
business claimed the attention of Congress, so that it was not
until the first week in January that the two branches of Congress
settled down to the business of discussing the various measures
for annexation which were before them. During practically all
of the next two months the Texas question occupied the attention
of both houses. In the Senate the principal defenders of annexa-
tion were W. C. Rives and W. S. Archer of Virginia, John Hender-
son of Mississippi, W. H. Haywood of North Carolina, J. M. Ber-
rien of Georgia, and T. H. Benton of Missouri. The fight in the
Senate against annexation was led by J. B. Huntington from
Connecticut and W. L. Dayton of New Jersey. The leading
proponents of annexation in the House were Representatives
T. H. Bayly and G. C. Dromgoole of Virginia, J. W. Tibbatts, and
Garrett Davis of Kentucky, C. J. Ingersoll from Pennsylvania,
O. Robinson of New York, and Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois.
The most bitter opposition came from Ohio, represented by Jack
Brinkerhoff, A. P. Stone, E. S. Hamlin, and J. G. Giddings, and
from R. C. Winthrop and Charles Hudson from Massachusetts.
The debates hinged chiefly on five main points: (1) the con-
stitutionality of annexing a foreign state, (2) the extension of
slave territory, (3) the amount and disposition of the debt of
Texas, (4) whether Texas should be annexed as a territory or
as a state, and (5) the possibility of a war with Mexico if an-
nexation were accomplished.
The argument over whether or not the annexation of Texas
would be constitutional rested upon an interpretation of the
powers of Congress. Senator Levi Woodbury from New Hamp-
shire declared that Congress did not have the right to admit
new
territory.
55 He referred to the petition which the legisla-
ture of Massachusetts had addressed to Congress declaring that
Congress did not have the right to admit Texas into the Union
because Texas was a foreign
power. The petition had asserted
that Massachusetts would never consent to the admission of
Texas.
56 Sample, in the House, objected to the annexation of
Texas by law. He denied that either the House or Senate in
their legislative capacities "had the power to incorporate a for-
eign territory into the Union."
57 Senator Hamlin of Ohio also
questioned the constitutionality of admitting Texas either by
law or by treaty, and Senators Crittenden, Archer, Benton, and
Ashley all made speeches in which they expressed the opinion
that annexation by treaty would be much more in keeping with
precedent and would not be so likely to involve the issue of con-
stitutionality. Belser's contention was that, since the United
States had recognized Texas, it was an independent nation and
hence should be admitted by treaty.
58 This discussion over the
method of annexing Texas delayed the final passage of the joint
resolution, but it was not an insurmountable obstacle to annexa-
tion.
The connection of the slavery issue with annexation caused
much more trouble than did the technicalities over the consti-
tutional power of Congress to annex. Hamlin of Ohio opened
up the slavery question in the House on December 19 by intro-
ducing a set of resolutions in which he recommended that a select
committee from each state report to the House "whether the
annexation of Texas would not extend and perpetuate slavery
in the slave states, and also the infernal slave trade; and
whether the United States Government has any constitutional
power over slavery in the States."
59 The select committee
never made a report on the question; nevertheless, the Hamlin
proposal served as a basis for discussion. On January 8, C.
B. Smith, in a speech on the joint resolution in the House, re-
viewed the history of the additions of territory to the United
States and stated that up to that time no acquisitions of territory
had been made which had come in as free states, and that he
was in favor either of not admitting Texas at all or of making
the prohibition of slavery a condition of her admission so as not
to extend unduly the slave territory.
60 Senator Allen offered
much the same argument on January 22, when he presented a
resolution from the legislature of Ohio against the annexation
of Texas which, it was said, would mean an extension of slave
territory.
61 Senator Dayton of New Jersey objected to annexa-
tion on the same grounds. He said that he was satisfied that
with the further admission of new states the demands of the
South would increase so long as there was territory below the
Missouri Compromise line and that if that territory were in-
sufficient, more fields like that of San Jacinto would be resorted
to for the acquisition of southern territory.
62 It was largely
because of discussions of this nature that so many of the pro-
posals for annexation contained some reference to slave terri-
tory.
Another objection to the annexation of Texas was the huge
debt which the Republic had accumulated. Caleb B. Smith of
Indiana said that there was no way of determining the exact
amount of the debts of Texas and that, even if the sum were
known, it was not fair to saddle the nation with such a debt
burden. In the same connection, he said that, should the United
States annex Texas, the Union would be forced to fulfill what-
ever treaty obligations Texas had entered into with other gov-
ernments and that this might involve an unnecessary expendi-
ture.
63
The nature of the propositions for annexation indicate the
diversity.of opinion on whether Texas should be admitted as a
territory and later divided into states or whether it should be-
come a state upon admission. The general trend of the debates
seems to show that a majority of the congressmen felt, as did
Senator Benton, that the admission of the whole of Texas as a
single state would mean that the state would be too large,
64
but there was a division of opinion as to how the Republic should
be divided.
Still another question for discussion was the possibility of
war with Mexico. The congressmen who were opposed to an-
nexation naturally deplored any attempts to enter into an agree-
ment with Texas which they felt would almost surely mean the
breaking off of peaceful relations with Mexico. Stephen A.
Douglas, on the other hand, said that there was no real danger
of war, since Texas had been at peace with Mexico for nine
years.
65
A complete summary of all the debates in the House and
Senate over the question of the annexation of Texas would
require a much more lengthy treatment than has been given
here, but this analysis serves as an indication of the general
trend of the arguments.
The different proposals for the annexation of Texas may be
divided into two general classes: (1) those which provided for
the annexation of Texas as a territory to be divided into states
at a later date, and (2) those which provided for the admission
of all or a part of Texas as a state. In all of the bills, either
by implication or direct statement, the boundary disputes be-
tween Texas and other governments were to be disposed of by
the United States. Over half of the proposals called for a
division between the slave and free territory along the Missouri
Compromise line. In the case of the proposals to admit Texas
as a territory the line of 36°30' was to be extended through the
new territory in the same manner that it had applied in the
Louisiana Purchase. Those proposals which provided for ad-
mission of Texas as a state with the possibility of later division
into several states usually provided that the states south of the
Missouri Compromise line might be admitted with or without
slavery as they desired. In general, the proceeds from the
sale of the public lands in Texas were considered sufficient to
discharge the public debt. Those proposals which left the public
lands in the hands of Texas also specified that the debts of
Texas should not become a charge against the United States;
and in those in which Texas was required to turn over her
public lands to the United States, the United States agreed to
assume the debts. Provisions were made in a number of the
proposals to protect all those who bought land or land script
in Texas by providing that all land titles and real estate claims
which were valid under Texas laws should also be valid under the
laws of the United States. Such, in general, were the provisions
of the various proposals for the annexation of Texas which came
before Congress from December, 1844, to March, 1845.
The presidential campaign had placed the issue of annexation
before the people, and the election of a man who favored an-
nexation gave some light on the trend of public opinion. It
may not be taken as conclusive evidence that a majority of
the people of the United States were in favor of annexation,
but it did show that general opinion was tending to a more fav-
orable view of that project. The different measures presented in
Congress and the arguments advanced for and against them
give a fairly accurate picture of the state of mind of the country.
The resolution for the admission of Texas which finally passed
both houses of Congress and secured the approval of the Presi-
dent has already been summarized; but in order that it may
be viewed again in the light of the different proposals introduced
and the modifications resulting from the debates, its provisions
are repeated. It was finally adopted after a long debate in a
night session of the Senate, February 27, 1845. As passed, it
provided for the consent of Congress to the admission of Texas
into the Union as a state, either by the terms of the joint reso-
lution or through new treaty arrangements; and Congress con-
sented :
1. That the territory properly included within, and rightfully
belonging to, the Republic of Texas might be erected into a state
in order that it might be admitted as one of the states of the
Union.
2. That this state was to be admitted with the following
conditions and guarantees:
(1) Boundary disputes with other powers to be in the hands
of the United States. Consent of the people of Texas should
be transmitted to the President to be laid before Congress before
January 1, 1846.
(2) Texas should surrender all public means of defense and
should keep public funds, debts, dues, and all liabilities, which
were in no event to become a charge upon the government of
the United States.
(3) New states, not exceeding four in number, might be
formed out of Texas with the consent of the state. Those states
south of the Missouri Compromise line should be admitted with
or without slavery as the people of each state asking admission
might desire. Slavery should be prohibited in those states north
of the line of 36°30'.
3. Should the President deem it more advisable to enter
into negotiations with Texas, then it was resolved that the state
formed out of this territory should have two representatives
until the time of the next congressional apportionment and
should be admitted as a state by virtue of this act as soon as the
terms and conditions might be agreed upon. An appropriation
of $100,000 was made to pay the expenses of missions or negotia-
tions to agree upon the cession or admission by articles or a
treaty.
66
When the annexation resolution had passed the Congress of
the United States, it remained for Texas to accept the proposal,
to prepare the new state constitution, and to be accepted into
the Union. Texas accepted the resolution in July, 1845; the
Texas constitution was accepted by Congress in December,
1845; and in February, 1846, the final act of annexation was
completed when Texas exchange the Lone Star flag for the
flag of the United States.
67
FOOTNOTES:
crat in the Seventeenth and six succeeding Congresses, was governor of
South Carolina, 1834-1836, and served in the Senate until August 17,
1846. Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1744-1927 (Wash-
ington, 1928), 1261,
as a Democrat from Missouri, 1821 to 1851. Unsuccessful as a candidate
for re-election to the Senate in 1850, he was elected to the House of Rep-
resentatives and served 1853-1855. He was the first man to serve in Con-
gress for thirty consecutive years. Biographical Directory of the American
Congress, 695.
from Pennsylvania in the Thirteenth (1813-1815) and the Twenty-seventh
and three succeeding Congresses (1841-1849). In 1853 he became United
States judge for the district of Connecticut. Biographical Directory of
the American Congress, 1137.
Twenty-seventh, Twenty-eighth, and Twenty-ninth Congresses (1841-
1847). Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 747.
Illinois to the Twenty-eighth, Twenty-ninth, and Thirtieth Congresses.
He was elected senator in 1847, was re-elected in 1853 and in 1859, when he
defeated Abraham Lincoln, and served until his death in 1861. Biographi -
cal Directory of the American Congress, 917.
sissippi from 1835 to 1845. Biographical Directory of the American Con -
gress, 1660.
Twenty-sixth, Twenty-seventh, and Twenty-eighth Congresses (1839-1845).
After service in the Mexican War he moved to California and served that
state in the United States Senate, 1852-1857. Biographical Directory of the
American Congress, 1680-1681.
Alabama in 1825, and represented that state as a Democrat in the Twenty-
eighth Congress (1843-1845). He affiliated with the Whig party in 1848
and served in the Alabama House of Representatives. Biographical Direc -
tory of the American Congress, 691.
from Kentucky in the Twenty-eighth and Twenty-ninth Congresses. Bio -
graphical Directory of the American Congress, 1617.
crat in the Twenty-eighth and Twenty-ninth Congresses (1843-1847).
Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1261.
Connecticut and served from 1835 to 1839 and again from 1843 to 1849.
Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1359.
Democrat to the Twenty-fourth, Twenty-fifth, Twenty-sixth, Twenty-
eighth, Twenty-ninth, and Thirtieth Congresses. Biographical Directory
of the American Congress, 921.
Tennessee to the United States Senate in 1838 and served until March 3,
1839, when he resigned. He was re-elected to the Senate in 1843 and served
to March 3, 1845. Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 982.
North Carolina in the United States Senate from 1843 to 1846. Biographical
Directory of the American Congress, 1081.
New Hampshire in the Twenty-sixth, Twenty-seventh, and Twenty-eighth
Congresses, 1839-1845. Biographical Directory of the American Congress,
761.
in the Twenty-eighth Congress, 1843-1845. Biographical Directory of the
American Congress, 1472.
Arkansas in 1844 and served until 1848. Biographical Directory of the
American Congress, 652.
29, 30 [448]. Hereafter cited, Senate Journal.
the Second Session of the Twenty-Eighth Congress, 63 [462]. Hereafter
cited, House Journal.
Barker, "The Annexation of Texas," Southwestern Historical Quarterly,
L (July, 1946); Llerena Friend (ed.), "Contemporary Newspaper Ac-
counts of the Annexation of Texas," ibid., XLIX (October, 1945), 267-281;
and Hampson Gary, "General J. Pinckney Henderson," ibid., XLIX, 282-285.
and House of Representatives, December, 1844,
to March, 1845
Texas Collection
Inserted at this point is a reproduction of half of a printed
copy of the map which was transmitted by President John
Tyler to the Senate of the United States on April 26, 1844, in
connection with the then proposed annexation of the Republic
of Texas as a state in the Union. The other half of the map will
be reproduced in the next issue of the Quarterly.
This map is important even from the antiquarian viewpoint.
It was made by men having excellent technical standards for
1844. It reveals in a striking manner the extent of geographical
information about Texas and the Southwest approximately a
century ago.
The map is further important with reference to two boundary
disputes having to do with Texas: (1) the Nueces-Rio Grande
and (2) the western boundary of Texas. The map shows
clearly that the original assumption on the part of the govern-
ment of the United States was that Texas was to be annexed
with boundaries as defined by the Texan Congress on December
19, 1836. Twelve years before the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo
Texas claimed the area between the Nueces and the Rio Grande.
The Old Alcalde, Chief Justice O. M. Roberts, made the classic
statement of the case in State vs.
Bustamente (47 Tex. 320) :
Texas claimed the territory [between the Nueces and the Rio Grande],
in defining its boundaries on the 19th day of December, 1836. In 1846,
the claim was perfected by possession, and by actual exercise of exclusive
jurisdiction, and from that time it was lost by the State of Tamaulipas,
in Mexico, for all purposes whatever, whether of judicial action or the
exercise of powers relating to eminent domain. And it never afterwards
recovered such lost powers.
Contentions that the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo dealt with
the area between the Nueces and Rio Grande and conferred
certain rights on Mexican citizens therein have recently been
dealt with in Amaya vs.
Stanolind Oil and Gas Co. (62 P. Supp.
181) wherein Judge Allen B. Hannay ruled that the treaty did
not at all relate to or apply to lands north of the Rio Grande.
The disputed western boundary of Texas was substantially,
but not entirely, fixed in the Compromise of 1850. This Abert-
Emory map is important in showing the Texan claim before the
1850 settlement and in demonstrating that the Texan claim had
been accepted as valid by the United States. The original
printed map shows a water-color line outlining the area of
Texas. According to W. L. G. Joerg, chief of the division of
maps and charts of the National Archives, this line is now
light brown but may well have been red originally and have
changed in the interval. Also Joerg points out,
This narrow band of water color attempts only to follow in general, or
to "pick out," the rivers, parallels of latitude, and meridians of longitude
that constitute the boundary, and too much importance should, therefore,
not be attached to slight deviations of the color band from the actual
features constituting segments of the boundary. In other words, how-
ever much the color band may waver, the author intended to show the
boundary as defined by the Rio Grande, the 42nd parallel, the meridian of
the source of the Arkansas River, the Arkansas itself, the 100th meridian,
the Red River, the lower Sabine River, etc.
The frame of the original printed map is 21 by 32 3/4 inches,
and the linear scale in the lower right corner is exactly 70 miles
to one inch. The map reproduced here is reduced somewhat,
its scale being about 105 miles to the inch.
The Presbyterian church in Jefferson, Texas, celebrated its
centennial on May 12. J. A. R. Moseley, whose Presbyterian
Church
in
Jefferson
was published by the Association, made the
principal speech on the history of the church. Carl Hertzog,
El Paso, printer of the book, was also present for the occasion.
Reverend Tom J. Wilbanks gave the invocation, and Dr. R. R.
Rives pronounced the benediction.
The following letter from Alexander Moffit, librarian of the
University of Texas, concerns Moseley's book.
Mr. Carl Hertzog
620 North Stanton Street
El Paso, Texas
Dear Mr. Hertzog:
I have just received from Dr. Bailey Carroll of the Texas State His-
torical Association the manuscript and related materials preliminary to
the publication of The
Presbyterian
Church
in
Jefferson.
The collection
will become a part of our Texas Authors File, which is composed of manu-
scripts, galley proofs, page proofs, etc., leading to the publication of books
about Texas or by Texas authors.
Thank you for your thoughtfulness in preserving the materials prepara-
tory to the publication of The
Presbyterian
Church
in
Jefferson
and for
your generosity in presenting them to The University of Texas Library.
Sincerely yours
A. Moffit
Librarian
The Dallas Morning
News,
Sunday, July 28, 1946, carried
the following editorial on the Handbook.
Word comes from the Texas State Historical Association headquarters
at Austin that progress is being made toward bringing out the encyclo-
pedic Handbook
of
Texas.
The project was started during the late thirties
but was hove to during the stormy war years. That it is getting under
sail again is good news. The publication of this work will be of inesti-
mable value to the people of Texas in all of their fields of endeavor--in
their economic and civic development and in the whole field of their cultural
affairs.
If there was ever a community that could profit by the Greek maxim,
"Know thyself," it is big, loose-jointed, diversified Texas. Both chron-
ologically through the years and horizontally across the geography of the
state today, Texas has been, and is, many things. It needs integration.
Its people need education on the subject of their state. With its highly
individual history and its claims to a cultural autonomy, Texas is today
peopled largely by those who are either natives of other states, or else
the immediate descendants of natives of other states. It is in this field that
the Handbook
of
Texas
will serve its principal and most nearly concrete
purpose. There will be others. For one thing, its publication soon will
preserve a good deal of history that might otherwise be lost.
Of course, Texas already has other publications and organizations work-
ing to these ends, but a great permanent reservoir of information is needed.
All good Texans should take an active interest in it.
Eugene M. Emme, now a member of the history department
at the State University of lowa at Iowa City but formerly Lieu-
tenant (jg), USNR, has upon request furnished the Association
a typescript copy of his history of the Naval Air Station at Dal-
las. Emme was stationed at the Dallas Naval Air Station for two
years. The history of the field began May 15, 1941, when it was
commissioned a Naval Reserve Aviation Base under the Defense
Act of 1940. Emme brings the story through four commands
down to the time his work was submitted on October 15, 1944.
At the September 9 meeting of the Texas Historical and
Library Commission, L. W. Kemp was selected as chairman,
succeeding John Gould. Mrs. Herbert Gambrell was continued
as secretary.
Just off the press is G. H. Baird's seventy-six-page booklet,
A
Brief
History
of
Upshur
County,
published by the Gilmer
Mirror
and priced $1.00. Upshur County was organized on
July 13, 1846, having previously been a part of Nacogdoches
and Harrison counties. The county was named for Abel P.
Upshur, an ardent advocate of the annexation of Texas in
Tyler's cabinet. Gilmer, the county seat, was named for
Thomas W. Gilmer, another annexationist member of Tyler's
official family.
Some of the topics covered in the booklet are natural re-
sources, early history, first roads and trails, early settlers,
Indians, courthouses, schools (the Masonic Female Institute,
the Looney School, the Pritchett School, etc.), negroes, and of-
ficials.
Gilmer, the county seat, receives treatment with reference
to location, early settlers, names of streets, water supply,
churches, livery stables, first automobile, banks, and schools.
Especially charming is the story of the deep, flea-infested sand
on the courthouse square at Gilmer. Originally the sand was
so full of fleas that when a stranger picked up a handful by the
time the fleas had all hopped away there was no sand left. Now
the sand is covered by thick pavement, but, according to the
editor of the Gilmer Mirror,
the fleas live on and come out of
hibernation with a vengeance when the pavement is pierced.
Other towns and communities of Upshur County whose his-
tories are briefly traced are Big Sandy, Rosewood, Shady
Grove, East Mountain, Grice, Pleasant Hill, Union Grove, Soules
Chapel, Graceton, Glenwood, Coffeeville, Ore City, Indian Rock,
West Mountain, Mings Chapel, Sand Hill, Latch, Stamps, Simp-
sonville, LaFayette, Kelsey, Enon, Calloway, and Bettie.
Liberty County held a special celebration on September 22,
1946, commemorating the centennial of statehood. The follow-
ing invitation was extended by James M. Cherry, Kilgore;
George W. Jordan, mayor of Cleveland; Big Chief Ti-Ca-i-che
of the Alabama-Coushatta Indian Village; Governor Coke R.
Stevenson; Karl Hoblitzelle, chairman of the Texas Centennial
of Statehood Commission; and A. Garland Adair, chairman of
the program committee.
The Texas Centennial of Statehood Commission and the citizens of
Liberty County extend to you and all of the public a most cordial invi-
tation to attend the ceremonies commemorating the 100th anniversary of
Statehood on the 200th birthday of Aaron Cherry. To be held at Cherry
Lake in Liberty County the twenty-second day of September, Nineteen
Hundred and Forty-six.
Olcutt Sanders, University YMCA, Austin 12, Texas, is writ-
ing a book, which he describes as follows:
The various chapters of my book will deal with the significance of the
Texas dance and its historical roots, the occasions for the dance (including
accounts of some of the more famous dances and balls in Texas history),
the preparations for a typical dance, the fiddler, the caller, the dancers
(what they wore, etc.), social relations (inviting a date, chaperones, etc.),
the commercial dance hall, the attitude of the churches, the calls for as
many Texas square dance figures as possible (and how to do them),
the round dances (and how to do them), fiddle tunes (their lore and some
of the tunes themselves). I shall appreciate help from readers of the
Quarterly—
especially in gathering unpublished square dance calls and
anecdotes about fiddlers, callers, dancers, and dances. Pictures of fiddlers,
callers, and dancers would be most welcome.
No Texas bibliophile will henceforth want to be without the
recent Library of Congress publication entitled, Texas
Centen
-
nial
Exhibition:
Held
at
the
Library
of
Congress,
Washington,
D.
C,
December
15,
1945—
April
15,
1946.
The publication
may be obtained from the superintendent of documents, Wash-
ington 25, D. C, at a price of thirty cents per copy.
Included in the bulletin's fifty-four pages are introductory
remarks by Luther H. Evans, Texas-born librarian of Con-
gress, and an address by Luther A. Johnson, former congress-
man from Texas. Pages 13-45 contain a catalog of 371 items
selected by the Library of Congress to be exhibited during their
celebration of the centenary of statehood. There are eleven
additional illustrations including the frontispiece, which is a
reproduction of the 1837 H. S. Tanner, Map
of
Texas,
compiled
by Stephen F. Austin.
Under the title, The
Free
State
of
Menard:
A
History
of
the
County,
a new Texas county history has been published by the
Menard News Press, Menard, Texas. The book was compiled
by N. H. Pierce, assisted by Nugent E. Brown. In its 215 pages
the authors have treated the Spanish background of Menard
County, the San Saba Mission, the Lost Bowie Mine, Fort
McKavett, Menardville and have given biographical sketches of
numerous pioneers. The price of the book is $5.00.
Proverbial sayings, rhymes, and modern facetious sayings are
being sought from Texans by Dr. Mody C. Boatright, associate
professor of English of the University of Texas.
Dr. Boatright has been appointed by the American Dialect
Society as chairman for Texas to collect the proverbs, which
will go into a Dictionary
of
American
and
Canadian
Proverbs.
L. W. Kemp has a splendid account of Kenney's Fort in the
June, 1946, Frontier
Times.
The Railway and Locomotive Historical Society, Boston,
Massachusetts, has issued Locomotives
of
the
Katy:
Missouri-
Kansas-Texas
Line,
by Sylvan R. Wood. The book includes a
short history of the road, a discussion of the development of
motive power, and a roster of all locomotives owned by the
road from its beginning until the end of 1942.
W. E. Thompson is writing a history of the farm mortgage
business in Texas, entitled Evolution
of
the
Land
Mortgage,
and
would welcome any notes from local deed of trust records of
early dates, showing who made farm and ranch loans. He
would like to secure the following information: date of instru-
ment, book and page of record, number of acres, county, name
of mortgagor, trustee, and holder of the note, and amount and
maturity of the note. Mr. Thompson would also welcome any
stories of special interest on early day loans. Members should
communicate with Mr. Thompson at Box 4181, Houston 14,
Texas.
Mrs. J. F. Lentz, Marshall, Texas, an enthusiastic student of
the history of East Texas, calls attention to what appears to
be a ghost history of Marshall. A reprint in a newspaper col-
umn indicates that probably around 1872 Colonel R. W. Lough-
ery published a pamphlet entitled, A
Pen
Picture
of
Marshall.
The note itself says, "Col. R. W. Loughery's pamphlet, 'A Pen
Picture of Marshall' is off the press. It is full of interesting
data regarding this section in early days."
Does any collector or librarian or bibliographer have any
further information regarding the Loughery item? Please re-
port to Mrs. Lentz or to the office.
Questions regarding the origin in Texas history of the term
"Bexar" are recurrent. A recent letter from Minnie B. Cam-
eron, San Antonio Public Library, is an example. Nettie Lee
Benson, assistant Latin American librarian at the University,
gives valuable information in her answer.
San Antonio Public Library
San Antonio, Texas
June 15, 1946
My Dear Miss Hill:
I need very much the name of the Duke of Bexar after whom our county
was named. I have found the statement made in Fulmore, History
of
County
Names,
p. 8, Thrall's Pictorial
History,
p. 95; and I have checked
Castaneda's Our
Catholic
Heritage
and have read the many references he
has to Villa de Bejar, San Antonio de Bejar, San Fernando de Bejar but
the fact still evades. I have checked also the Espasa
Calpe
Enciclopedia
and many other sources. I do not find a Duke de Bexar in the list of
Spanish viceroys of Mexico. It baffles me. Have I been careless? Could
the librarian of the Garcia Collection help?
Sincerely yours,
Minnie B. Cameron.
Miss Minnie B. Cameron
San Antonio Public Library
San Antonio 5, Texas
Dear Miss Cameron:
According to all the information that I can find, Bexar was not named
for the Duke of Bexar, but for the second son of the tenth Duke of Bexar.
The name Bexar is first mentioned in connection with San Antonio in
Fray Francisco Céliz, Diary
of
the
Alar
cón
Expedition
into
Texas,
1718
-
1719
(translated by Fritz Leo Hoffmann and published by the Quivira
Society, Los Angeles, 1935), p. 49, in which he says:
"On the 5th of May, the governor, in the name of his Majesty, took
possession of the place called San Antonio, establishing himself in it, and
fixing the royal standard with the requisite solemnity, the father chaplains
having previously celebrated mass, and it was given the name of villa
de
Bejar."
As you know, two explanations have been advanced for the choice of
the name Bejar. One is that it was named for the town Bexar in Sala-
manca, Spain, and another that it was named in honor of the Duke of
Bexar. Neither of these suggestions is completely satisfactory. May I
suggest what seems to me to be a more logical and satisfactory explana-
tion.
The place was named by Don Martín de Alarcón, on May 5, 1718. He had
been appointed to head a new expedition into Texas and given the title
of governor of the province of Texas by the viceroy, Don Balthasar Manuel
de Zuñiga y Guzmán Sotomayor y Sarmiento, Marquis de Valero (See
Decreto del Virey, December 7, 1716, in Provincias Internas, vol. 181, pp.
199-200 in the National Archives, Mexico City, a transcript of which is
to be found in the Archives of the University of Texas). The mission,
San Antonio de Valero, was named by Alarcón in honor of this viceroy,
the Marquis de Valero, and it is my belief that Bexar was named also in
his honor.
In 1485, Queen Isabel of Spain conferred upon Don Alvaro de Zuñiga
the title of Duke of Bexar, which title has remained in the Zuñiga family
to the present day. The Marquis de Valero, viceroy of New Spain at the
time Bexar was named, was the second son of the tenth Duke of Bexar.
His brother, the eleventh Duke of Bexar, was killed in a battle against
the Turks in 1686, at which time the title passed to the son of the
dead duke, Don Juan Manuel de Zuñiga Sotomayor y Mendoza, who became
the twelfth duke and was living at the time San Antonio de Bexar was
named. (See Luis Vilar y Pascual, Diccionario
histórico,
genealógico
y
heráldico
de
las
familias
ilustres
de
la
monarquía
española,
VII,
482.) There is no reason to believe that Bexar was named for this twelfth
duke. Hence my belief that it was named rather in honor of the viceroy,
the Marquis de Valero, who was a proud son of the House of Bexar.
The House of Bexar was an illustrious one in Spain. The Zuñiga family
was descended from the royal family of Navarre. This house had fur-
nished Spain with many distinguished men in various fields of endeavor--
political, ecclesiastical, literary, and artistic. The dukes frequently served
as advisers to the kings of Spain, and their sons were given high govern-
mental and ecclesiastical honors. A son of the fourth Duke of Bexar was
the seventh viceroy of New Spain. Another member of the House of
Bexar served in both New Spain and Perú as viceroy.
Yours truly,
Nettie Lee Benson
Assistant Latin American Librarian.
From Hampson Gary, in Washington, D. C, comes this
Texas item which he clipped from the "Words to Live By" col-
umn in the This Week section of the Dallas Morning
News:
Jonathan Daniels, journalist, author, and former administrative as-
sistant to President Roosevelt, says, "It may seem strange to pick this
story of Davy Crockett as part of a philosophy to live by. But sometimes
I get afraid, in the midst of so much solemn talking about danger in our
time. Indeed, for a long while this piece of native spoofing has seemed
a part of a spirit I want to hold tight to in America today. I have a
hunch we have more to learn from the humor and the humors of the past
than from its formal wisdom. I wouldn't swap Crockett's yarns for any
essay Emerson ever wrote, any quicker than I'd trade the Alamo for
Brook Farm. It may indicate a misguided life, but I get more sustenance
out of some old lusty American tall talk than I generally do out of the
solemn and worn-by-much-handling pieces of its truth."
The Houston Post
for October 1, 1946, carried the following
editorial on a distinguished member of the Association:
Some historians, though well recognized and highly esteemed, render
a much more valuable service to the community than their own generation
realizes or appreciates. One such is Lou W. Kemp of Houston.
Mr. Kemp has accomplished half a dozen major historical projects
which establish him as one of the most useful historians of the state's
100 years of existence, and will benefit all future ages.
The best known of those projects was the compilation of the correct
roster of Texans in the battle of San Jacinto, with biographical sketches
of each. This work, published under the title, The
Heroes
of
San
Jacinto.
represents years of persistent research to determine, between General
Sam Houston's incomplete list of 850 veterans and avowed descendants'
claims of participation of nearly three times that many forebears in the
historic conflict, which ones actually were there. He developed conclusive
evidence of 902 participants.
His book is the final, standard authority on the subject. No better
record of the kind can ever be wrought, for the deeper the event sinks into
the mists and shadows of time, and the more first and second generation
descendants pass on, the less authoritative source material will be available
to historians.
Another similar work of Mr. Kemp's is The
Signers
of
the
Texas
Declaration
of
Independence.
He did a monumental job of research
gathering biographical material on them. The book affords Texas and the
world a full, reliable and interesting record of the evolution of the Texas
declaration and of its signers.
Along with these studies, Mr. Kemp devoted a vast amount of effort
to the location of about 100 forgotten or neglected graves of notable
early Texans throughout the Nation, and the removal of their remains
to the State Cemetery at Austin. He was instrumental in obtaining
legislative appropriations to finance the removals.
Also, as chairman of the historical advisory board of the Texas cen-
tennial commission, Lou Kemp located sites of more than 1000 historical
events and shrines, and saw to the erection of monuments, memorials
and markers at those sites, as part of the centennial program. He did
an enormous amount of work in that endeavor, including the compilation
of historical data and in most cases the writing of the inscriptions.
His summary of the Battle of San Jacinto, carved on the sides of the great
monument on the battlefield is a masterpiece of concise, accurate and
comprehensive epitome.
As a member of the San Jacinto Museum of History, Mr. Kemp has
made a distinguished contribution to the development of the battlefield
museum and the maintenance and management of the monument.
It is possible, however, that ultimately historians will acclaim as his
most Important work the as yet unpublished encyclopedia or "Who's Who"
of notable early Texans which he has compiled through the years. Noth-
ing ever prepared by any other person approaches the completeness of this
monumental work, comprising dozens of looseleaf books containing bio-
graphical facts of thousands of Texas pioneers. In future generations it
will be the most complete source work on early Texas personalities.
During his 38 years with the Texas Company, Lou Kemp has attained
a high degree of success. After his retirement today, he will top off his
vocational career by writing a history of the company. But the most
significant service of his fruitful career is the historical labor of love to
which he has devoted countless spare-time hours and days of effort, and
on which he probably has expended much more money out of his own pocket
than he has gained from book royalties. What he has done here will
influence millions. While clarifying and preserving the historical records,
this work will make Texans more aware of their state's glorious past and
keep alive the traditional Texas spirit, thus making them better Texans
and Texas a better state.
The "Who's Who" reference above prompts this department
to point out that the most recent edition of Who's
Who
in
Amer
-
ica:
a
Biographical
Dictionary
of
Notable
Living
Men
and
Wom
-
en,
Vol. XXIV lists Louis Wiltz Kemp with a biographical sketch
on page 1266. This is yet another tribute to the discerning
judgment of the Marquis Company, publishers of Who's
Who.
Field
and
Laboratory
(S. W. Geiser and W. M. Longnecker,
eds.) for July, 1946, is all Texana.
"Notes on the Flora of Taylor County, Texas"
W. L. Tolstead and V. L. Cory
"The South-western Travels and Plant Collections of G. C. Nealley,
1887-1892" Rogers McVaugh
"A Supplementary Gazetteer of Texas, 1875-1895"....Bessie Teeple Geiser
"Jacob Boll's Collecting in the Texas Permian: a Note and a Correction"
S. W. Geiser
The list of Texas towns and localities in the "Supplementary
Gazetteer" article is of special value. Four hundred and fifty-
four extinct towns and settlements are indicated. The total list
includes 1,958 primary and 306 secondary entries.
The office has received clippings and notes which give infor-
mation concerning the dismantlement of the John H. Reagan
home at Palestine. The clippings state that the Carnegie Li-
brary at Palestine was the recipient of a life-sized marble bust
of John H. Reagan made by Elizabet Ney. Also it is recorded
that Reagan's desk and other valuable relics have been given to
the Dallas Historical Society, where in the words of the warm
friend of Texas history, George Waverley Briggs, "they will be
displayed as long as the Society endures or the Hall of State
stands."
of August 1, 1946:
The old homesite of John H. Reagan has been given to Anderson County
as a permanent memorial to the early Texas statesman.
The county commissioners court Thursday morning accepted deed to
the fraction less than an acre of ground where "the grand old man of
Texas" built his home, and where members of the Reagan family resided
until a few months ago when Jeff D. Reagan's death brought a decision
of his widow and other members of the family to raze the house to pre-
vent its falling into poor repair.
The house itself is almost gone, only a little of the heavily-timbered
framework yet to be removed from the site. Soon, under the sponsorship
of garden clubs and other civic leaders, the plot where the house stood
will be beautified as a permanent park.
IN COMMISSIONERS' COURT, August 1st, 1946.
Whereas, Mrs. Jeff D. Reagan has tendered to Anderson County 92/100
of an acre of land, the old Home Site of Judge John H. Reagan, to be
dedicated and maintained as a Public Park in memory of a man whose
life was devoted to the welfare of his fellow man, a man who loved the
earth and labored that its fruits might be distributed throughout the land,
a man who was known as "The Old Roman," the "Great Commoner," the
"Grand Old Man of Texas"—Judge John H. Reagan.
Now therefore, be it resolved by the Commissioners' Court of Anderson
County, Texas, that the plot of ground so graciously given to the people
of Anderson County, Texas, be and the same is hereby accepted with
humble hearts and in the same spirit in which it is given; that said plot
of ground be kept and maintained forever, as a Public Park in memory
of Judge John H. Reagan.
Be it further resolved, that said Park be and the same is hereby named
and shall be known as "Fort Houston Park."
Passed and adopted at a Meeting of the Commissioners' Court held in
the County Courthouse in the City of Palestine, Texas, on this the 1st day
of August A.D., 1946.
This resolution signed by:
Luther C. Johnson, County Judge, Anderson County, Texas; C. A.
Manley, Commissioner Precinct No. 1; Henry McIver, Commissioner
Precinct No. 2; B. L. Saunders, Commissioner Precinct No. 3; R. F. Her-
rington, Commisioner Precinct No. 4.
Harry M. Konwiser, a member of the Association who offices
at 181 Claremont Avenue, New York City, has an article en-
titled "United States Postal History" and subtitled "Austin,
Texas, Celebrated Centenary" in the Western
Stamp
Collector
(Albany, Oregon), for April 17, 1946. Konwiser makes espe-
cially interesting comments on the activities of the Galveston
post office in the period of transition from Republic to state-
hood.
Chris Emmett of Houston has presented to the Association a
collection of maps of Brazoria County. The maps, which have
been deposited in the Archives, include four drawings and two
printed surveys. The four drawings were hand-made on can-
vas, and their original color and detail are still well preserved,
as they have been kept in a metal cylinder. They are quite
large; the smallest, drawing No. 3, is four feet long and two and
a third feet wide, and the largest, drawing No. 1, is twelve feet
long and almost four feet wide.
The first drawing is a general plan showing the jetties at
the mouth of the Brazos, the line of the Brazos and Northern
Railway Company, the lands belonging to the Texas Land and
Immigration Company, and the proposed site for the town of
Brazos and the wharves along the river. The soundings shown
were taken December 13, 1889.
The second drawing charts the Brazos River from Bolin
Place to the Gulf.
The third shows comparative places of entrance at the mouth
of the river at different dates: Fig. 1, entrance in 1858; Fig.
2, February, 1881; Fig. 3, May, 1882; Fig. 4, May, 1883; Fig.
5, May and June, 1887; Fig. 6, March, 1889; and Fig. 7, No-
vember, 1889.
The first three drawings were made to accompany Sir John
Coode's Report, dated April 2, 1890. This brings up questions:
Who was Sir John Coode, and where is his report?
The fourth drawing has no date, but it pictures the land of
the Texas Land and Immigration Company in Brazoria County,
Texas.
The first United States Coast and Geodetic Survey is Coast
Chart No. 205, showing Galveston Bay to Oyster Bay, and is
dated October 17, 1893.
The other United States Coast and Geodetic Survey contains
Coast Chart No. 206, showing Oyster Bay to Matagorda Bay,
and is dated May 31, 1892.
For these extremely valuable contributions to the full and
complete history of Texas the Association extends sincerest
thanks and appreciation to Chris Emmett and the Hon. Leo
Brewer of the law firm of Messrs. Brewer, Matthews, Nowlin,
and Macfarlane, of San Antonio, Texas, who kept the docu-
ments for approximately fifty years and who gave the maps to
Emmett.
Dan Ferguson of Dallas contributes to the religious and social
history of Texas with a chronological list of excerpts derived
from the archives of the American Bible Society. The items
cover the ten-year period, 1831 to 1841, from the beginning
of Protestant Anglo-American influx of immigrants until the
middle years of the Republic.
Thirty Bibles and seventy Testaments granted to E. R. Butler for sale
or gratuitous distribution in Texas [page 8].
One hundred Bibles and Testaments in "different tongues" to be sent
to a small colony of Americans and Swiss settled in Texas [page 53].
For Col. Langworthy, for Texas, twenty-five Bibles and fifty Testa-
ments [page 8].
The Mississippi Bible Society, for sending to Texas—fifty Bibles and
fifty Testaments—in Spanish and English [page 36].
Rev. Sumner Bacon, for Texas, one hundred Bibles and one hundred
Testaments in English and fifty Bibles and two hundred Testaments in
Spanish.
"To the Province of Texas, in Mexico, a grant of Spanish Bibles and
Testaments has been made and also a few copies in the English tongue.
These books were first solicited by our agent in Louisiana, Rev. Benjamin
Chase, who made a temporary visit to Texas and found a lamentable
destitution of the Scriptures to prevail. Application was soon after made
for books by Mr. Sumner Bacon, a resident of the province, who felt
deeply anxious that the word of God should there be distributed, and
"who offered his own services as Agent, even should it be without comp-
ensation. He had traveled extensively through the province, and learned
the number and moral situation of its inhabitants. 'There are,' he says,
'in the jurisdiction of Nacogdoches, about six hundred American families
and three hundred Spanish, and the households destitute of the Bible
are nine to one. Therefore not less than 500 Bibles are wanted immedi-
ately towards supplying this jurisdiction alone. In the jurisdictions
farther in the interior, where I am also personally acquainted, there
are fewer copies of the Word of God in circulation than in this region.'
Mr. Bacon, having been recommended by judicious men, as one who
would well perform the duties of an Agent, your Board have cheerfully
furnished him with a commission" [page 7].
"Among the Auxiliaries formed during the year, two are of a new and
deeply interesting character, being located in the province of Texas,
beyond our territory. They were both formed under the direction of
the Rev. Sumner Bacon, an Agent of the American Bible Society, and
from the character given of those who are to manage these Societies,
there is reason to expect that they will be efficient, useful institutions.
In former years boxes of Bibles have been entrusted to individuals in
that province, from whom satisfactory returns have seldom been made.
Your Board have learned of instances where the books entrusted have
been sold, the pay received by the vendor, but never returned to your
Treasury to enable the Managers to prepare other books" [page 18].
[Ferguson points out that apparently one of these auxiliary societies
was the Coahuila and Texas Society of Mexico, recognized on May 7,
1835, with A. C. Ainsworth of Columbia as corresponding secretary.]
Records the recognition of the San Augustine Bible Society in Texas,
September 4, 1834, with William McFarland as corresponding secretary
[page 19].
Scriptures in Spanish and English, valued at $102.72, granted to
Sumner Bacon, and one hundred fifty Bibles and three hundred Testa-
ments, in English and valued at $184.53, sent to the San Augustine Bible
Society. Record of a grant of English, Spanish, and German Scriptures
to Rev. D. S. Southmayd for gratuitous distribution in Texas. Two
hundred English Bibles and four hundred English Testaments, valued
at $182.50 to Sumner Bacon [page 25].
"The Rev. Sumner Bacon, who was engaged as Agent in Texas, in
the earlier part of the year, has been induced, partly on account of
the present disturbed state of that country, to visit the United States.
Should the state of that province continue in its present condition, Mr.
Bacon will probably engage in behalf of the Bible cause in Arkansas
Territory, where his services are much wanted" [page 50].
The report shows that the San Augustine Society remitted $172.37
during 1836 [page 119].
Indicates that Bacon was no longer working in Texas, but that an
unnamed Texas merchant was urging that Bibles be supplied. The San
Augustine Society received two hundred Bibles and Testaments, yet
the Cumberland Presbyterian Church at San Augustine urged the Society
to increase its work and urged the appointment of an agent to organize
local societies. Four hundred Bibles and Testaments had already been
sent [page 49].
[Ferguson indicates that the report does not make clear whether or
not this four hundred included those sent to the San Augustine Society.]
Reports the appointment of Rev. Schuyler Hoes of the Methodist
Episcopal Church as agent, with no reference to previous agents. In
November, 1838, the Bible Society for Texas was organized at Houston.
Hoes made a number of trips through the territory in 1838 and 1839
[page 42].
Indicates that Hoes' appointment was not permanent as a proposal
is made to appoint another agent "next autumn" for a somewhat larger
region [page 47].
Conclusion of the report on the Texas Bible Society: "The Board have
been often solicited and have been desirous to send another Agent into
that country (one was,sent in 1838), but have not been prepared to do
bo until recently. The Rev. Mr. Banks, Agent for Arkansas, has been
requested to spend a part of the coming year promoting the Bible cause
in that republic" [pages 48-49].
Among those receiving graduate degrees at the June Com-
mencement of the University of Texas were the following:
Dorothy Louise Fields--
Thesis:
The Constitutional Principles of James Wilson.
Hildegard Schmalenbeck--
Thesis:
A Study of the Literary Reputation of Alice
French (1850-1934).
Zelma May Scott--
Thesis:
The History of Coryell County, Texas, to 1920.
John Marion Skrivanek--
Thesis:
The Education of the Czechs in Texas.
Mary Merle Weir--
Thesis:
Nationalism in the Literature of the American
West, 1830-1840.
Master of Science in Mechanical Engineering
Willis Raymond Woolrich, Jr.--
Thesis:
Economic Analysis of the Texas Fishing Industry.
Herbert Pickens Gambrell--American History, European His-
tory, and Government.
Thesis:
A
Life of Anson Jones.
John Hugh Hill--Medieval and Early Modern European His-
tory, United States History, and English Literature.
Thesis:
Raymond of Saint Gilles and the Provencals in the
First Crusade.
George Portal Huckaby--United States History, Modern Conti-
nental European and English History, and Government.
Thesis:
Oscar Branch Colquitt: A Political Biography.
Barton Holland Warnock--Botany and Zoology.
Thesis:
The Vegetation of the Glass Mountains, Texas.
Through the kindness of life member George Wythe, of the
Cosmos Club of Washington, D.C., the Quarterly
has been fur-
nished with copies of a memorandum by Carlos van Bellinghen,
first secretary of the Belgian Embassy in Washington.
During the existence of Texas as an independent Republic, from 1836
to 1845, the diplomatic relations between Texas and Belgium were ex-
tremely cordial. Belgium was one of the first European powers to
recognize the new Republic, and your diplomatic representative at Brus-
sels, General James Hamilton, reported in his dispatches that the
friendly attitude of the Belgian government was of great utility in
securing the official recognition of Texas by Great Britain.
Our Sovereign at that period was Leopold I, grandfather of our present
King. He manifested deep interest in the new Republic and had many
personal conferences with your diplomatic agents, with a view to pro-
moting commercial intercourse between Texas and Belgium. In order
to study local conditions and develop commercial relations, a Belgian
diplomatic agent was dispatched to Texas in the person of Major Pirson,
who afterwards was elected to our House of Representatives.
Your Republic was, at that time, in need of settlers to develop your
vast resources, and your government paid us the compliment of wishing
to obtain Belgians. One of your diplomatic agents reported that the
Belgian government was in favour of this plan, and he added: "They
[the Belgians] are among the best of emigrants, being sober, industrious,
enterprising and peaceful. . . . Indeed, for all practical results touching
commercial emigration, Belgium may be as important to us as England
or France."
It is gratifying to know that your ancestors held such a high opinion
of our people, and I trust, as do all Belgians, that the present generation
may equally merit your regard.
At one time, there were negotiations on foot for still closer relations
between Belgium and Texas. Your young Republic wanted to issue
a loan of about seven million dollars, and several propositions were
discussed. Under one plan, the Belgian government was to guarantee
the loan in return for a privileged position in respect to import duties
on certain Belgian products and in consideration of special privileges
for Belgian vessels in your coastwise trade. Under an alternative plan,
the Belgian government was to advance on guarantee three and a half
million dollars and to buy from you for another three and a half million
dollars, a strip of land along the disputed boundary between Texas
and Mexico, the territory thus acquired being designed as a colony of
Belgium. This was, I believe, the first effort of the Kingdom of Belgium
to establish an outlet for her crowded population in an overseas colony--
an inspiration which was not realized until half a century later, when
our wise and far-seeing ruler Leopold II acquired the vast territory in
central Africa which is known today as the Belgian Congo, and which
was explored by an American, Henry Stanley. I may mention as a
curious coincidence that the flag adopted for the Congo was identical
with the former banner of the Republic of Texas: the lone star of gold
on a field of blue. The negotiations for a Belgian Colony on your border
fell through. Had they been carried to a successful conclusion, we,
Belgians, would today be your neighbors geographically as we are actually
in the higher sense of the word.
Alonzo Wasson, Austin, Texas, has written for the Handbook
of
Texas
the following sketch of the Texas Civil Judicial Council.
The bill creating the Texas Civil Judicial Council was enacted in 1929.
Few such bodies existed when the Texas Civil Judicial Council Was
created; in 1946 every state in the Union had one. The bill establishing
the council was written by Judge J. W. McClendon and passed by the
Forty-first Legislature at the instance of Governor Dan Moody. It pro-
vided for a council of sixteen members, all non-salaried, to serve for, a
term of six years. Of these nine were made ex officio members. One was
to be the chief justice of the Texas Supreme Court, or some member
of the court chosen by the chief justice to serve in his stead. The other
ex officio members were to be one justice of each of two courts of civil
appeals, and the presiding judges of two administrative districts. The
chairmen of the civil jurisprudence committees of the two branches of the
legislature, seven lawyers, and two laymen, one of whom must be a
working newspaper man, were also to serve on the council. These were
to be chosen by the governor.
M. N. Chrestman of Dallas was elected first president of the council,
and he was re-elected at the end of every fiscal year until 1943. Randolph
L. Carter of San Antonio was elected to succeed him. O. A. Fountain
of Dallas was the first secretary and was succeeded by O. M. Stubblefield,
also of Dallas.
The most important function given to the council was that of making
a continuous study of the organization of the courts, the rules and
methods of procedure and practice of the judicial system of the state,
the work accomplished, the results attained, and the uniformity of the
discretionary powers of the civil courts. The goal of this study was. to be
simplified procedure, expedited business, and better administered justice.
The council was also directed to make annually a statistical report of the
courts, and thus it has furnished the only judicial statistics (except for
some statistics respecting receipts and disbursements in one state depart-
ment) in this state.
In the beginning the council recommended to the legislature the
amendation of a large number of procedural statutes, and for a time
several legislatures heeded its recommendations. But after a few years,
the legislators lapsed into disregard of the council's recommendations;
whereupon the council proposed that the rule-making power be vested
exclusively in the Supreme Court, where it had been lodged in the days
of the Republic and in the early years of the state. The same power
was later vested in the legislature, which act had the effect of making
the authority of the legislature paramount to that of the court. The
consequence was that the civil procedure of Texas became antiquated
and virtually static.
In 1939 the judicial council, with the cooperation of the Texas Bar
Association, persuaded the legislature in so far as it could to confer
upon and relinquish to the Supreme Court of Texas the full rule-making
power in civil procedure. The legislature, however, did not by this act
divest itself of its rule-making power, which could be done only by
constitutional amendment. It only renounced for an unstated time the
exercise of this authority. Moved by the prospect that its work would
not be undone by the legislature, the Supreme Court, through the in-
strumentality of a committee of lawyers, made a general overhauling of
the rules of procedure. As a result it is believed that the Texas code
in 1946 was fairly modernized.
Among other changes which have been brought about by the council,
with the help of the Texas Bar Association, are the creation of an inte-
grated state bar of about eight thousand members and the enlargement
of the Supreme Court from a tribunal of three judges and six com-
missioners of appeal into one body of nine judges.
In 1946 the council was composed of Randolph L. Carter, San Antonio;
Major T. Bell, Beaumont; George Waverley Briggs, Dallas; Judge A. L.
Boetter, Alice; Frank Hartgraves, Menard; S. J. Isaacs, El Paso; Judge
James W. McClendon, Austin; H. F. Montgomery, vice president, Houston;
Thomas J. Pitte, Odessa; Peyton B. Randolph, Plainview; Judge Max W.
Rodgers, Huntsville; Judge W. N. Stokes, Amarillo; Kyle Vick, Waco;
W. R. Walker, Cleburne; and Alonzo Wasson, Austin.
Thursday, October 10, 1946, was designated by the State
Fair of Texas as Texas State Historical Association Day. It
was stated in a letter from W. H. Hitzelberger, executive vice-
president and general manager of the Fair, that this was done
in recognition of the special accomplishments of the Associa-
tion. It is hoped that many members of the Association could
be in Dallas on October 10 and at that time view the "show-
window of Texas and the Southwest."
L. W. Kemp, former president of the Association, was made
an honorary vice-president of the Fair.
Mrs. Katharyn G. Long, 1541 Allston Street, Houston 8,
Texas, is writing a historical novel based on the life of Phillip
Dever. Mrs. Long states that Dever moved to the banks of
Abbotts Creek, in Liberty County, ten miles west of the town
of Liberty, in 1820. Mrs. Long wishes information as to what
Louisiana community Dever resided in before moving to Texas.
Also she wishes to obtain the date of birth of Holestien H.
Dever. Information should be sent directly to the inquirer.
Mayor and Mrs. Gus B. Mauermann entertained approximate-
ly two hundred members and friends of the San Antonio
Historical Society with a barbecue dinner on the evening
of Friday, September 20. The meeting was held at the Mauer-
mann's historic Asa Mitchell ranch home ten miles south of
the heart of San Antonio. The barbecue was replete with all
the trimmings. The old home and the cemetery were viewed
with much interest. The speaker for the occasion was George
P. Isbell, who reviewed the Texas career of Asa Mitchell, Mayor
Mauermann's great-grandfather. Isbell has been strongly
urged to prepare an article on the subject for publication in a
future number of the Quarterly.
Among the distinguished out
of town guests introduced were Wayne Gard of the Dallas
Morning
News
and J. Evetts Haley of Spearman. Dr. P. I.
Nixon, president of the Association and a past president of
the San Antonio group, urged all members at San Antonio
to become members of the State Association also. President
Joe O. Naylor of the San Antonio Society added a hearty
second to Dr. Nixon's remarks about the State Association.
Several took out memberships on the spot.
That the Texas of today is not too far away from the pioneer
days of Asa Mitchell was demonstrated by the appearance
of a half-grown rattlesnake. The snake was first seen on the
front porch; he was in about the center of a half dozen Texas
women, evidently all descendants of pioneers because no one
fainted or screamed. Colonel M. L. Crimmins was called and
in a few minutes had captured the snake; probably the young
fellow is by now in the Brackenridge zoo telling tall tales
about his association with the historians.
Frank Caldwell, well known for his devotion to Texas books,
has sent in the following information on gunmaking in Texas,
The material is taken from L. D. Satterlee and Arcadi
Gluckman, American
Gun
Makers
(Buffalo, New York, 1945),
to which the page references refer.
1. At Mound Prairie (or Plentitude or Palestine), Anderson County.
Texas, from 1862 to 1864 John Billufs and D. D. Harrell made 650 rifles
for the Confederacy, (p. 21)
2. At Columbus, Texas (1863-1864), and Anderson, Texas (1864-1865)
Dance Brothers and Parks made for the Confederacy dragoon revolvers
in imitation of Colts, (p. 37)
4. At Orange, Texas, Colonel Price made percussion small-barrel hunt-
ing rifles, (p. 129)
5. At the Tyler, Texas, arsenal in 1864 (?) rifles were made with the
markings, "Texas Rifle Tyler C.S." (p. 163)
6. At Tyler the firm of Short, Biscoe and Company (the firm consisted
of J. C. Short, gunsmith, William L. N. Biscoe, and George Yarbrough,
with Colonel T. H. Hill in charge) made rifles marked, "Hill Rifle Tyler
C.S." (p. 147)
7. At Bastrop, Texas, N. B. Tanner made (for the Confederacy) at
least 264 rifles of the 1841 type. (p. 158)
8. At Austin, Texas, between 1857 and 1865 George Todd made mus-
kets and Colts type brass frame revolvers, (p. 160)
9. At Lancaster, Dallas County, Texas, in 1862 about 400 pistols were
made by the firm consisting of Labon E. Tucker, K. H. Sherrard, W. L.
Killen, A. W. Tucker, and Pleasant Taylor. John M. Crockett was their
agent, (p. 163)
R. Erskine Kerr, 1227 Boulevard, Lake Charles, Louisiana,
is much interested in any possible information concerning "the
lost portrait of David Crockett," supposedly destroyed when
the Texas capitol burned.
Minnie B. Cameron, of the San Antonio Public Library, tells
a thrilling story of what one Texan has done for the public
good of the state.
This story of a gift of state-wide cultural interest has long been un-
folding itself. Great gifts to libraries from wealthy Texans as memorials
are not uncommon, as is evinced by such names of donors as Brackenridge,
Littlefield, Meldrum, and Moore. This, however, is not the story of a
rich or worldly man. About four years before Andrew Carnegie gave
an impetus to public libraries with his princely gift, a Bexar County
farmer, Edward Dixon Westfall, erstwhile a trooper in the Mexican
War, an Indian fighter, a trailer for rangers and settlers, and a ranch-1
man, bequeathed his whole estate of more than a thousand acres to
his young wife, Josephine Susan Westfall, with the provision that after
her death the ownership of the property involved should be vested in
the city of San Antonio in trust for the establishment of a free public
library. Westfall died on June 12, 1897, and his wife outlived him
some forty-odd years. The fact that she sympathized fully with his
plan in bequeathing the principal of their estate for public good was
proved by her cooperation in living many years within the resources
of her holdings that his will might be executed according to his wish.
In A. J. Sowell's saga of Early
Settlers
and
Indian
Fighters
of
South
-
west
Texas
we have a vivid picture of the man, Edward Dixon Westfall,
who was born December 22, 1820, and who with his family, including
his grandfather, a surveyor, pioneered westward, locating briefly in
Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri. At the age of twenty-five, "Ed" Westfall,
being of a roving disposition and a skilled woodsman, drifted to Hopkins
County, Texas, reaching San Antonio a year later in 1846. Here he
enlisted in the Mexican War, serving in Mexico through the duration of
the war and returning with his regiment to San Antonio, where he wasi
discharged. Loving the solitude of wild places, he soon moved about
a hundred miles to the Leona River, where he built a cabin. Castroville,
the only settlement, was thirty miles away. The neighboring Fort Inge
and the settlement which grew into the present town of Uvalde were
not established until several years later. Here, he became familiar
with the ways of the Texas frontier and soon became a noted guide in
expeditions against the Lipan Indians, who were harassing and raiding
the neighboring localities. Ed Westfall, Big Foot Wallace, and Henry
Robinson singly or together ranked with the famous scouts of the West,
guiding rangers and settlers "through mountains, canyons, and cedar
brakes, on the devious windings through chaparral and prickly pear"
guarding them against Indian depredations. As the country quieted,
Westfall stocked a considerable tract of land which he had acquired and
began ranching. Needing neighbors for mutual protection, he went to
San Antonio to offer one-hundred-acre tracts of land to prospective
settlers. Several accepted, but only two remained. The venture of
farming was a failure, but Westfall remained on his land.
Indians continued to harass, but Westfall and Wallace retained their
leadership in fighting them. Both were men of powerful build, and the
Indians quickly spotted them and feared them.
These conditions lasted a number of years, extending through the period
when Big Foot Wallace secured a mail contract carrying mail to El
Paso, where Westfall accompanied him on several trips. The contract
terminated with their being commissioned by Governor Peter Hansborough
Bell as officers of the Texas Rangers. In 1854 the company disbanded
after a number of successful Indian fights, and in 1855 Westfall returned
to his hermit life on his ranch. The strain of hardships of Indian
attacks and precarious living conditions suffered left their mark, and
in 1877, Westfall disposed of his ranch and moved to Bexar County,
settling about fifteen and one-half miles southeast of San Antonio, on
the southeast bank of Calavaras Creek. In 1881, he married Josephine
Susan Dillon, a young schoolteacher. He was in declining health for
many years, during which time he turned much to speculation on religion
and. the social influences of his environment.
Sowell claims Westfall was an educated and well-informed man, and
certainly he was well informed. His painstaking entries in his diaries
reveal that, like many of the early frontiersmen, he was a deep thinker,
though lacking a formal education. In fact, he said, his gift was made
that others might not suffer as he had and that young people might not
be deprived of the advantages of good books. He was an insatiable
reader of American newspapers; his chief outdoor diversion, as he grew
more feeble, was his habit of taking long difficult walks to the Elmendorf
post office in eager anticipation of the bundles of newspapers to which
he subscribed. He found deep consolation in reading and rereading
the Bible, and if it were physically possible, he attended every sermon,
within miles. He was an independent thinker, who reserved his opinion
according to the dictates of his conscience and evinced a deep curiosity
in experiments for the benefaction of his neighbors.
Upon the death of Mrs. Westfall in 1940, at the age of eighty-two
years, the San Antonio Library came in possession of the Westfall estate,
the earnings of which are supplying an increasing number of books
which are selected in harmony with the ideals of Mr. and Mrs. Westfall's
philosophy. . .
The Stetson hat has frequently been called the "badge of a
Texan." Time
for August 26, 1946, carried an account of
John B. Stetson's entry into the hat business.
The Wisconsin
Magazine
of
History
for June, 1946, com-
ments as follows on a Quarterly
article:
"Dime Novel Texas; or, the Sub-Literature of the Lone Star State"
is the delectable title of the leading article, by J. C. Dykes, in the
Southwestern
Historical
Quarterly
for January, 1946. The author
reviews that small part of the dime-novel output of 1860-1900 which
relates to Texas, and sketches the lives of the principal authors. What
boy of that period in Wisconsin or elsewhere did not enjoy belonging
to the group whose members secretly exchanged the thrilling paper-cover
booklets and saved them, when possible, from the only too successful
raids of his mother? As popularizers of history of a sort the dime novel
was not without influence. Have we in Wisconsin a collection of these
thrillers relating to this region of the Middle West?
It is not unusual to find Texas "tall tales" in the state press,
but perhaps it is worthy of note that the New York Times
on
its editorial page for August 6, 1946, devoted an entire column
to "Good Things in Texas."
... It would be understatement to say that Texans are articulate,
about themselves and their State. ... We do not criticize the trait.
We find in it evidence of a fierce pride of place that has helped make
Texas great, and the greatness of Texas has helped us all.
Writing about
Texas such as that contained in the Times
has
done much toward building up the Texas tradition, which is,
in its way, as real as American nationalism. In other words
the Texas tradition has been built up about as much with
interpretations by non-Texans as by Texans themselves.
William C. Binkley, head of the department of history at
Vanderbilt University and editor of the Journal
of
Southern
History,
has just completed a two-year term as president of
the Mississippi Valley Historical Association. He delivered
his presidential address at Bloomington, Indiana, on the week
end of April 20, on the subject "Two World Wars and Ameri-
can Historical Scholarship."
Several years ago Elmer H. Johnson, geographer at the
University of Texas, got from Dr. Robert T. Hill a complete
bibliography of all of Hill's publications to June, 1929. A copy
has been secured from Mr. Johnson and placed in the archives
at the University. The list which follows is an abridgment
which deals with Texas and adjoining areas.
A PARTIAL CHECK LIST AND BIBLIOGRAPHY OF
THE WRITINGS OF ROBERT T. HILL
Salient Geologic Features of Travis County, Texas. Austin Statesman,
December 15, 1885.
Map showing salient topographic features of the State of Texas. Wash-
ington, 1886.
Age of geological formations of El Paso County. El Paso Times,
December 1, 1886.
Geologic Section of the Cretaceous Strata of the State of Texas along
the Texas Pacific Railway from Elmo, Kaufman County, to Millsap, Parker
County, with local variations of thickness as it occurs throughout the
state; based on personal observation.
The Topography and Geology of the Cross Timbers and surrounding
Regions in Northern Texas. Am. J. Sc, April, 1887.
Present Condition of Knowledge of the Geology of Texas. Bui. 45,
U.S.G.S. Washington, 1887.
Texas. Encyclopedia Brittanica, Edinburg, 1887.
Notes on the Geology of the State of Texas. A review of a partial
report by G. G. Shumard.
The Cross Timbers of Texas. Amer. Naturalist, Feb., 1887.
Notes on the Texas Section of the American Cretaceous. Amer. Asso-
ciation, 1887.
The Texas Section of the American Cretaceous. Am. J. Sc, October,
1887.
The Geology of Southwest Arkansas, with map. Arkansas Geol. Sur-
vey, Little Rock, 1888.
The Geology of Texas. Texas School Journal, June, 1888.
University of Texas School of Geology circular, Austin, November 18,
1888.
The Trinity Formation of Arkansas, Indian Territory and Texas.
Science 11:21, 1888.
University of Texas School of Geology, Plan of Instruction. Austin,
August 27, 1888.
Notes on the Geology of Western Texas. Geological and Scientific Bul-
letin, No. 6, Vol. I, Houston, 1888.
Notes on the Geology of Western Texas. University of Texas, Austin,
October, 1888.
The Geologic Survey of Arkansas, Geol. Sc. Bul. No. 2, Houston, June,
1889.
Review of the Recent Geologic Literature (Neozoic Geology of South-
western Arkansas). American Geologist, October, 1889.
The Permian Rocks of Texas. Science 13:92, 1889.
A Portion of the Geologic Story of the Colorado River of Texas.
American Geologist, May, 1889.
Geology of the Staked Plains of Texas. Amer. Assn. Adv. Sc. Toronto,
August, 1889.
Events in the North American Cretaceous History, illustrated in the
Arkansas Division of the Southwestern Region of the United States.
Am. J. Sc., April, 1889.
Relation of the uppermost Cretaceous Beds of the Eastern and Southern
United States, and the Tertiary-Cretaceous parting of Arkansas and
Texas. Am. J. Sc. (3) 38:468-473. 1889. (With R. A. F. Penrose, Jr.)
The Foraminiferal Origin of certain Cretaceous Limestones and the
Sequence of Sediments in North American Cretaceous. Am. Geol. 4:174-
177, 1889.
Classification and Origin of the chief Geographic Features of the
Texas Region. Amer. Geol. January, 1890.
Exploration of the Indian Territory and the medial Third of Red
River. Am. G. 6:252-253, 1890.
The Texas Cretaceous. American Geologist 6:253-254, 1890.
A brief Description of the Cretaceous Rocks of Texas and their Eco-
nomic Value. Geol. Sur. of Texas, 1st annual report, 1890.
Pilot Knob, a Marine Cretaceous Volcano. American Geologist, 6:286-
292. 1890.
The Eagle Flats Formation and the Basins of the Trans-P.ecos or
Mountainous Region of Texas (abst). Am. As., Pr 38:242, 1890.
Igneous Rocks of Central Texas (abst). Am. As., Pr. 38:242-243, 1890
(and E. T. Dumble).
The Geology of the Staked Plains of Texas, with a description of the
Staked Plains formation (abst). Am. As., Pr 38:243, 1890.
Geology of the Valley of the upper Canadian from Tascosa, Texas to
Tucumcari Mountain, New Mexico, with notes on the age of the same
(abst). Am. As., Pr 38:243-244, 1890.
Classification of the Topographic Features of Texas with Remarks
upon the Areal Distribution, of the Geologic Formations (abst). Am. As.
Pr 38:243-244, 1890.
Reconnaissance of the Ouachita Mountain System of Indian Territory.
Am. J. Sc, 1891.
Contributions to the geology of the Southwest. Amer. Geol., 7:119-122,
1891.
The Comanche Series of the Texas-Arkansas Region (with discussion
by C. A. White and others). G. Soc. Am., Bui. 2, 1891.
Imbibition of Rocks. U. S. 51st Cong. 2d sess. Sec. Ex. Doc. 53:215-221.
1891.
Geological Evolution of the Non-Mountainous Portions of the Texas
Region. Am. Geol., August, 1892.
Notes on the Texas-New Mexican Region. G. Soc. Am. Bul. 3, 85-100,
1892.
The third Texas Report (notes on stratigraphy, etc.) Amer. Geol.,
10:393-396, 1892.
The Neozoic Formations in Arkansas (abst). Ph. Soc. Wash. Bul.
11:501-502, 1892.
Age of the Staked Plains. Amer. Nat., January, 1892.
On the Occurrence of Artesian and other Underground Waters in
Texas, Eastern New Mexico, and Indian Territory west of 97°. 52nd
Cong. 1st sess. Sen. Ex. Doc. 41, pt 3:41-166, maps and sections. 1892.
Second (revised) edition, 1892.
Chalk Beds of Texas. Washington Star, February 11, 1893.
Relief Model of Texas, made for Edwin E. Howell and incorporated in
his relief map of the United States.
The Cretaceous Formations of Mexico and their Relations to North
American Geographic Development. Am. J. Sc. (3) 45:307-324, map,
1893.
Tucumcari (New Mexico). Science 22:23-25, 1893.
Geology of Parts of Texas, Indian Territory and Arkansas adjacent to
Red River Region. G. Soc. Am. B. 5:297-338, map, 1894, Abst., Am. G.
13:208-209, 1894. Am. J. Sc, 3, 47-141, 1894.
Outlying Areas of the Comanche Series in Kansas, Oklahoma, and
New Mexico. Am. J. Sc, 3, 50:205-234, September 1895.
Descriptive Topographic Terms of Spanish America. Nat. Geog. Mag.
September, 1896.
Geology of the Edwards Plateau and the Rio Grande Plain, 18th An.
Rp. U.S.G.S. 1896 and 1898. (with T. W. Vaughan).
A Question of Classification (Jurassic-Cretaceous boundary). Science
n s 4:918-922, December 18, 1896: 5:921, 1897.
The alleged Jurassic of Texas; a Reply to Professor Jules Marcou.
Am. J. Sc. (4) 4:449-469, 1897.
Description of the Nueces Quadrangle (Texas) U.S.G.S. G. Atlas folio
(42) :4 pp, maps, 1898. (and T. W. Vaughan).
Igneous Rocks of Central Texas. Am. As. Adv. Sc. Toronto 1899.
Geology of the Valley of the Canadian River. Am. As. Adv. Sc. Toronto,
1899.
Classification of the Topographic Features of Texas, with remarks on
the areal distribution of the geological formations. Map. Am. As. Adv.
Sc. August 1899.
Map of Texas and part of adjoining territory. U.S.G.S. June, 1900.
(Including parts of Oklahoma and New Mexico).
Physical Geography of the Texas Region. Top. Atlas folio 3:l2pp, maps
and illustrations, 1900.
The great Chisos Rift along the Canyons of the Rio Grande, (abst)
Am. As., Pr. 69:189, 1900. Science n s 12:992, 1900.
Texas. (Political and Economic Aspects). Encyclopedia Brittanica,
Edinburg, 1900.
Geography and Geology of the Black and Grand Prairies of Texas,
with detailed Descriptions of the Cretaceous Formations and special
reference to Artesian Waters. U.S.G.S. An. Rp. 21, pt 7: 666 pp, il., maps,
1901.
The Coast Prairie of Texas. Science n s 14:326-328, 1901.
Running the Canyons of the Rio Grande. Century Magazine, January
1901.
Description of the Austin Quadrangle (Texas). U.S.G.S. G. Atlas Folio
(76) :8 pp, maps, April, 1902.
The Cinnabar Deposits of the Big Bend Province of Texas. Eng. Min.
J., 74:305-307, map, 1902.
School Geography of Texas. Supplement to Maury's Manual of Geog-
raphy. University Publishing Company, N. Y. 1903.
Origin of the Small Mounds of the Lower Mississippi Valley and
Texas, Science n s 23:704-706, 1906.
Two Limestone Formations of the Cretaceous of Texas which Trans-
gress Time Diagonally. Science n s Vol. LIII, No. 1365, 190-191, Feb-
ruary 25, 1921.
Investigation on the Red River made in connection with the Oklahoma-
Texas Boundary Suit. By E. H. Sellards, R. C. Tharp, and R. T. Hill.
U. T. Bul. 2327, Austin, August, 1923.
Records of the Supreme Court of the United States concerning the
Oklahoma-Texas Boundary Suit. (Testimony of R. T. Hill dealing with
the physiography of the Texas Region and Red River Country.) Vol.
VIII, 4418-4634, Washington, 1923.
Further Contributions to the Knowledge of the Cretaceous of Texas
and Northern Mexico. G. Soc. Am. Vol. 34, March 1923.
Further Contributions to the Knowledge of the Cretaceous of Texas
and Northern Mexico. G. Soc. Am. Vol. 34, March 1923. (A. Important
and newly discovered contact disconformities at the base and top of
the Gulf series, Upper Cretaceous in North Texas. B. Stratigraphic
position of the Buda limestones of the South Texas sections and their
relationship to the North Texas section. C. Changes of lithologic phase
in the Comanche series adjacent to the Rio Grande and notes on the
recurrence of deeper water limestone phases.)
Pioneering for Deep Water on the Texas Plains in the 50's. Dallas
News, March 17, 1929.
(Note: The fossils were the chief guide in unravelling the problems
of the Cretaceous system.)
Preliminary Annotated Check List of the Cretaceous invertebrate
Fossils of Texas, accompanied by a Short Description of the Lithology
and Stratigraphy of the System. Tex. G. S., Bui. 4, xxxi, 57 pp, 1889.
Check List of the Invertebrate fossils from the Cretaceous Formations
of Texas. 16, iv pp, Austin, Texas, 1889.
The Foraminiferal Origin of certain Cretaceous Limestones and the
Sequence of Sediments in North American Cretaceous. Am. Geol. 4:174-
177, 1889.
Notes on the Horizons of Texas Fossils. Am. Nat. 23; February 168,
169, 1889.
Occurrence of Goniolina in the Comanche Series of the Texas Creta-
ceous. Am. J. Sc. (3) 40: 64-65, 1890.
Paleontology of the Cretaceous formations of Texas, accompanied by
notes on their Geologic Distribution. Austin, 1889. (Summarized, revised
monograph)
On the Occurrence of Macraster Texanus, Roemer; Am. Nat. Vol. XXIII,
p 68, 1889.
Invertebrate Paleontology of the Trinity Division of the Comanche
Series. Proceedings Biol. Soc. Washington, 1893.
Invertebrate Fossils of the Caprina Limestone. Proceedings Biol. Soc.
Washington, 1893.
Discovery of a Dicotyledonous Flora in the Cheyenne Sandstone. Am.
J. Sc. 3, 49: 473, 1895.
The Lower Cretaceous Gryphaeas of the Texas Region. U.S.G.S. B.
151: 139 pp, maps, 1898 (and T. W. Vaughan).
Note: Other paleontologic data are included in some of the articles
listed under other headings.
Roads and Material for their Construction in the Black Prairie Region
of Texas. Univ. Texas., Austin, December 1889.
Soils and Minerals of Texas. Dallas News, January 3, 1889.
The Eagle Pass Coal Field. Eagle Pass Guide, Apr. 15, 1890.
Road Making. Austin Statesman, January 10, 1890.
Notes on Gold in Indian Territory and Mineral Resources of Texas.
Amer. Geol., April, 1891.
The Soils of Texas. Southern Mercury, Dallas, Jan. 15, 1891.
Clay Materials of the United States. U.S.G.S. Min. Res. 1891:474-528.
1892, 712-738. 1893, 603-617.
Travis County Roads. Austin Statesman, November 12, 1894.
Texas Gold Fields. Houston Post, December 3, 1897.
The French Viticultural Mission to the United States. By M. Pierre
Viala. Translation with an introduction and explanatory note. Austin,
1900.
Present Status of the Beaumont Oil Fields. Manufacturers' Record.
May 30, 1901.
Beaumont Oil Field. Galveston News. October, 1901.
The Cinnabar Deposits of the Big Bend Province of Texas. Eng. Min.
J., New York, September 6, 1902.
The Beaumont Oil Field and other Oil Fields of the Texas Region.
Journal Franklin Inst., Philadelphia, August 1902, and Transactions
Amer. Inst. Min. Eng., 1902.
Enrichment in Fissure Veins. Eng. Min. J., October 7, 1905.
Mining without Engineers. Eng. Min. J., Dec. 14, 1907.
(These papers are monographed in the work on the Black and Grand
Prairies of Texas, below.)
Artesian Wells of Texas. Fort Worth Gazette, July 23, 1887.
Artesian Water. Reflector, December 17, 1891.
On the Occurrence of Artesian and Other Underground Waters in
Texas, eastern New Mexico and Indian Territory West of the 97th
Meridian. U. S. Cong. 1st sess. Sen. Ex. Doc. 41, pt 3:41-166, map, 1892.
Second and revised edition, 1892.
Underground Waters in Arid Regions. Eng. Mag. August, 1892.
Deep Artesian Boring at Galveston, Texas. Am. J. Sc, November,
1892.
Artesian Waters in the Arid Regions. Pop. Sc. Monthly, New York,
March-April, 1893.
Artesian Irrigation. San An. D. Express, Nov. 13, 1895.
An Underground Sea. Pitts. Chron. Gaz., Nov. 10, 1895.
Geology of the Edwards Plateau and Rio Grande Plain adjacent to
Austin and San Antonio, with reference to the occurrence of underground
Waters. U.S.G.S. An. Rp. 18 pt. 2, il, maps, 1893 (T. W. Vaughan).
Failure of the Austin Dam. Eng. News Vol. XLII, April, 1900.
Geography and Geology of the Black and Grand Prairies of Texas.
Detailed Descriptions of the Cretaceous Formations; special reference
to artesian waters. U.S.G.S. An. Rp. 21, pt. 7,666 pp, il, maps, 1901.
The Transformation of the Desert. World's Work, April 1902.
Water, the King of the Desert. Min. World, Mar. 11, 1905.
Pioneering for Deep Water on the Texas Plains in the 50's. Dallas
News, March 17, 1929. . .
Austin. Austin Statesman, August 26, 1889.
Indian Territory. St. Louis Globe-Democrat, August 24, 1891,
Springs, Texas, to San Diego, California" by Maria Hargrave
Shrode in the Quarterly of the Historical Society of Southern
California, XXVI, 9-37.
From
Ox-Teams
to
Eagles
is the title of a fifty-two page
booklet history of the Texas and Pacific Railway. The fore-
word states, "Hardly a day passes, that we do not receive one
or more requests for historical information about the Texas
and Pacific Railway. These requests come from authors, schol-
ars, students, various organizations, railroad fans, and many
others." From
Ox-Teams
to
Eagles
is both informative and
enjoyable; it will be appreciated for its text, illustrations, and
drawings. Members desiring copies should communicate with
J. B. Shores, director of public relations, Texas and Pacific
Railway, Dallas, Texas.
Samuel Wood Geiser contributes the following chronology of
Dr. Ernst Kapp, geographer of early Texas. Professor Geiser
will be glad to send to students and interested persons reprints
of this information on Kapp. Requests for reprints should be
addressed to Professor Geiser at Southern Methodist Univer-
sity, Dallas 5, Texas.
John E. Rosser has the lead article, "G. B. Dealey of the
News,"
in the Southwest
Review
for Autumn, 1946. It is a
"flesh and blood consideration" of the mind and heart of the
man who institutionalized the News
for Dallas and for Texas.
Rosser shows Dealey as the first citizen of Dallas; he was also
a first citizen of the state. George Waverly Briggs said of
Mr. Dealey, "He had a genius for friendship," and Rosser shows
how he seemed to make an incessant quest for opportunities
to do the considerate thing. G. B. Dealey led a fruitful life
for his city and his state, and there are thousands who will
agree with Rosser that the chief artery of Dallas, Main Street,
should become Dealey Street.
A capsule of current history is found in James C. Olson's
"The AAF Historical Program," in Nebraska
History,
April,
1946. Major James Taylor, long-time member of the Associa-
tion, who has just returned from the Bikini tests to become
head of the social science division of Southwest Texas State
Teachers College, San Marcos, receives prominent notice in
several paragraphs:
The Air Forces' historical program for the Pacific Ocean Areas was
established in February, 1944, when Major James Taylor reported for
duty to the Commanding General of the Seventh Air Force. In civilian
life a college professor of history, and before going overseas historian
of the Army Air Forces Central Flying Training Command, with head-
quarters at Randolph Field, Texas, Major Taylor was in charge of the
Air Forces' historical program in the Pacific throughout the remainder
of the war. In this capacity he functioned from three different head-
quarters, each being in turn the highest air headquarters in the Pacific
Ocean Areas: The Seventh Air Force; Army Air Forces, Pacific Ocean
Areas; and United States Army Strategic Air Forces. In a sense, the
record of his transfers epitomizes the growth of Army air power in
the Pacific.
Full time historical officers were provided by Headquarters, AAF, in
Washington, for each command and air force headquarters. At the
war's end, Major Taylor had under him a dozen historical officers,
scattered across the Pacific from Hawaii to Iwo Jima and Okinawa.
All of them possessed advanced degrees in history, political science,
English, or education. Also, there were an equal number of enlisted men
in the program, most of whom were college trained.
Some mention should be made of the difficulties that beset the historian
whose cloister had become a quonset hut or a leaky pyramidal tent. . . .
The distances in the Pacific presented their own peculiar problems.
It was difficult to supervise the work of people spread out over 5,000
miles of water. Occasionally, this supervision brought with it experi-
ences other than academic. The following excerpt from a letter from
Major Taylor, the Air Force Historian in the Pacific, may be of interest:
"Monday at 7:00 I left via C-46 for Okinawa. There were only four
passengers and a heavy load of freight. About 350 miles out I was
standing- in the cabin conversing with the pilot when without warning
or any sort of advance indication, one engine popped and went dead.
The plane spun around a bit before the pilot got the dead propeller
feathered. The plane began to lose altitude rapidly—we all fell to
and began to jettison cargo and everything we could get our hands on--
and we continued to drop until we had gone all the way from 10,000
feet to less than 3,500. The pilot gave the signal to get everything
ready and stand by to ditch--and you can bet that we stood by with
Mae Wests on and life rafts ready. I wasn't scared, but I noticed that
my body was cold and I was shivering while I had developed a taste in
my mouth suggestive of a tablespoonful of quinine. Well, we didn't
ditch. At about 3,000 the plane leveled off, and we came in at that
altitude, flying for three hours on one engine."
In the Autumn, 1946, Southwest
Review,
Martin Wiesen-
danger has an article, "An Indian Foundation," the story of
the Thomas Gilcrease Foundation now partly domiciled at San
Antonio. The foundation attempts to record all possible aspects
of the spirit and expressions of the American Indian.
Also in the same issue Vernon Loggins writes on "Elisabet
Ney at Liendo Plantation."
The following persons and institutions are welcomed as new
members of the Association.
Mr. J. O. Webb
1500 Louisiana Street
Houston, Texas
Public Information Department
Extension Division
University of Oklahoma
Norman, Oklahoma
Mrs. E. L. Wilde
Box 927
Raymondville, Texas
Miss A. Bowden, Dean
San Antonio Junior College
2120 Dakota Street
San Antonio, Texas
Sanderson High School Library
Sanderson, Texas
Mr. R. R. Zierlein
Box 59
Goose Creek, Texas
Mrs. L. R. Wade
4011 Rosedale Avenue
Austin, Texas
Mr. Edwin E. Bewley, Jr.
1200 Western Avenue
Fort Worth, Texas
Mr. Walter P. Reynolds
Box 425
Olney, Texas
Mrs. Katharine S. Evans
2523 Avenue O
Galveston, Texas
Mr. David Wuntch
1614 West Fourteenth Street
Austin, Texas
Mr. J. B. Lawson, Superintendent
Rule Public Schools
Rule, Texas
Mr. S. Laird Swagert
Southwest Texas State Teachers
College
San Marcos, Texas
Mrs. E. A. Holmgreen
409 Goliad Street
San Antonio, Texas
Miss Lucy Banks
822 West Agarita Street
San Antonio, Texas
Mr. W. W. Ramsey
1725 Midland Building
Cleveland, Ohio
Mr. Joe S. Sheldon
Milam Building
San Antonio, Texas
Mrs. Lois M. Carmichael
826 West Summit Avenue
San Antonio, Texas
Mr. Tilford P. Collins
215 West Laurel Street
San Antonio, Texas
Mr. J. S. James, Jr.
4343 Shenandoah Avenue
Dallas, Texas
Mr. James B. Price
Box 753
Midland, Texas
Mrs. Jack H. Gateley
5909 Goliad Street
Dallas, Texas
Mr. and Mrs Robert G. Brown
Carthage, Texas
Mr. Francis B. May
605 West Twenty-Sixth Street
Austin, Texas
Mr. L. E. Livingston
3921 Purdue Street
Dallas, Texas
Mr. Wilson M. Hudson, Jr.
Main Building 1701
University of Texas
Austin, Texas
Mr. Terrell Bartlett
Smith-Young Tower
San Antonio, Texas
Mr. S. J. Treadaway
Box 150
Abilene, Texas
Dr. Claude Cody
Medical Arts Building
Houston, Texas
Mrs. Roland C. Kupper
422 Harrison Street
San Antonio, Texas
Mr. Bennett Lay
1820 West Main Street
Houston, Texas
Mrs. Marion R. McClanahan
227 Bronson-Alamo Heights
San Antonio, Texas
Mr. W. D. Dockery
Box 797
Austin, Texas
Dr. Edgar Gilcreest
2101 Sacramento
San Antonio, Texas
Mr. Virgil Ory Hagy
107 Crescent Avenue
San Antonio, Texas
Mrs. Anne Magee
403 North Closner
Edinburg, Texas
Mr. John L. Mortimer
4516 Potomac Avenue
Dallas, Texas
Miss Zelma Scott
Box 581
Conroe, Texas
Mr. Walter P. Freytag
La Grange, Texas
Mr. L. A. Lewis
2216 Salisbury Lane
Houston, Texas
Mr. Robert Easton
Route No. 2
Lampasas, Texas
Mr. R. E. Kilmer
Texas Highway Department
Beaumont, Texas
Mr. C. O. Dusek, Superintendent
Aldine School
Route 2, Box 487
Houston, Texas
Mrs. J. M. Falkner
2101 Bowman Road
Austin, Texas
Mrs. Evon Allen
305 North Toncahua Street
Corpus Christi, Texas
Dickinson High School Library
Dickinson, Texas
Abilene Christian College
Abilene, Texas
Mrs. H. E. Tomlinson
2187 Troon Road
Houston, Texas
Mr. Henry Steinbomer
502 Funston Street
San Antonio, Texas
Book Reviews
Hubert
Howe
Bancroft,
Historian
of
the
West.
By John Walton
Caughey. Berkeley and Los Angeles (University of Cali-
fornia Press), 1946. Pp. xiii+422. Illustrations. $5.00.
Nobody who has had occasion to use any portion of Hubert
Howe Bancroft's massive Works
has ever questioned the solid
value of his history; and appreciation and amazement have
usually increased in direct proportion to acquaintance and in-
tensity of use. The very magnitude and excellence of the pro-
duction, however, combined with Bancroft's tenacious claims to
responsible authorship of the whole and bitter controversies
concerning his methods have obscured the credit due for his
great contributions.
By any standard, Bancroft was a remarkable man and, in
some respects, a great one. Born in Ohio in 1832, he began his
business career in New York, peddling books from his brother-
in-law's store. He carried a stock of books and business sta-
tionery to California in 1852 and soon built the largest and
best book business in the West, including the printing and pub-
lishing of regional books and magazines. Before reaching the
age of thirty-five, he had established a fortune and felt able
to retire--an indulgence that he never quite allowed himself,
possibly because his business became complementary to his more
interesting intellectual industry. The conception of his great
library was fortuitous and expanded gradually to include a
comprehensive collection on the history of all the Pacific Coast
from Central America to Alaska and extending over the interior
eastward to Texas.
When the history project began, about 1870, the library had
grown to twenty thousand volumes, and its utilization for writ-
ing raised a problem which Bancroft attacked, much as he
would have approached any other business undertaking, by
organizing a crew of workers to index his material and make
topical notes according to a laboriously evolved plan. In the
course of this preliminary drudgery, some men showed ability
to write, and Bancroft encouraged them to submit independent
compositions. First and last, over a period of twenty years, he
used some six hundred people on various phases; of the task. A
dozen made direct contributions to the Works,
ranging from a
fourth of a volume to ten volumes. These estimates were made
by some of the more voluminous writers, who credit Bancroft
himself with slightly less than ten volumes. Granting the ac-
curacy of the bald statement, it ignores Bancroft's part in plan-
ning the index and in the taking of the notes, the overall organ-
ization of the work, and the general editorial direction. Though,
in the end, he gave less editorial attention to some of the vol-
umes--as Professor Caughey says--than he originally intended,
his experienced hand and well-stocked mind were always at
the helm.
This, in general, is the story that Professor Caughey tells
with vividness and a wealth of detail. For scholars in the field
of American history--particularly in western and Latin-Amer-
ican history--the book should have engrossing interest, because
to most of us Bancroft has been little more than an impersonal
bibliographical item, a name prefixed to the title of a sober but
indispensable volume and the creator of the Bancroft Library
now in the University of California at Berkeley. Others who still
admit a fondness for the Horatio Alger type of hero, progress-
ing by industry and assiduity to success and affluence, or those
on the other hand, who welcome an additional example of the
heartless tycoon turning to his own account the anonymous
labor of the poor—-both of these schools of sentiment should
enjoy the book from their respective points of view. For, as
a businessman, Bancroft was upright, considerate, enterprising,
and conspicuously successful; and, as a historian, he proudly
admitted that he applied business methods, even to the extent
of holding his staff to a working schedule stretching from seven
fifteen to six o'clock with a half hour for lunch. It is evident
that the author has a considerable liking for his subject and
an immense respect. He wishes that Bancroft had been more
generous in giving individual credit to some of his writers, but
quite properly he puts himself in the great historian's shoes
and renders judgment with diffidence.
In a sense, the book was easy to write, and one has the im-
pression, that Professor Caughey enjoyed writing it. Bancroft
himself was a voluminous and candid autobiographical writer,
and his own writings could furnish the thread of the narrative.
Thorough acquaintance with the Bancroft Library, in addition,
and with the thirty-nine volumes of the Works,
not to mention
a facile pen, enabled the author to give us a pleasing and useful
study. It properly places Bancroft in the gallery of great Amer-
ican historians, a position which Bancroft never would have
doubted was his due. The book follows Bancroft to his death in
1918 and the library into the University of California.
The University of Texas
Eugene C. Barker
Against
the
Current:
The
Life
of
Karl
Heinzen.
By Carl
Wittke. Chicago (University of Chicago Press), 1945.
Pp. x+342. Frontispiece. $3.75.
The first half of the title of this intensely interesting bio-
graphical study is part of a sentence which Heinzen wrote in
Der
Pionier
early in 1860. He was then nearing fifty-one
years of age and had neither money nor influence, nor had he
accomplished much either in Germany, his native land, or in
the United States, the land of his adoption. The complete
"against the current" sentence reads: "It is hard to swim
against the current, but it is upstream that one finds the
source, and the clearer, fresher water."
Karl Peter Heinzen was born on February 22, 1809, in
Grevenbroich in the district of Duesseldorf, Germany, to Joseph
Heinzen and Lisette Heinzen, née Schmitz. Heinzen spent eight
years in the gymnasium at Kleve and entered the University
of Bonn in 1827 to study medicine. Two years later the rector
of the university dismissed him because "of inattention to his
academic duties and too much student life." In 1835, after
six years of service both as a soldier in the Dutch foreign
legion and as a minor public official, he tried but failed to be
readmitted to the university to continue his medical studies.
Nothing characterizes Heinzen so much as his radicalism.
This was no doubt inherited from his father who in 1797
"agitated for the establishment of an independent republic on
the left bank of the Rhine, based on the French revolutionary
principles of the rights of man." Wittke blames Heinzen's
father, who was "severe and pedantic, rather than friendly,
flexible, and understanding," and says that he must "bear his
share of responsibility for a son who developed an untractable,
irascible, rebellious temperament which he could not shake off
during his entire lifetime." It may be, of course, that radical-
ism was just simply a part of Heinzen's nature and that the
revolutionary agitation of the late 1840's was the breeze that
fanned the flame.
Although important, Heinzen's activities in Europe need not
be considered in this review. His activities in the United
States need a great amount of attention, but they cannot be
dealt with as fully as one should like. Early in 1848 Heinzen
came to the United States on his first trip, became the editor
of the New York Deutsche
Schnellpost,
and immediately used
his position to espouse the cause of revolution. On March 25,
1848, he returned to Germany by way of London, Paris, and
Geneva and went "to Baden to join the uprising led by Fried-
rich Hecker." During this stay of over two years he really
accomplished nothing, but he had the opportunity to advocate
a federal German republic.
In October, 1850, Heinzen returned to the United States and
in rapid succession served as editor of the Schnellpost,
the
Deutsche
Zeitung,
and Janus
in New York, and of the Herold
des
Westens
in Louisville. After the accidental burning of the
Herold
on December 3, 1853, Heinzen started Der
Pionier,
"the
paper which he was to edit, in one place or another, for more
than a quarter of a century and on which his chief fame as
an American radical rests."
Heinzen published the Pionier
in Louisville, Cincinnati, and
New York during the first five years of its existence and then
moved it to Boston late in 1858 where, after his physical inca-
pacitation from a stroke of apoplexy on November 26, 1879, he
allowed the Pionier
to be merged with the Milwaukee Freiden
-
ker.
On Friday, November 12, 1880, Heinzen died at "Rock
Garden," his home in Boston, and was laid to rest three days
later in Forest Hills Cemetery.
It is well-nigh impossible to list all of the subjects that at-
tracted Heinzen's attention as a radical journalist. His major
interests, such as freedom of the press, rights for women, equal
rights for the negro, American democracy, education, social
reform without communism, a foreign policy, and the problems
of Americanizing the immigrant, are portrayed in the last
seven chapters of the book. The masthead of the Pioneer
always carried the words, "Liberty, Prosperity, and Education
for All." In his editorials and discussions Heinzen resorted to
epigram and to a "powerful, blasting, and biting invective"
which he used "all too frequently to his own disadvantage."
He had a "zest for personal combat" with the pen and made
"many enemies unnecessarily." The literary style of the
Pionier
"was equaled by few of its contemporaries and excelled
by none."
The bibliographical note of two pages indicates a prodigious
amount of research without which, however, this splendid book
and this understanding evaluation could not have been pro-
duced. Wittke read all of Heinzen's published works, the
complete file of the Janus
(1852), and a nearly complete file
of the Pionier
(1854-1879), besides many other German-
language newspapers, as well as manuscripts with additional
information. Although Heinzen has been the subject of three
monographs, Wittke's book will really make Karl Heinzen live
and will have its place not only in German-Americana but also
in Americana, for Heinzen became a true American.
The University of Texas
Rudolph L. Biesele
Saints
and
Strangers.
By George F. Willison. New York
(Reynal and Hitchcock), 1945. Pp. x+sl3. $3.75.
Quite in keeping with the practice used by printers in past
times of supplying the main title with a lengthy and descriptive
subtitle, Reynal and Hitchcock have provided Saints
and
Strangers
with a subtitle of thirty-eight words. The twenty-
four chapters, too, have titles, such as Seeds of Grace and
Vertue, Ye Lord's Free People, The Season of Gentle Showers,
Unsavorie Salte, Purge of Joylitie, and Into ye Briars, which
are quite in keeping with the language of the Saints. In other
ways, too, the author and publishers have caught and portrayed
the spirit of New Plymouth, the first English settlement of
continuous endurance on the New England coast. For this, as
for many other points, the author and publishers deserve com-
mendation.
For the average reader, footnotes are a hindrance, and in
this book the reader's convenience was respected by placing
them in the back. There are twenty-six pages of footnotes, and
these the average historian, as I know him, would have been
glad to see at the bottom of the pages on which the occasion
for their use arose. Perhaps other readers would have enjoyed
reading them, thus conveniently placed.
In the preface Mr. Willison makes clear his reasons for
writing this book. He has found the Pilgrims "praised for
accomplishing what they never attempted or intended." He
has found them also "even more foolishly abused for possessing
attitudes and attributes quite foreign to them." Again, he
has found that "they are still generally confused--to their great
disadvantage--with the Puritans who settled to the north of
them around Boston Bay." He has, therefore, decided to let
the Saints and Strangers of New Plymouth "tell their own
story ... in their own words. They were always quite able
to speak for themselves," he says, "and never had any diffi-
dence in doing so. They wrote marvelous letters, as fresh and
crisp today as when penned three centuries ago. Though rela-
tively few, their chronicles are remarkably rich in the very
stuff of human life. They will stand forever as a bright clear
mirror of all the hopes and fears that lie closest to men's
hearts."
Besides the notes in the back of the book, there is an Appen-
dix A, which contains the names of all the settlers in New
Plymouth--saints, strangers, and others--a total of 362 per-
sons. Down through the years four presidents have descended
from the Mayflower
immigrants: Zachary Taylor, Ulysses S.
Grant, William Howard Taft, and Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
Appendix B lists the officers of the Old Colony and of the
Pilgrim Church. A selective bibliography covering eight pages
and listing two hundred works of various kinds, under the
headings of Pilgrim Works and Documents, Other Contemp-
orary Sources, and General and Special, indicates the pains-
taking work performed by the author to get the facts for the
story. The index of nineteen pages appears ample.
And the story? Well, I have refrained from discussing any
of its salient points since I felt that I could not do them justice.
After all, you will want to read the story, as many others have
done. I think I can assure you that you will not be satisfied
with reading less than the whole book and that you will find
the chapter entitled "Apotheosis" very revealing.
The University of Texas
Rudolph L. Biesele
The
United
States,
1865-1900:
A
Survey
of
Current
Literature
with
Abstracts
of
Unpublished
Dissertations.
Curtis Wis-
well Garrison (ed.). Fremont, Ohio (The Hayes Founda-
tion), 1945. Volume 111, January 1, 1944-December 31,
1944. Pp. 304. $1.00.
The general objective of this annual publication is "to assess
the year's output of books and articles on the history of our
country in the last third of the nineteenth century." The
editor emphasizes that what is desired from the appraiser is
an evaluation of the contribution each article or book makes
to knowledge, not simply an ordinary review of the material.
The editor acknowledges in the preface that "there can be
no definitive conception of what is a contribution to knowledge
and what constitutes 'history,'" and states that after the
fifth volume, the plan of the Survey
may be reorganized and
a cumulative study issued which will attempt to consider
knowledge from more than an academic point of view. By its
program, this series renders two valuable services not easily
possible to other publications: it relates new writing to old
work in a field, and it emphasizes the "haphazard and anarchic
state of historical production."
The Survey
is divided into the following sections: Political
and Constitutional, International Relations, Social and Eco-
nomic, Educational and Intellectual, Religion, Literature and
Art, Regional and State. Each section is introduced by a state-
ment of its editor emphasizing the year's contribution to the
field.
There are a number of items appraised which are of special
interest to Quarterly
readers. Walter Prescott Webb's revised
edition of Divided
We
Stand,
included in Regional and State,
the South, is cited in four other sections as well. A
Collection
of
Hayne
Letters,
issued by the University of Texas Press,
Marion Humphreys Farrow's The
Texas
Democrats,
and J.
Evetts Haley's George
W.
Littlefield,
Texan,
are appraised in
the South section also. Locomotives
of
the
Katy,
listed in the
Middle West, touches on Texas railroading. In the Southwest
section two articles from the Quarterly
are included. Colonel
M. L. Crimmins' "Elliott Roosevelt's Visit to Texas in 1876-
1877" (XLVIII, 186-192) is appraised as follows: "Based upon
documentary evidence and personal interviews, its authenticity
is unquestioned. Aside from being a distinct contribution to
western literature, it has added appeal because of the personal-
ities involved." Susan Frances Lomax's "A Trip to Texas"
(XLVIII, 254-261) is praised as being "unique and interesting
within itself; it constitutes a valuable addition to the personal
accounts of early immigrants to the southwest."
The
United
States,
1865-1900,
offers any worker in history
a tool otherwise unavailable. One need scan only a few pages
to get some idea of all the avenues of research pointed out.
It is too early to measure the effects of the volumes on Ameri-
can historiography, but, as the series continues its emphasis
on relation of new material to old and on the desirability of
a meaningful pattern in research, it is entirely possible that
its influence may be pronounced. The present volume is, on
the whole, an improvement over Volume II, and the policy of
the editor promises increasing improvement as each study is
issued.
The University of Texas
Betty Brooke Eakle
Memoirs
of
Elisha
Oscar
Crosby:
Reminiscences
of
California
and
Guatemala
from
1849
to
186
4.
Edited by Charles
Albro Barker. San Merino (Huntington Library), 1945.
Pp. xxvi+ll9. $2.75.
Crosby's is one of the many California reminiscences reduced
to writing in the late seventies at the instigation of Hubert
Howe Bancroft. Bancroft made use of the statement, and
various historians since his day have followed his lead, but it
remained for Professor C. A. Barker and the Huntington Li-
brary to publish it in full.
the California gold discovery, and he scrambles the schedule
of sailings in the fall of 1848. On other matters, however, he
is most illuminating, particularly so when it comes to presenting
the spirit of the times. An instance is his passing remark
on the phrase "I'm from Pike," a stock expression as universal
and as meaningless in 1849 as today's "Kilroy was here."
Traveling to California as a deluxe forty-niner, a preferred
passenger on the Panama route, he chose law practice rather
than gold mining, served in the constitutional convention in
1849, and as a member of the Legislature of a Thousand Drinks
(so-called because Texan Thomas J. Green kept moving
adjournment for liquid refreshment), and had ample oppor-
tunity to observe the working out of the federal policy on
California land titles. These matters he discusses at length.
In another section he tells about his diplomatic mission to
Guatemala in 1861-1864, an ill-advised and poorly timed effort
at negro colonization. Finally, as a sort of appendix, he adds
a few California anecdotes, informative as to the folkways
of this frontier, but of only incidental significance.
The editor, Professor Barker of Johns Hopkins, though not
altogether sure-footed on this particular terrain, has done a
meticulous job, and the publisher has designed a pleasing
format.
University of California at Los Angeles
John Walton Caughey
Book Notes
The Smith
College
Studies
in
History
have completed (by
the end of 1945) thirty years of continuous publication. Dur-
ing that period they have published fifty-five books and mono-
graphs. Twenty-one of them concerned American general, social,
and cultural history; ten, the social and economic development
of the Connecticut Valley; four, United States foreign relations
and diplomatic history; seven, English history (mediaeval and
modern) ; and eleven, European history (one ancient, two me-
diaeval, five Renaissance and early modern period, three Europe
since the French Revolution). Of the two remaining Studies,
one, by Harold J. Laski, dealt with "the problem of administra-
tion areas" and the other with the history of the Smith College
department of history and government from 1875 to 1920.
Special emphasis was given to "regional" history. The first
volume of the Studies
was an "Introduction of the History of
Connecticut as a Manufacturing State," and during the last
years the results of the research of the Connecticut Valley
Council of Industrial Studies have been published in the Studies.
But from the beginning the Studies
intended to cover as wide
a field in historical scholarship as possible. The second year
of publication started with Sidney B. Fay's "The Hohenzollern
Household and Administration in the Sixteenth Century," and
before long, monographs as varied at William D. Gray's "Study
of the Life of Hadrian prior to his Accession" and Elizabeth
A. Foster's "Le dernier séjour de J. J. Rousseau à Paris 1770-
1778" appeared under the imprint of the Smith
College
Studies.
As to the fields covered, the following Studies
may give a suf-
ficient suggestion: Marcus Hansen, "German Schemes of Col-
onization Before 1860"; J. Fred Rippy, "The Historical
Background of the American Policy of Isolation"; Merle Curti,
"Bryan and World Peace"; Eunice M. Shuster, "Native Ameri-
can Anarchism"; Sidney R. Packard, "Records of the Norman
Exchequer, 1199-1204"; Vera L. Brown, "Studies in the History
of Spain in the Second Half of the 18th Century"; Florence A.
Gragg and Leona C. Gabel, "The Commentaries of Pius II";
L. S. Stavrianos, "Balkan Federation."
The Smith
College
Studies
in
History
aim primarily to afford
a medium for publication by present and former members of
the Smith College faculty and by former students of the col-
lege. Contributors are invited to communicate with Professor
Hans Kohn, Smith College, Northampton, Mass. Complete
lists of the fifty-five works so far published will be sent upon re-
quest by the Smith College Library, Northampton, Mass. Orders
for copies or requests for exchange should also be addressed to
the Smith College Library.
Contributors
Frank
D.
Reeve,
"The Apache Indian in Texas," is professor
of history in the University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, where
he is editor of the New
Mexico
Historical
Review.
Reeve holds
the B.A., M.A., and Ph.D. degrees from the University of Texas
and is the writer of several studies on Texas and New Mexico
Indians.
Luther
H.
Evans,
"Texana in the Nation's Capital," is Libra-
rian of Congress, Washington, D. C. A native Texan, Evans
holds the B.A. and M.A. degrees from the University of Texas.
After taking his Ph.D. at Leland Stanford, he began teaching
at that university; later he taught at New York University,
Dartmouth, and Princeton. He was appointed chief assistant
librarian of the Library of Congress in 1940 and advanced to
head librarian in 1945. Evans, who is well known as a writer
of governmental studies, presented this article as the luncheon
speaker at the 1946 Association meeting.
Henry
R.
Maresh,
"The Czechs in Texas," was born in Burle-
son County. He took his M.D. at the University of Texas in 1919
and served as a first lieutenant in the Medical Reserve Corps of
the United States Army from 1918 to 1920. Dr. Maresh is co-
author of The
Czech
Pioneers
of
the
Southwest
(1934) and
associate editor of the Encyclopedia
Slavonica.
He has served
as president of the Texas Czech Ex-Student Association of the
University of Texas and as president of the Texas Czech Mu-
seum. His present residence is Houston, Texas.
Gene
Hollon,
"The Kerrville Cedar Axe," is beginning his sec-
ond year as a member of the history faculty of the University
of Oklahoma. After completing the work for his Ph.D. degree
at the University of Texas, Hollon went to Schreiner Institute
at Kerrville, where he was head of the social science depart-
ment and a ground school instructor in the Navy V-5 program.
Hollon's account, "Captain Charles Schreiner, the Father of the
Hill Country," appeared in the Quarterly
for October, 1944.
Sarah
Elizabeth
Lewis,
"Digest of Congressional Action on
the Annexation of Texas," received her B.A. from Southwest
Texas State Teachers College and her M.A. from the University
of Texas. At present she is a history teacher in the Reagan
Public Schools, Reagan, Texas.
How to cite:
Volume 50, Number 2, Southwestern Historical Quarterly Online, http://www.tsha.utexas.edu/publications/journals/shq/online/v050/n2/issue.html
[Accessed Sat Mar 20 17:35:53 CDT 2010]
